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Amphora Inscriptions – Legionary Supply?1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 November 2011

Bezeczky
Bezeczky
Affiliation:
Karmarschgasse 72/23, Vienna
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Britannia , Volume 27 , November 1996 , pp. 329 - 336
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Copyright © Dr Bezeczky 1996. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

2 Bezeczky, T., Amphorenfunde vom Magdalensberg und aus Pannonien, Ein Vergleich, Archaologische Forschungen zu den Grabungen auf dem Magdalensberg XII (1994), 69–77.Google Scholar

3 It is difficult to identify the exact type.

4 Liou, B., ‘Insertions peintes sur amphores: Fos (suite), Marseille, Toulon, Port-la-Nautique, Aries, Saint-Blaise, Saint-Martin-de-Crau, Maçon, Calvi’, Archaeonautica VII (1987), 66–9Google Scholar, and detailed bibliography. Another possibility is mentioned by D. Manacorda, ‘Anfore spagnole a Pompei, in L'Instrumentum domesticum di Ercolano e Pompei (1977), 127–8.

5 Kandler, M., ‘Die archaologischen Forschungen der Lagerstadt vom Carnuntum im Jahre 1983’, Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft der Freunde Carnuntums 1/84 (1984), 16Google Scholar, read it as C. Aconius; Gassner, V., (1989) ‘Amphoren aus Carnuntum, Überlegungen zu ihrem wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen Aussagewert’, MünstBeitr viii (1989), 53Google Scholar, Abb.I.

6 I am grateful to G. Alföldy for this information; similar examples of the letter ‘q’ are found on Dressel 20 amphorae, e.g. E. Rodríquez-Almeida, Il Monte Testaccio (1984), fig. 83.

7 Domaszewski, A. von and Dobson, B., Die Rangordnung des römischen Heeres, 2 (1967), 93.Google Scholar

8 CIL III.13479; E. Vorbeck, Militärinschriften aus Carnuntum (1980), No. 346; Fitz, J., ‘Prosopographia Pannonica I’, Alba Regia xxiii (1987), 259Google Scholar, No. 6.

9 CIL XI.2699; Fitz, op. cit. (note 8), 259, No. 7.

10 CIL XI.5992; Fitz, op. cit. (note 8), 260, No. 8.

11 CIL XVI.18, e.g. A. Mócsy, Die Bevölkerung von Pannonien bis zu den Markomankriegen (1959), 262, No. 231/1.

12 A. Mócsy Pannonia and Upper Moesia (1974), 136 = CIL III.11463.

13 W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen (1904), 67, 301. A recently discovered inscription also confirms the Etruscan origin of the name, which was found in the territory of Forum Novum, G. Filippi, Reggio IV, Sabina et Forum Novum, Supp. Italica NS 5 (1989), No. 34.

14 Rome: CIL VI.1780; 2447; 2762; 10543; 10544; 13175; 32522 c II. 8; 32640 I, 23; 34206; Germania: CIL XIII.6101; 6425; 8226; 11007; Dalmatia: CIL III.811; 2075; 5013; 65485; 6586; 7309.

15 This amphora was mentioned first at the beginning of the present century: W. Kubitschek and S. Frankfurter, Führer durch Carnuntum (1904), 59, Abb. 84, but the titulus pictus was not published then. It is read in D. Gabler and A. Rauchenwald, ‘Töpferkunst und Keramikindustrie’, in W. Jobst (ed.), Carnuntum das Erbe Roms an der Donau, Katalog der Austellung des Archäologischen Museums Carnuntinum in Bad Deutsch-Altenburg (1992), 483–4, No. 336, as P.COCC(ei) | LOLLIONIS | liq(uamen)? | [gari]XV. The transcription of the name in the first line is disputable in this form, since it could only have been P. Coc(cei) based on the letters. The fish-sauces were named variously, such as garum liquamen, muria, hallex. Compare with the most recent publication by I.R. Curtis, Garum and Salsamenta: Production and Commerce in Materia Medica (1991), 7–15, 195–6. In some cases, the tituli picti begin with the weight of the amphora: Pompeii: CIL IV.5870, 6152, 6153, 6157, 9426, 10341; Rome CIL XV.4851, 4852; Magdalensberg: W. Jobst and G. Piccottini, ‘Die Inschriften 1972 bis 1976 und 1978’, in H. Vetters, and G. Piccottini, Die Ausgrabungen aufdem Magdalensberg 1975–1979 (1986), 254, No. 9. In other cases the tituli picti known so far start with the identification of the fish-sauce and with the description of its quality: g(ari) f(los), g(ari) fflos) sco(mbri). This is often followed by the name of the recipe owner: Zevi, F., ‘Appunti sulle anfore romane’, Arch Cl. xviii (1966), 232–4Google Scholar. This question has a similar approach from Bohn, O., ‘Pinselschriften auf Amphoren aus Augst und Windisch’, Anzeiger für Schweizerische Altertumskunde xxviii (1926), 197–212Google Scholar; R. Etienne and F. Mayet, ‘Le Garum à la mode de Scaurus’, Gerion, Anejos III, Estudios en homenaje al Dr Michael Ponsich (1991), 187–94; and T. Bezeczky, ‘Gari Flos Hispanici’, Pokrajinski Arheoloski Zbornik, Ob 100-letnici muzeja in Muzeiskega drustva (1993), 241–50. Desbat, A., Lequément, R. and Liou, B., ‘Inscriptions peintes sur amphores: Lyon et Saint-Romain-en-Gal’, Archaeonautica vii (1957), 141–66Google Scholar, explain in a different way. Martin-Kilcher, S., ‘Fischsaucen und Fischkonserven aus dem römischen Gallien’, ASchw xiii (1990), 39–42Google Scholar, instead of naming the owner of the recipe, believes that the inscription records a place-name – either of the place of manufacture, or where the decanting of the sauce itself from bigger containers into amphorae could have taken place; Curtis offers a comprehensive analysis op. cit., 159–71.

16 Manacorda, op. cit. (note 4), 125–6.

17 We might think of either Tullionis or Lollionis but – however we read this line – T as an initial letter could only be accepted if the upper horizontal part of the letter could be seen – just as they were pointed out by E. Rodriquez Almeida, Los Tituli Picti de las ánforas olearias de la Betica I (1989), 146, fig. 10, on Baetican amphorae. This name often occurs in Southern Pannonia-Emona: CIL VI.32515, Hoffiller, V. and Saria, B., Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien I (1938), 16Google Scholar; Stara Vas (Altendorf): CIL III.14042; Siscia: Hoffiller and Saria, 575; Poetovio: CIL III.10881; Savaria: CIL III.4187, 4213, 32640; Szentpéterfa: CIL III.4210; Zuberbach bei Rechnitz (Rohone): Mócsy, op. cit. (note 11), 222 No. 96; Carnuntum (Petronell): CIL III.4508; Töpliz Varasdin: CIL III.4117. The name of Lollio or Lollionis is hitherto unrecorded.

18 I. Kajanto, The Latin Cognomina (1965), 165 = 178.

19 A. Mócsy, Nomenclator: provinciarum Europae Latinarum et Galliae Cisalpinae (1983), 296.

20 CIL III.4580; A. Schober, Die römischen Grabsteine von Noricum und Pannonien (1926), No. 120, Abb. 57; Mócsy, op. cit. (note 11), 176. 146/1: ‘Atpomarus | Ilonis flilius) | ann(orum) XXV | h(ic) i(ntus) e(st) s(itus) | Brogima/rus fratr(i) | posui(t)’.

21 A. Schober, Römischer Friedhof in An am Leithaberg, ÖJH (1914) 229, Abb. 193 = Schober, op. cit. (note 20), 100, No. 218, Abb. 113; Mócsy, op. cit. (note 11), 176, 131/6: ‘Umma Tabiconis | f(ilia) an(norum) XLV h(ic) s(ita) e(st) | Illo Itedonis flilius) | coniugi d(e) p(ecunia) s(ua) p(osuit)’.

22 Mócsy, op. cit. (note 19), 150.

23 Kelemen, H.K., ‘Roman amphorae in Pannonia III’, Ada. Arch. Hung, xlii (1990), 147–93, fig. 5. No. 4.Google Scholar

24 M. Beltrán Lloris, Las ánforas romanas en España, (1970), 421–7; D.P.S. Peacock and D.F. Williams, Amphorae and the Roman Economy (1986), 123; Curtis, op. cit. (note 15), 42.

25 I am grateful to Clementina Panella for this information.

26 Kuzsinszky, B., ‘A gázgyári római fazekastelep Aquincumban (Das grosse römische Töpferviertel in Aquincum bei Budapest)’, Bud.Rég. xi (1932), 79–81Google Scholar; Parragi, G., ‘Archaeologische Forschungen im Jahre 1957’, AÉrt lxxxv (1958), 203Google Scholar; Ulbert, G., ‘Römische Holzfässer aus Regensburg’, Bay.Vg.Bl. xxiv (1959), 23–4.Google Scholar

27 M. Petô, A legújabb aquincumi fahordoó-lelet (1976), 201–2, figs 214–15.

28 M. Fulford, ‘Demonstrating Britannia's Economic Dependence in the First and Second Centuries’, in T.F.C. Blagg and A.C. King (eds), Military and Civilian in Roman Britain. Cultural Relationships in a Frontier Province, BAR Brit. Ser. 136 (1984), 129–39, is relevant to this problem.

29 Davies, R.W., ‘The Roman military diet’, Britannia ii (1971), 122–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; A. Mócsy, ‘Zu den prata legionis’, in Studien zu den Militärgrenzen Roms. Vorträge des 6. Internationalen Limeskongresses in Süddeutschland (1967), 211–214; M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (1926), 226–7.

30 Vegetius III.3.

31 Mócsy, op. cit. (note 29), 214.

32 Davies, op. cit. (note 29), 124–6.

33 Solinus XXI.2.

34 Ambrose, ep. XVIII.21; S. Panciera, La vita economica di Aquileia (1957), no.

35 Vindonissa: Gesellschaft Pro Vindonissa Jahresbericht (1951–52), 51–3, No. 2 = R. Marichal, ‘Paléographie latine et française’ Annuarie (1974–1975) de l'École Pratique des Hautes Études IVe section, sciences historiques et philologiques (1974–5), 542. No 43: ‘A Vetti Prisci Leg(ati) Aug(usti) · DX,.... |.... | Exc(ellens) | XLII | C · F · C’; another inscription: R. Laur-Belart, ‘Neue Heininschriften aus Vindonissa’, Anz. Schweizerische Altertumskunde (1929), 185, No. 8 = Marichal, op. cit., 536, No. 14:- IC.P.F.S.S.I.IIII, was read as a reference to Leg(ionis) XI·C(laudiae)·P(iae)·F(idelis)·S·S·IIIII. It is a rare combination of letters but it is far from certain that this inscription refers to [legio]XI.

36 Britain: inked inscriptions or dipinti, Britannia xxv (1994), 310–12Google Scholar, Caerleon, ‘Cretan AC4’ amphora: ‘Leg(ionis) II Aug(ustae), III | AACII | (passum) perprimum’; RIB 2492.7, Newstead (Trimontium); Pelichet 47 amphora: Atti Secundi tri(ibuni) | lagunu(m) m(odiorum) iii; Carlisle (Luguvalium). Graffiti cut after firing, RIB 2494.65, Nanstallon, Cornwall, handle of a globular amphora, two graffiti: (a) [...]XIIII, (b) >A ‘(centuria) A’; RIB 2494.126, Caerleon (Isca), Gwent [Monmouthshire]: >II R.[...] ‘(centuria) ER[...]’; RIB 2494.139, Fairford, Gloucestershire: [...] LEG II A[...]; RIB 2494.181, Catterick (Cataractonum), Dressel 20 amphora: T VIILO[...] | CA.[...] ‘t(urma) Velo[cis] | Ca.[...]. Inscriptions on wooden bung from a barrel: Carlisle (Luguvalium), RIB 2442.11: [...] leg[...] | [...]eg XI [...], [Britannia].