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³ On the agrarian and peasant problems of Galicia before 1848, see Franko, Ivan, “Panščyna ta jiji skasuvannja v 1848 r. v Halyčyni” [Serfdom in Galicia and its Abolition in 1848], in Tvory v dvadcjaty tomach [Works in Twenty Volumes] (20 vols., Kiev: Deržavne vydavnyctvo chudožn'oji literytury, 1950–1956), Vol. XIX, pp. 560–661Google Scholar; von Mises, Ludwig, Die Entwicklung des gutsherrlich-bäuerlichen Verhältnisses in Galizien (1772–1848). In Wiener staatswissenschaftliche Studien, Vol. IV, Pt. 2 (Vienna: n. p., 1903)Google Scholar; Herasymaenko, Mychajlo P., Ahrarni vidnosyny v Halyčyni v period kryzy panščynnoho hospodarstva [Agrarian Conditions in Galicia during the Period of Crisis of the Serfdom Economy] (Kiev: Akademija Nauk URSR, 1959)Google Scholar; and Rozdolski, Roman, Stosunki poddańeze w dawnej Galicji [Servile Conditions in Former Galicia] (2 vols., Warsaw: Państwowe wydawnictwo naukowe, 1962).Google Scholar

⁴ Rozdolski, , Stosunki poddańcze w dawnej Galicji, Vol. I, p. 261.Google Scholar

⁵ On ecclesiastical developments, particularly during the early decades of Austrian rule, see Pelesz, Julian, Geschichte der Union der ruthenischen Kirche mit Rom (2 vols., Würzburg: Leo Woerl, 1878–1880), Vol. IIGoogle Scholar; Korczok, Anton, Die griechisch-katholische Kirche in Galizien (Leipzig: Teubner, 1921)Google Scholar; Winter, Eduard, Byzanz und Rom im Kampf um die Ukraine (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1942)Google Scholar; and Nazarko, Irynej I., Kyjivs'ki i halyc'ki mytropolyty [The Metropolitans of Kiev and Halvč]. In Analecta Ordinis S. Basilii Magni, ser. 2, Sect. 1, Vol. XIII (Rome: P. P. Basiliani, 1962).Google Scholar

⁶ For the sake of consistency the editors have throughout the volume used the anglicized spelling “Lvov” rather than the Ukrainian words “L'viv” or “Lwiw” or the Polish term “Lwow.” In the manuscript which he presented to the Indiana University conference the author of this article used the Ukrainian spelling of “L'viv.”

⁷ Stasiw, Myron, Metropolia Haliciensis (Evas historia et juridica forma) [The Metropolitan See of Halyč: its History and Juridical Form]. In Analecta Ordinis S. Basilii Magni, ser. 2, Sect. 1, Vol. XII (2nd ed., Rome: P. P. Basiliani, 1960).Google Scholar

⁸ A firsthand account of the Šaškevyč circle can be found in the reminiscences of Holovac'kyj, Jakiv, “Perežitoe i perestradannoe” [My Experiences and Sufferings], Pys'mennyky Zachidnoji Ukrajiny 30–50-ch rokiv XIX st. [Western Ukrainian Writers of the 1830's, '40's, and '50's] (Kiev: Dnipro, 1965), pp. 229–285Google Scholar. Of the extensive literature on the Galician “awakeners,” the following works are of interest to a student of social thought: Zanevyč, Ivan (pseudonym for Ostap Terlec'kyj), “Literaturni stremlinnja halyc'kych rusyniv vid 1772 do 1872” [Literary Endeavors of the Galician Ruthenians, 1772–1872], Žytje i slovo [Life and Word] (4 vols., Lvov: Ol'ha Franko, 1893–1895, Vol. I, pp. 207–215 and 354–370Google Scholar; Vol. II, pp. 69–80, 198–204, and 428–451; Vol. III, pp. 99–110, 274–285, and 430–461; and Vol. IV, pp. 112–160 and 272–302; Herbil's'kyj, Hryhorij Ju., Rozvytok prohresyvnych idej v Halyčyni v peršij polovyni XIX st. [The Development of Progressive Ideas in Galicia in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century] (Lvov: Vydavnyctvo L'vivs'koho universytetu, 1964).Google Scholar

⁹ Zanevyč, , “Literaturni stremlinnja halyc'kych rusyniv vid 1772 do 1872,” Vol. II, p. 444.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Several important studies on nineteenth-century Czech-Ukrainian relations can be found in Zistoriji čechoslovac'ko-ukrajins'kych zvjazkiv [Studies on the History of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian Relations] (Bratislava: Slovenská Akadémia Vied, 1959)Google Scholar. See also Hostička, Vladimír, “Ukrajina v názorech české obrozenecké společnosti do roku 1848” [The Ukraine in the Opinion of Czech Society of the Era of Awakening (prior to 1848)], Slavia, Vol. XXXIII (1964), pp. 558–578.Google Scholar

¹¹ Rusyn, Havrylo (pseudonym for Holovac'kyj, Jakiv), “Zustande der Russinen in Galizien,” Jordans Slawische Jahrbücher, Vol. IV (1846), pp. 361–379.Google Scholar

¹² Kieniewicz, Stefan, Konspiracje galicyiskie (1831–1845) [Galician Conspiracies, 1831–1845] (Warsaw, 1950), pp. 103–104, 155–161, and 213–214.Google Scholar

¹³ von Sala, Moritz, Geschichte des polnischen Aufstandes vom Jahre 1846 (Vienna, 1867), pp. 98–102.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The text of this petition, as well as that of the May 10 manifesto, which is mentioned below, can be found in Levyc'kyj, Kost', Istorija polityčnoji dumky halyc'kych ukrajinciv 1848–1914 [A History of the Political Thought of the Galician Ukrainians, 1848–1914] (Lvov: By the author, 1926), pp. 17 and 21–24Google Scholar. For a brief account of the Ukrainian participation in the 1848 revolution, see Baran, Stepan, Vesna narodiv v austro-uhors'kij Ukrajini [The Springtime of the Peoples in the Austro-Hungarian Ukraine] (Munich: Akademija, 1948)Google Scholar. I have also had the opportunity to consult the manuscript of a study by Bohachevsky-Chomiak, Martha on The Spring of a Nation: the Ukrainians in 1848, which is scheduled for publication by the Ševčenko Scientific Society of America.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Levyc'kyj, , Istorija polityčvoji dumky halyc'kych ukrajinciv 1848–1914, p. 21.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Friedjung, Heinrich, Österreich von 1848 bis 1860 (2 vols., Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta'sche Buchhandlung Nachfolger, 1908–1912), Vol. I, p. 100.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Kann, Robert A., The Multinational Empire: Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1848–1918 (2 vols., New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), Vol. II, p. 62.Google Scholar

¹⁸ For the text of this resolution, see Žáček, Václav (ed.), Slovanský sjezd v Praze 1848. Sbírka dokumentů [The Slavic Congress in Prague, 1848. A Collection of Documents] (Prague: Ceskoslovenská Akademie Věd, 1958), pp. 314–315.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Springer, Anton (ed.), Protokolle des Verfasaungs-Ausschusses im österreichischen Reichstage 1848–49 (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1885), pp. 30–31.Google Scholar

²⁰ As quoted in Tyrowicz, Marian (ed.), Galicja od Pierwszego Rozbioru do Wiosny Ludów 1772–1849 [Galicia from the First Partition to the Springtime of the Peoples, 1772–1849] (Cracow: Ossolineum, 1956), pp. 230–232.Google Scholar

²¹ It should be noted, however, that a prominent member of the Central Ruthenian Council, Hryhorij Šaškevyč, proposed the creation of an arbitration commission in Galicia to adjudicate cases arising between the landowners and the peasants. Levyc'kyj, , Istorija polityčnoji dumky halyc'kych ukrajinciv 1848–1914, p. 37.Google Scholar

²² For the details of Palacký's plan, see Springer, , Protokolle des Verfassungs-Ausschusses im österreichischen Reichstage 1848–49, p. 26.Google Scholar

²³ Levyc'kyj, , Istorija polityčnoji dumky halye'kych ukrajinciv 1848–1914, p. 104.Google Scholar

²⁴ For a full discussion of the intricacies of these constitutional and legal arrangements, see Grzybowski, Konstanty, Galieja 1848–1914: historia ustroju politycznego na tle historii ustroju Austrii [Galicia from 1848 to 1914: its Constitutional History within the Framework of Austrian Constitutional History] (Cracow: Polska Akademia Nauk, 1959).Google Scholar

²⁵ In 1861 there were 49 Ukrainian deputies in the Galician diet. By 1867 their number had been reduced to 14, out of a total membership of 144. In 1879 3 Ukrainian and 57 Polish deputies were elected to the Austrian Reichsrat. Hugelmann, Karl Gottfried (ed.), Das Nationalitätenrecht des alten Österreichs (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1934), pp. 693 and 713.Google Scholar

²⁶ Rudnyc'kyj, , Ukraina, p. 145Google Scholar. It should be noted that the Polish minority in Eastern Galicia increased considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. In 1857 only 21.5 percent of the population of Eastern Galicia was Roman Catholic. It is likely that the percentage of Poles was even smaller in earlier times. “In Ruthenia there was a small minority of Roman Catholic Poles [in 1772]; they were mostly noblemen and town dwellers, and here and there also unfree peasants.” Brawer, A. J., Galizien wie es an Österreich kam. Eine historisch-statistische Studie über die Verhältnisse des Landes im Jahre 1772 (Leipzig, 1910), p. 21Google Scholar. The increase in Polish population was due to colonization by Polish settlers from the western part of the province and continued assimilation. The sons of German officials who had come to Galicia during the absolutist period usually became Poles. The same was also true with the Armenians and some emancipated Jews. Ukrainian villagers also frequently became polonized when they moved to town or rose to a higher social position. This process was not slowed down before the second half of the nineteenth century.

²⁷ Franko, Ivan, “Naš pohljad na pol's'ke pytannja” [Our View of the Polish Question], Vybrani suspil'no-polityčni i filosofs'ki tvory [Selected Social-Political and Philosophical Works] (Kiev: Deržavne vydavnyctvo polityčnoji literatury URSR, 1956), p. 282.Google Scholar

²⁸ For a general introduction to the problem, see Terlec'kyj, Ostap, Moskvofily i narodovci v 70-ych rr. [The Muscophiles and the Populists in the 1870's] (Lvov: Literaturno-naukova biblioteka, 1902)Google Scholar; and Andrusjak, Mykola, Geneza i charakter halyc'koho rusofil'stva v XIX–XX st. [The Origins and Character of Galician Russophilism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries] (Prague: Probojem, 1941)Google Scholar. On the initial stage of the controversy, see Studyns'kyj, Kyrylo (ed.), Korespondencija Jakova Holovac'koho v litach 1850–62 [The Correspondence of Jakiv Holovac'kyj, 1850–1862]. In Zbirnyk filolohičnoji sekciji Naukovoho Tovarystva im. Ševčenka [Collected Papers of the Philological Section of the Ševčenko Scientific Society], Vol. VIII–IX (Lvov: Ševčenko Scientific Society, 1905)Google Scholar. A penetrating contemporary analysis can be found in the articles by Drahomanov, Mychajlo published in Političeskija sočinenija M. P. Dragomanova [The Political Works of M. P. Dragomanov], edited by Grevs, Ivan M. and Kistiakovskij, Bogdan A. (Moscow: I. D. Sytin, 1908).Google Scholar

²⁹ See ante, p. 401.

³⁰ Didyc'kyj, Bohdan, Svoježytjevyi zapysky [Autobiographical Notes]. Reprint from the Vistnyk Narodnoho Doma (2 vols., Lvov: Stavropihijs'kyj Instytut, 1906–1908), Vol. I, pp. 10–14 and 64–65.Google Scholar

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³² Didyc'kyj, , Svoježytjevyi zapysky, Vol. I, pp. 72–81.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Narod means both “people” and “nation” in Ukrainian. Thus narodovci may be translated as either “populists” or “nationalists,” although the former is probably more accurate.

³⁶ Čornohora, Fedir (pseudonym for Tanjačkevyč, Danylo), Pys'mo narodovciv rus'kych do redaktora polityčnoji časopysi “Rus'” jako protest i memorijal [A Letter of Ruthenian Populists to the Editor of the Political Journal Rus': a Protest and a Memorandum] (Vienna: Sommer, 1867), pp. 3, 5, 6, and 15.Google Scholar

³⁷ The best sketch of the early stages of the populist movement can be found in Barvins'kyj, Oleksander, Spomyny z moho žyttja: obrazky z hromadjans'koho i pys'mens'koho rozvytku rusyniv [Reminiscences from My Life: Scenes from the Civic and Literary Development of the Ruthenians] (2 vols., Lvov: Zahal'na biblioteka, 1912–1913).Google Scholar

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⁴³ Drahomanov devoted much space in his memoirs to his early relations with Galicia. See his Avstro-rus'ki spomyny 1867–77 [Austro-Ruthenian Memoirs, 1867–1877] (4 vols., Lvov: Ševčenko Scientific Society, 1889–1892)Google Scholar. A bibliography of Drahomanov's published correspondence with various Galicians can be found in Rudnytsky, Ivan L. (ed.), Mykhaylo Drahomanov: a Symposium and Selected Writings (a special issue of the Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S.) (New York: Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S., 1952), pp. 131–140Google Scholar. See also Bilinsky, Yaroslav, “Drahomanov, Franko, and the Relations between the Dnieper Ukraine and Galicia,” The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy, Vol. VII, No. 1–2 (1959), pp. 1542–1566.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ For a penetrating contemporary analysis of these strikes, see Franko, Ivan, “Bauernstreiks in Ostgalizien,” in Beiträge zur Geschichte und Kultur der Ukraine. Auagewählte deutache Schriften des revolutionären Demokraten 1882–1915, edited by Winter, Eduard and Kirchner, P. (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1963), pp. 411–422Google Scholar. See also Najdus, , Szkice z historii Galicji, Vol. I, pp. 263–283.Google Scholar

⁵² Kubijovyč, Volodymyr et al. , Heohrafija ukrajins'kych i sumežnych zemel' [A Geography of the Ukraine and the Adjacent Countries] (2nd ed., Cracow: Ukrajins'ke vydavnyctvo, 1943), p. 301Google Scholar; Bačyns'kyj, Julijan, Ukrajins'ka emigracija [Ukrainian Emigration], Vol. I (Lvov: Julijan Balyc'kyj and Oleksander Harasevyč, 1914), pp. 81–97Google Scholar. Only the first volume of the last work was ever published.

⁵³ Encyklopedija Ukrajinoznavatva, Pt. 1, p. 149.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The “parcelling” procedures are vividly described in Vojnarovs'kyj, Tyt, “Spohady z moho žyttja” [Memoirs of My Life], in Istorycni postati Halyčyny XIX–XX st. [Galicia's Historical Figures of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries] (New York: Ševčenko Scientific Society, 1961)Google Scholar. Rev. Vojnarovs'kyj was an eminent agrarian reformer and a close adviser of Metropolitan Andrej Šeptyc'kyj.

⁵⁵ For a detailed survey, see Vytanovyč, Ilja, Istorija ukrajins'koho kooperatyvnoho ruchu [A History of the Ukrainian Cooperative Movement] (New York: Ukrainian Economic Advisory Association, Inc., 1964), pp. 134–167.Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ On Franko, see Voznjak, Mychajlo, Velcten' dumky i praci [A Giant in Thought and Work] (Kiev: Deržavne vydavnyctvo chudozhn'oji literatury, 1958)Google Scholar; and the collection of reminiscences entitled Ivan Franko u spohadach sučasnykiv [Ivan Franko in the Memoirs of Contemporaries] (Lvov: Knyžkovo-žurnal'ne vydavnyctvo, 1956)Google Scholar. On Hruševs'kyj, see the biographical sketch by Borys Krupnyc'kyj that is given in the introduction to the first volume of Hruševs'kyj, Mychajlo, Istorija Ukrajiny-Rusy [A History of the Ukraine-Rus'] (new ed., 10 vols., New York: Knyhospilka, 1954–1958), pp. i–xxx.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ The background of the “new era,” especially the extent of the involvement of the Austrian government in it, has never been fully explored. For the role played by the Kievan Ukrainians, see Dorošenko, Dmytro, Volodymyr Antonovyč. Joho žyttja i naukova ta hromads'ka dijal'nist' [Volodymyr Antonovyč: His Life and His Scholarly and Civic Activities] (Prague: Jurij Tyščenko, 1942), pp. 78–84Google Scholar. For developments in Galicia itself, see Levyc'kyj, , Istorija politycnoji dumky halyc'kych ukrajinciv 1848–1914, pp. 235–275Google Scholar. Important information can also be found in Olesnyc'kyj, Evhen, Storinky z moho žyttja [Pages from My Life] (2 vols., Lvov: Dilo, 1935), Vol. I, pp. 221–243.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ For a picturesque description of electoral malpractices in a Galician provincial town during the 1895 elections, see Olesnyc'kyj, , Storinky z moho žyttja, Vol. II, pp. 96–115.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Information about the history of the Radical Party can be found in Makuch, Ivan, Na narodnij sluzbi [In the People's Service] (Detroit, Mich.: Ukrainian Free Society of America, 1958).Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ Governor Michał Bobrzyński's memoirs provide valuable information on this subject. See Bobrzyński, , Z moich pamiętnikówGoogle Scholar. See also the monographic study by Buszko, Jozef, Sejmowa reforma wyborcza w Galicji 1905–1914 [Electoral Reform for the Galician Diet, 1905–1914] (Warsaw: Paristwowe wydawnictwo naukowe, 1956)Google Scholar. A contemporary work, full of brilliant insight, is Kulczycki, Ludwik, Ugoda polsko-ruska [The Polish-Ruthenian Compromise] (Lvov: Drukarnia Udzialowa, 1912).Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ In 1911–1912 there were 70 Polish and 8 Ukrainian Gymnasia for boys, 20 Polish and 1 Ukrainian Gymnasium for girls, and 14 Polish and no Ukrainian Realschule (technical schools) in Galicia. Hugelmann, , Das Nationalitätenrecht des alten Österreichs, p. 709.Google Scholar

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