¹ There are two slightly different versions of the instructions. The first is SCA, MS A, V, 1 (1); the second, ARSI, Instit 188, ff. 293-294. The first was published in Leo, Hicks, ed. Letters and Memorials of Father Robert Parsons, S. J. (London, 1942) CRS 39, pp. 316–321,Google Scholar Cf. those pages also for a discussion of the differences between the two manuscripts.

² The only previous Jesuit mission to the British Isles was the fruitless and frustrating legation of Paschase Broet and Alfonso Salmerón to Ireland in 1541. Here too we encounter a similar insistence on the rejection of alms and the avoidance of money. Sent to prevent the spread of the heretical ideas of King Henry VIII, the Jesuits were cautioned by Ignatius Loyola not even to “touch any of the money connected with the mission.” Ignatius exhorted them to proceed in their task without accepting any reward—not even alms—on account of their ministries. If it were necessary, they could accept alms for their sustenance but they could neither solicit nor accept them in return for services rendered. Any surplus was to be distributed among the poor. Their charity to all and their zeal for salvation should be edifying. Cf. William, V. Bangert, S. J., Claude Jay and Alfonso Salmerón (Chicago, 1985) pp. 167–171;Google Scholar Monumento Ignatiana, Vol. 1 (Madrid, 1903)Google Scholar Monumento Histórica Societatis Iesu I, 174-181, 727-731; William Young, J., ed.; Letters of St. Ignatius of Loyola (Chicago, 1959) p. 52.Google Scholar

³ For an analysis of the arguments that led to the initiation of the mission, cf. Thomas, M. McCoog., S. J., ‘The Establishment of the English Province of the Society of Jesus,’ Recusant History 17 (1984) 122–125.Google Scholar

⁴ This press was set up in a ‘large and fair house’ located ‘near a place they called Greenstreet’ between five and seven miles from London. Cf. Southern, A. C.. Elizabethan Recusant Prose 1559-1582 (London, 1950) p. 354.Google Scholar

⁵ Robert Parsons to the Cardinal Protector, 14 June 1581, in Pollen, J. H., ed., ‘Father Parsons’ Memoirs’ in Miscellanea IV (London, 1904) CRS 4, pp. 13–15.Google Scholar

⁶ ‘A Way to Deal with Persons of all Sorts as to Convert them and Bring them back to a Better Way of Life—Based on the System and Methods used by Robert Parsons and Fr. Edmund Campion’ in Hicks, Letters and Memorials, pp. 331-340.

⁷ General Acquaviva to William Allen, 23 December 1581, in Patrick, Ryan, ed., ‘Some Correspondence of Cardinal Allen, 1579-85; From the Jesuit Archives’ in Miscellanea VII (London, 1911) CRS 9, pp. 85–87.Google Scholar

⁸ Relevant documents arc published in Hicks, Letters and Memorials, pp. 340-347. For a description of the collection in Rome, cf. the Annual l etter of the English College, 1582 published in Henry, Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus (Roehampton and London, 1875–1883) VI, 82–83.Google Scholar

⁹ The Catholics did manage to get some money out of the country. Lord Cobham wrote to Secretary Walsingham on 30 January 1581/2 that 400 crowns had arrived from London for the seminary. The benefactors were ‘Mr. Roper of King's Bench, Hopkins of London, Dr. Smith the physician, of London, one Burgen of Hertfordshire, and one Bustern of Oxfordshire’ and others whose names were not known to Lord Cobham (PRO, SP 78/7/17).

¹⁰ PRO, SP 78/7/63.

¹¹ General Acquaviva to William Allen, 10 October 1583, in Ryan, ‘Some Correspondence of Cardinal Allen,’ pp. 91-95. By this time, reports had already reached Walsingham that the ‘Governor’ of the Jesuits was furnishing some financial support to the Catholics both in England and in exile (PRO. SP 78/8/123; 78/9/68).

¹² Cf. Thomas, M. McCoog, S. J., ‘The Finances of the English Province of the Society of Jesus in the Seventeenth Century: Introduction,’ Recusant History 18 (1986) 23.Google Scholar

¹³ Presumably cither the restriction against the active solicitation of alms had been lifted or Parsons had limited his begging to the few loyal friends.

¹⁴ Robert Parsons to Father Agazzari, 23 July 1584, in Hicks, Letters and Memorials, pp. 216-217.

¹⁵ Cf. Philip, Caramen, Henry Garnet (1565-1606) and the Gunpowder Plot (London, 1964) pp. 45–46.Google Scholar One of Wasingham's spies attended the conference and, within one month, the Secretary knew of the plan (PRO. SP 12 178/39; 12/178. 72 both of which are published in John, Morris, ed., Two Missionaries under Elizabeth (London, 1891) pp. 155–156,Google Scholar 158-159) Lord Vaux had earlier been involved in the transfer of letters and monies to the continent (PRO, SP 78 7 17; 78 7 50).

¹⁶ For these instructions, cf. Hicks, Letters and Memorials, pp. 355-357.

¹⁷ Cf., McCoog, ‘The Finances of the English Province,’ 23 and Regulae Societatis lesu (Rome, 1582) pp. 18–19.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Caraman, Henry Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot, pp. 45-46, 104, 165, 172-173; Henry Garnet to Claudio Acquaviva, 13 May 1593, 10 June 1593, and 15 August 1594, ARSI, Fondo Gcsuitico 651 624; same to same, 16 April 1596, SCA, Anglia II, 16 and ARSI, Anglia 31 1, f. 129. This problem was not unique to the English mission. Since the Irish mission also lacked a novitiate, its candidates were placed wherever there were available spaces. Originally the general took as many men as possible into the Roman novitiate. The rest were sent to the novitiates in Spain and the Spanish Netherlands. Later novices were sent to France and Germany. Unlike the English mission, the Irish was not permitted to accept even secular priests into the Society in Ireland without a novitiate on the continent. The necessity of leaving Ireland for the novitiate resulted in few secular priests becoming Jesuits and, thus, slowed the growth of the mission. This restriction was not lifted until 1624. The expenses of the Irish novices in continental houses of formation was also an issue. Generally, the mission had to pay only the travelling costs. Cf. Fergus, M. O'Donoghue, S. J., ‘The Jesuit Mission in Ireland: 1598-1651’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis. The Catholic University of America. 1981) pp. 40, 90, 96, 128.Google Scholar 156ff. It is highly unlikelv Acquaviva complied with Garnet's request. Acquaviva was elected general in 1581 despite the fact that Mannaerts had been the vicar since the death of Everard Mcrcurian in August 1580. Mannaerts had been disqualified because of charges of ambition. Towards the end of the 16th century, his involvement in the always muddy waters of English politics and his unsolicited advice to the leaders of the English mission caused some embarrassment to the general. He had to be reminded that such sensitive matters must be left to others. Cf. Thomas H. Clancy, S. J., An Introduction to Jesuit Life (St. Louis, 1976) pp. 120, 136.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Caraman, Henry Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot, p. 173; Christopher, Devlin, The Life of Robert Southwell: Poet and Martyr (London, 1956) pp. 141, 221;Google Scholar John Gerard, The Autobiography of an Elizabethan, translated by Philip, Caraman (London, 1951) pp. 25. 27, 52, 180;Google Scholar PRO. SP 12 249 44; 14/19/16; 14 216/200.

²⁰ “Cardinal Sega's report of 1596, although it exonerated the Jesuits of the charges, complained of the chaotic state of the college's accounts. He cited areas in which greater economy could be practised. One was the curtailment of the fine dinners given on recreation days (cf. Foley, Records, VI, 65). For the role that these charges played in the disputes at the English College, cf. Anthony, Kenny, ‘The Inglorious Revolution 1594-1597,’ The Venerabile 16 (1954) 240–258;Google Scholar 17 (1954-55) 7-25; 77-92; 136-155. For a more detailed analysis of the Sega report, including the hypothesis that Robert Parsons wrote the introductory section, cf. Godfrey Anstruther, O. P., ‘The Sega Report,’ The Venerabile 20 (1961) 208–223.Google Scholar

²¹ AAW, V, 22, 29, 30 (all published in Penelope, Renold, ed., The Wisbech Stirs (1595-1598) (London, 1958) CRS 51;Google Scholar IT, Petyt MSS 538, vol. 38, ff. 333, 337, 347, 379, 391 (published in Law, T. G., ed., The Archpriest Controversy (London, 1896));Google Scholar ‘Historical Narrative of John Bennett, Priest 1621,’ edited by Raymund, Stanfield in Miscellanea XII (London, 1921) CRS 22, p. 140;Google Scholar PRO, SP 12/262/66; 12/269/27; 15/34/39. For a more detailed presentation of the accusations and the rebuttals, cf.Christopher Bagshaw, A True Relation of the Faction begun at Wisbech in Law, T.G., ed., AHistorical Sketch of the Conflicts between Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1889) pp. 100–102,Google Scholar 115; and Leo, Hicks, ed. The Letters of Thomas Fitzherbert. 1608-1610 (London, 1948) CRS 41, p. 131 Google Scholar footnote 41. Many of the appellant accusations continued well intothe seventeenth century. Indeed, the Venetian ambassador believed that the Bishop of Chalcedon wasintroduced into England in order to take certain collections out of the hands of the Society (Calendarof State Papers, Venice, 1626-1628, pp. 408, 622).

²² Henry Garnet to Father Acquaviva, 10 December 1596, SCA, Anglia II, 19, William Weston to Acquaviva, 27 March 1598, ARS1, Fondo Gesuitico 651/624; Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial [March 1598], ARSI, Anglia 30/11, ff. 364-366 (all three are published in Renold, The Wisbech Stirs); Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts, pp. 138-139; Garnet to the general, 16 April 1596, SCA, Anglia II, 16 and ARSI, Anglia 31/1, ff. 129-132; same to same, 11 June 1597, SCA, Anglia II, 29; same to Robert Parsons, 18 March 1598, SCA, Coll P, f. 597; same to [Parsons?!, 20 May 1598, SCA, Coll P, f. 551, same to [?], 9 September 1598, ARSI, Anglia 38/11, f. 182.

²³ For a discussion of the isses that troubled certain segments of the Catholic community, cf. John, Bossy, The English Catholic Community 1570-1850 (London, 1976)Google Scholar and Arnold, Pritchard, Catholic Loyalism in Elizabethan England (London, 1979).Google Scholar

²⁴ McCoog, ‘The Establishment of the English Province,’ 126-128.

²⁵ APSI, 46/5a/2 (Cardwell Transcripts III) 375. This was repeated verbatim in the 1606 revision. The 1606 version is included in Francis, Edwards, ed., The Elizabethan Jesuits (Londn, 1981) pp. 298–307.Google Scholar

²⁶ This is explained in greater detail in McCoog, ‘The Finances of the English Province’, 15-23.

²⁷ Cf. McCoog, ‘The Finances of the English Province,’ 17.

²⁸ Cons. 5, 326, 330, 419, 557, 775, 776, Formula of the Institute 5.

²⁹ The full story of the problems that created considerable friction between the Spanish Jesuits and their English brethren has not yet been told. I touch on some of the issues in ‘The Establishment of the English Province,’ 126-133.

³⁰ Foley, Records. VI 64.

³¹ I am indebted to Dr. Anthony Kenny for this information. In the 1950s, Dr. Kenny wrote a two-part article on ‘Robert Parsons and the English College in Rome’ which he then submitted to The Month. It was never published. Dr. Kenny has kindly consented to allow me to use it in my own research but cautioned me that it had not been altered in any way since its rejection.

³² Henry Garnet to Robert Parsons, 10 June 1598, SCA, Anglia II, 37.

³³ Father Hicks thought that some of the accusations about Garnet's misappropriation of alms resulted from a misunderstanding of the money that he sent abroad (The Letters of Thomas Fitzherbert. p. 133, footnote 41). That may be so but I found no letters that predated the accusations.

³⁴ PRO SP 12/271/31, 32.

³⁵ SP 12/271/105. Among the Petyt MSS, there is an unsigned letter to Giulio Piccioli of the same date. The letter, probably by Garnet, contained instructions on the payment of debts (IT, Petyt MSS 538, vol. 47, f. 199).

³⁶ McCoog, Cf., ‘The Establishment of the English Province,’ 134–135.Google Scholar

³⁷ Henry Garnet to Robert Parsons, 22 October 1600, SCA, Coll P, f. 536.

³⁸ PRO, SP 12/287/48, 49.

³⁹ Henry Garnet to [?], 29 August [1604], APSI, 46/12/2 England and Spain conducted negotiationsto conclude their long war throughout the summer of 1604. Spain once again clearly considered herself the defender of the English Catholics and sought to include in the treaty a clause for their relief (Cf. John J. La Rocca, S. J. ‘Who Can't Pray With Me, Can't Love Me’: Toleration and the Early Jacobean Recusancy Policy,’ Journal of British Studies 23 (1984) 22–36).Google Scholar Perhaps the cessation of hostilities between the two countries made the acceptance of Spanish pensions possible and permissible.

⁴⁰ Earlier Garnet had some assistance from a layman, Richard Fulwood, who took charge of Garnet's London business whenever Garnet was out of the city (Caraman, Henry Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot, p. 105).

⁴¹ Henry Garnet to Anne Vaux, 3 March, 3 April, n.d. [April?], PRO, SP 14/216/242; SP 14/20/11;SP 14/216/245. All three are published in Foley, Records, IV, 103-105, 107-108, 109.

⁴² SCA, Anglia IV, 38, 58; MS A, III, 3 (21) and (41). William Trumbull reported to Sir Thomas Edmondes on 8 November 1609 that Baldwin received £7,000 annually from the Catholics (HMC Downshire II, 173-174). Reputedly Jane Shelley demised lands and left them to the Society in 1611 (PRO, SP 14/65/45).

⁴³ Acts of the Privy Council 1613-1614. pp. 338-339. Cf. also Allison, A. F., ‘Who was John Brereley? The Identity of a Seventeenth-Century Controversialist.” Recusant History 16 (1982) 17–41,CrossRefGoogle Scholar especially footnote 19.

⁴⁴ SCA, MS A, III 3 (6); Talbot's declaration is in Foley, Records, VI, 538.

⁴⁵ This letter is published in Albert, J. Loomie, S. J., ed. Spain and the Jacobean Catholics, vol. 1 (London, 1973) CRS 64, pp. 66–69.Google Scholar Cf. also ‘A Report on the Catholics in England.’ circa December 1610, pp. 179-181 in the same volume.

⁴⁶ Annual Letter of the English Province 1619, APSI, MS 46/24/1 (Morris Transcrips) p. 429 (translated in Letters and Notices 58 (1878) 282); Joseph Creswell to Cardinal Capatan, 12 February 1616, Calendar of State Papers, Milan 1385-1618, pp. 657-659; Cornwallis to the Privy Council. 9 January 1607 (o.s.) and same to Salisbury, 10 January 1607 (o.s.) in Edmund, Sawyer, ed., Memorialsof State in the Reigns of Q Elizabeth and K James I (London, 1725)Google Scholar [Winwood's Memorials] II, 365, 368-369; Calendar of State Papers, Venice 1610-1613, pp. 419-420; Calendar of State Papers, Venice 1629-1632, p. 271.

⁴⁷ Annual Letter of the English Province 1619, APSI, MS 46/24/1 (Morris Transcripts) pp. 429-431 (translated in Letters and Notices 58 (1878) 282).

⁴⁸ General to John Salisbury, 20 March 1621, ARSI. Anglia 1/1. f. 133v; same to Richard Blount. 24 April 1621, Ibid. f. 135. Cf. also Michael Williams, E., The Venerable English College Rome (London, 1979) pp. 36–37.Google Scholar In the first part of his unpublished ‘Father Parsons and the English College in Rome,’ Dr. Kenny drew attention to a few examples of rather questionable book keeping procedures practised by Parsons. Without calling into question either Parsons's accounting skills or his honesty, we should, perhaps, understand these incidents in light of the complex financial relationship between the college and the mission.

⁴⁹ ARSI; Fondo Gesuitico 457, ff. 56-59.

⁵⁰ General to Richard Blount, 29 May 1621. ARSI, Anglia 1/1, f. 137v; same to same, 27 November 1621, Ibid., f. 148v; same to same, 5 March 1622, Ibid., f. 152v; same to same, 5 March 1622, Ibid., f. 153v; same to Joseph Creswell, 26 March 1622, Ibid., f. 156; same to same, 9 July 1622, Ibid., f. 160; same to Blount, 30 July 1622, Ibid., f. 161. The origin of the debt remains unexplained. Was it the result of mismanagement? Had the Society lost something entrusted to it? Perhaps further investigation into the records of the college will answer these questions.

⁵¹ Edwin, H. Burton and Thomas, L. Williams, editors, The Douay College Diaries, vol. 1 (London, 1911) CRS 10, p. 384.Google Scholar Cf. also pp. 369-370.

⁵² General to Henry Silesdon (vere Bedingfeld), 11 June 1622, ARSI, Angela 1/1, f. 158V; same to Owen Shelley, 30 September 1622, Ibid., f. 162V.

⁵³ General to Richard Blount, 20 August 1622, ARSI, Anglia 1/1, ff. 161V-162.

⁵⁴ For the full story, cf. McCoog, ‘The Establishment of the English Province,’ 133 ff.

⁵⁵ For a more detailed explanation of the use of trusts, cf. Thomas, M. McCoog, ‘The Creation of the First Jesuit Communities in England,’ The Heythrop Journal 28 (1987) 43–46.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid., passim.

⁵⁷ General to Richard Blount, 8 April 1623, ARSI, Anglia 1/1, f. 169v; same to John, Norton (vere Knatchbull), 29 April 1623, Ibid., f. 172.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ ARSI, Congr 59, ff. 114-117v.

⁵⁹ SCA, MS A, III, 3(33). Many of the papers consulted by the procurators are contained in this volume. For related information, cf. Anglia III, 124; IV, 38. 58, 63, 65, 66; VI, 88; VII, 68, 69.

⁶⁰ Richard Man (vere Blount) to fa Jesuit superior), 19 July 1623, PRO, SP 16/99/1M (printed in Foley, Records, I, 128-129).