¹ The theory that mounted shock combat initiated major social changes in Carolingian times was first advanced by Heinrich Brunner in his article on “Der Reiterdienst und die Anfänge des Lehnwesens,” in Zeitschrifl der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichle, Germanische Abtheilung, Vol. VII (1887), pp. 1–38.Google Scholar Since then the literature on the subject has become immense. For an up-to-date bibliography on this subject, see Bachrach, Bernard, “Military Organization in Aquitaine under the Early Carolingians,” Speculum, Vol. XLIX (1974), pp. 1–33,CrossRefGoogle Scholar especially ns. 1–5 on pp. 1–2; and Bachrach, Bernard, “Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, Vol. VII (1970), pp. 49–75.Google Scholar Brunner's most vigorous contemporary champion is White, Lynn T. Jr.,. See his Medieval Technology and Social Change (Oxford: University Press, 1962), pp. 1–38 and 135–153.Google Scholar

² White, , Medieval Technology and Social Change, p. 38.Google Scholar

³ Bosl, Karl, “Macht und Arbeit als bestimmende Kräfte in der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft,” Festschrift für Ludwig Petry (Munich: Paul List Verlag, 1968), p. 57.Google Scholar

⁴ Most recently by Beeler, John H., Warfare in Feudal Europe, 730–1200 (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1971), pp. 1–30;Google Scholar and Norman, Vesey B., The Medieval Soldier (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1971), pp. 28–43.Google Scholar Almost all the standard textbooks on the middle ages accept Brunner's thesis (with White's modifications) that the practice of mounted shock combat began in Carolingian times and that it was a causative factor in the rise of feudalism.

⁵ Bachrach, , “Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism,” p. 75.Google Scholar

⁶ Bullough, Donald, “Europae Pater: Charlemagne and His Achievement in Light of Recent Scholarship,” English Historical Review, Vol. LXXXV (1970), pp. 84–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In addition to Bachrach and Bullough, J. D. A. Ogilvy (see his “The Stirrup and Feudalism,” University of Colorado Studies, Vol. X [1966], pp. 1–13)Google Scholar must also be given credit for raising serious questions about White's concept of mounted shock combat.

⁷ Bachrach, , “Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism,” p. 57.Google Scholar

⁸ Bullough also emphasizes the importance of fortifications and siege warfare in Carolingian campaigns. See his “Europae Pater: Charlemagne and His Achievement in Light of Recent Scholarship,” pp. 89–90.

⁸ A passage in the Annales Fuldenses (in Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum, edited by Kurze, Fridericus (Hanover: Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 1891]),Google Scholar “Francis pedetemptin certare inusitatum est,” has been translated by White as, “the Franks are unused to fighting on foot.” See his Medieval Technology and Social Change, p. 3.Google Scholar For Bachrach's criticism of this translation, see his “Martel, Charles, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism,” pp. 51–53.Google Scholar

⁹ The term “Ostmark” is one of convenience justified by the fact that a series of marcher lordships were created along the Danube, in the eastern Alps, and on the plains of Pannonia during the ninth century. The classic works on the subject are still those of Ernst Dümmler: Geschichte des osifränkischen Reiches (3 vols., Leipzig: Weidmannscher Verlag, 1887–1988);Google Scholar and Ueber die südösilichen Marken des fränkischen Reiches unter den Karolingern (795–907) (Vienna: Bartsch, 1853).Google Scholar The most recent study is Michael Mitterauer, Karolingische Markgrafen im Südosten. Fränkische Reichsaristokralie und bayerischer Slammesadel im österreichischen Raum (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1963).Google Scholar A useful collection of sources can be found in Erwin Herrmann, Slawisch-Germanische Beziehungen im Süddeutschen Raum von der Späiantike bis zum Ungarnsturm. Ein Quellenbuch mil Erläuterungen (Munich: Collegium Carolinum, 1965).Google Scholar

¹⁰ In his “Deutsche Kriegsführung im Osten während des Mittelalters,” Deutsches Archiv, Vol. II (1938), pp. 54–84,Google Scholar Karl Schiinemann points out that the course of the rivers from south to north in much of eastern Europe proved to be a handicap to German armies operating there. This, however, was not the case in the Ostmark, for contemporary sources demonstrate that the waterways were frequently used by Carolingian forces in this theater.

¹¹ For the independent politics of the Bavarian dukes, especially Tassilo III, see Wolfram, Heinrich, “Das Fiirstentum Tassilos III, Herzog der Bayern,” in Mitteilungen der Geselhchaft für Sahburger Landeskunde, 1968, pp. 157–172.Google Scholar For the growing power of the dukes throughout the Frankish kingdom in late Merovingian times, see Lewis, Archibald R., “The Dukes in the Regnum Francorum AD 550–751,” Speculum, Vol. LI (1976), pp. 381–410.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Prinz, Friedrich, “Herzog und Adel im agilulfingischen Bayern. Herzogsgut und Konsensschenkung vor 788,” Wege der Forschung, Vol. LX (1965), pp. 255–263.Google Scholar

¹³ Fredegarii Chronicorum Liber Quanus cum Continuationibus, edited and translated by Wallace-Hadrill, J. M. (London: Variorum, 1960), Chapter XXXII.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Klebel, Ernst, “Zur Geschichte der Herzogs Theodo,” Wege der Forschung, Vol. LX (1965), pp. 225–263.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Störmer, Wilhelm, “Engen und Pässe in den mittleren Ostalpen und ihre Sicherung im frühen Mittelalter,” Mitteilungen aus der Geographischen Gesellschaft München, 1968, pp. 91–107;Google ScholarStörmer, Wilhelm, “Fernstrassen und Klöster. Zur Verkehrs- und Herrschaftsstruktur des westlichen Altbayern im frühen Mittelalter,” Zeiischrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte, Vol. XXIX (1966), pp. 299–343;Google ScholarStörmer, Wilhelm, “Herzogsgut und Königsgut im Raume Straubing,” Straubing (Munich: Verlag Robert Lerche, 1966), pp. 47–49;Google ScholarTrinke, Ernst, “Wels im Jahre 776,” Jahrbuch des Museum Vereins Wels, 1954, pp. 25–42;Google ScholarHolter, Karl, “Die Gründung von Kremsmünster und die Besiedlungsgeschichte des mittleren Oberösterreich,” Mitteilungen des ösierreichischen Landesarchivs, Vol. VIII (1964), p. 46;Google ScholarKlein, Herbert, “Salzburg-Iuvavum,” Vonräge und Forschung, Vol. X (1958), pp. 77–85.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Jan, “Karl der Grosse und der Untergang des Awaren Reiches,” in Karl der Grosse. Lebenswerk und Nachleben, edited by Braunfels, Wolfgang ( vols., Düsseldorf, 1965–1967), Vol. I:Google ScholarPersönlichkeit und Geschichle, edited by Beumann, Herbert, pp. 719–791.Google Scholar

¹⁷ “Zöllner, Erich, “Avarisches Namengut in Bayern und Österreich,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichisforschung, Vol. LVIII (1950), pp. 244–266.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Sigurd, Abel and Simon, Bernhard, Jahrbücher des fränkischen Reiches unler Karl dem Grossen, Vol. II (Leipzig: Weldmannscher Verlag, 1883), pp. 23–26,Google Scholar especially ns. 3 and 4 on p. 23, and p. 24, n. 1; Mitscha-Märheim, Heinrich, “Eine awarische Grenzorganisation des 8. Jahrhunderts in Niederösterreich?” Jahrbuch des Römisch- Germanisch Zentralmuseums Mainz, Vol. IV (1957), pp. 134–135;Google ScholarMitscha-Märheim, Heinrich, “Bemerkungen zur Frühgeschichte des nördlichen Niederösterreich,” Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichle von Niederösterreich, new ser., Vol. XXXVI (1964), p. 68.Google Scholar

¹⁹ This we know from evidence in two later Carolingian capitularies which attempted to restrict this trade. See Capitulare missorum Theodonisvillae, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capitularia Regum Francorum, edited by Broretius, Alfred and Krause, Victor (2 vols., Hanover: Gesellschaft fur altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 1883–1897), Vol. 1, No. 44, p. 122,Google Scholar Chapter VII, and No. 74, p. 166, Chapter X; Deer, , “Karl der Grosse und der Untergang des Awarenreich,” p. 752.Google Scholar

²⁰ See the copy in Herrmann, , Slawische-Germanische Beziehungen, pp. 137–142, especially Chapters I-1V.Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid., pp. 52–53.

²² Annales Regni Francorum, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum, edited by Kurze, Fridericus (Hanover: Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichte, 1895), Anno 788, pp. 84–85.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., Anno 791, p. 89. An English translation can be found in Scholz, Bernhard W. and Rogers, Barbara, Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 1970), pp. 69–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁴ Scholz, and Rogers, , Carolingian Chronicles, p. 70.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid

²⁶ Einhard, , Vita Caroli Magni, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriplores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum, edited by Waitz, Georg (Hanover: Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 1905), Chapter XIII, p. 14;Google ScholarBullough, , “Europae Pater: Charlemagne and His Achievement in Light of Recent Scholarship,” p. 88.Google Scholar

²⁷ Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capitularia Regum Francorum, Vol. I, No. 77, Chapter 10. For an excellent short analysis of the logistical problems confronting Carolingian armies, see Ganshof, Francois L., Frankish Institutions under Charlemagne, translated by Bryce, and Lyon, Mary (New York: Norton, 1968), pp. 65–67.Google Scholar

²⁸ “Et dum nee iam pabula equis aut cibaria exercitui superfuissent … exercitus ad propria reversus est.” Annales Mettenses priores, Anno 805, p. 95.Google Scholar

²⁹ See ante, n. 19.

³⁰ For a discussion of weapons and their uses, see Bullough, “Europae Pater: Charlemagne and His Achievement in Light of Recent Scholarship,” pp. 88–89; and Bachrach, “Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism,” pp. 58–66.

³¹ “The king was persuaded by self-styled experts that one could travel most conveniently from the Danube into the Rhine if a navigable canal was built between the Rivers Rednitz and Altmiihl, since one of these rivers flows into the Danube and another into the Main.” Scholz, and Rogers, , Carolingian Chronicles, p. 71.Google Scholar Although the canal was a failure, this passage clearly shows that Charles was very much aware of the convenience of fluvial navigation in moving men and material from one theater to another. Since the frontiers of his empire were under attack in 793, when construction was begun, logistical considerations must have been foremost in his mind.

³² Mitterauer, , Karolingische Markgrafen im Südosien, pp. 1–8.Google Scholar

³³ Annales Regni Francorum, Anno 818, p. 149.Google Scholar

³⁴ Scholz, and Rogers, , Carolingian Chronicles, p. 106.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ibid.

³⁶ Ibid., p. 107.

³⁷ “But the army which marched through Upper Pannonia suffered a misfortune when crossing the Drava.” Ibid. Ships could probably not have been brought down the Drava because Carinthia was still in hostile hands.

³⁸ Ibid.

³⁹ “In 755 the Marchfield, the traditional muster of the Frankish army, was transferred to May, presumably because the number of cavalry had become so large that more forage was needed than was available in March.” White, , Medieval Technology and Social Change, pp. 3–4.Google Scholar For criticism of White's conclusions, see Bachrach, , “Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism,” p. 51;Google Scholar and Bullough, , “Europe Pater: Charlemagne and His Achievement in Light of Recent Scholarship,” pp. 84–87.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Scholz, and Rogers, , Carolingian Chronicles, Anno 820, p. 197, n. 2.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Thegan, , Vita Hludowici Imperatoris, in Monumenla Germaniae Historica Scriptores (32 vols., Hanover: Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 1826-), Vol. II, Chapter XXXI, p. 624.Google Scholar

⁴² Scholz, and Rogers, , Carolingian Chronicles, p. 107.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid., p. 109.

⁴⁴ Ibid.

⁴⁵ Ibid. Since Fortunatus escaped to Byzantine Dalmatia and then to Constantinople, it is possible that the Eastern Empire was also involved in this revolt.

⁴⁶ Annales Regni Francorum, Anno 822, p. 158.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ Annales Fuldenses, Anno 824, p. 23;Google ScholarAnnales Regni Francorum, Anno 824, pp. 164–165;Google ScholarAnonymi Vila Hludowici Imperatoris, Chapter XXXIX, p. 629.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ “Bulgari quoque Sclavos in Pannonia sedentes misso per Dravum navali exercitu ferro et igni vastaverunt et expulsis eorum ducibus Bulgaricos super eos rectores constituerunt.” Annales Regni Francorum, Anno 827, p. 173.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ “Bulgari navibus per Dravum fluvium, venientes quasdam villas nostrorum flumini vicinas incenderunt.” Annales Fuldenses, Anno 829, p. 26.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Mitterauer, , Karolingische Markgrafen im Südosten, pp. 85–91.Google Scholar

⁵² Herrmann, , Slawisch-Germanische Beziehungen, pp. 140–141, Chapters X, XI, and XIII.Google Scholar

⁵³ “Tune coepit ibi ille habitare et palude Salae fluminis et circumquaque populus congregare ac multum ampliari in terra ilia.” Ibid., p. 140.

⁵⁴ For a description and evaluation of the findings, see Bogyay, Thomas von, “Mosapurc und Zalavar. Eine Auswertung der archaologischen Funde und schriftlichen Quellen,” Südost-Forschungen, Vol. XIV (1955), pp. 350–405.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ For example, see the accusations that Fortunatus of Grado supplied builders to Ljudovit. Ante, p. 15.

⁵⁶ See the map in Bogyay, “Mosapurc und Zalavar,” p. 355.

⁵⁷ Annales luvavenses maximi, in Monumema Germaniae Historica Scriptores, Vol. XXX, Pt. 2 (1934) p. 744.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ “Rex quoque Hludowicus in Sclavos Margenses contra Rastizen ducem eorum sibi rebellantem parum prospere ducto exercitu sine victoria rediit, malens adversarium firmissimo, ut fertur, vallo munitum ad tempus dimittere quam militum suorum periculose pugnando damna sustinere. Magnam tamen provinciae partem praedis et incendiis vastavit exercitus non parvamque miltitudinem hostium castra regis invadere cupien tium usque ad internitionem delevit, sed non impune; quia post reditum regis Rastizes cum suis insecutus plurima trans Danuvium finitimorum loca praedando vastavit.” Annales Fuldenses, Anno 855, p. 45.Google Scholar

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⁶³ “Karlmannus vero regnum illius nullo resistente ingressus cunctas civitates et castella in deditionem accepit; et ordinato regno atque per suos dispositio ditatusque gaza regia revertitur.” Annales Fuldenses, p. 70.

⁶⁴ Ibid., pp. 72–73.

⁶⁵ “Sclavi autem Maharenses ducem suum perisse putantes quendam presbyterum eiusdem ducis propinquum nomine Sclagamarum sibi in principem constituunt, ei minantes interium, ni ducatum super eos susciperet. Qui eisdem necessitate coactus assensum praebens contra Engilscalcum et Willihelmum duces Karlmanni proelia movere et eos ex obessis civitatibus expellere nititur.” Ibid., p. 72.

⁶⁶ Ibid., p. 73.

⁶⁷ Ibid., p. 75.

⁶⁸ For the probable area in which this campaign was waged, see Boba, , Moravia's History Reconsidered, p. 47.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ “Sed dum Karlmannus caedes et incendia in Marahensibus exercuisset, Zwentibold misso clam exercitu copioso Baioarios, qui ad tuendos naves in litore Histri fluminis relicti fuerant, occupavit et alios occidit, alios necavit in flumine, alios vero dixit captivos; nullusque inde nisi Embricho Radesbonae civitatis episcopus cum paucis evasit.” Annales Fuldenses, p. 76.

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⁷⁴ Excerpta Aventini ex Annalibus luvavensibus anliquis derivati, in ibid., Vol. XXX, Pt. 2, pp. 372–373.

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⁸⁵ “Sclavi vero, qui de Rugis vel Boemanis mercandi causa exeunt … si vero mancipia vel cavallos vendere voluerint, de una ancilla tremissam I, de cavallo masculino similter, de servo saigam I, similis de equa.” Hermann, , Slawisch-Germanische Beziehungen, pp 189, 253, and 251.Google Scholar

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