¹ Behr, Hans-Georg, Die österreichische Provokation. Ein Mahnruf für Deutsche (Munich, 1971), 44fGoogle Scholar.

² This reference of course refers to the leftist and liberal emigrants who left the country after February 1934. For more information about leftist emigration, see Marschalek, Manfred, Untergrund und Exil. Österreichs Sozialisten zwischen 1934 und 1945 (Vienna, 1990)Google Scholar. This book, however, does not provide much information on the years 1938 to 1945, since only 14 of its 285 pages are dedicated to this second phase of emigration and resistance. There is no comparable study on the emigration of liberals.

³ The official count of victims lists 65,459 murdered Jewish Austrians, 2,700 executed Austrians, 16,100 Austrians who died in Gestapo jails, and 16,500 Austrians who died in concentration camps; 24,300 Austrian civilians died in the course of the war, and 247,000 Austrians enlisted in German military units either fell in battle or were declared missing in action. These numbers amount to 5.58 percent of Austria's total population (estimates of the Institute for Military Science in Vienna, 1974); see Kleindel, Walter, Daten zur Geschichte und Kultur (Vienna, 1978), 371Google Scholar.

⁴ The official victim theory was emphasized heavily by the government by referring to the idea expressed in the Moscow Declaration that Austria was the first victim of National Socialist aggression (Rot-Weiβ-Rot-Buch. Gerechtigkeit für Österreich! Darstellungen, Dokumente und Nachweise zur Vorgeschichte und Geschichte der Okkupation Österreichs [nach amtlichen Quellen], vol. 1 [Vienna, 1946]; no second part was ever published). The national resistance displayed by the Corporate State (Ständestaat, 1933/34–1938) was relativized because of internal political problems (see Dieter Binder, “Der Ständestaat 1934–1938,” in Österreich im 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Rolf Steininger [Vienna, in press]). On the genuinely Austrian part in National Socialism, see Arnberger, Heinz, Garscha, Winfried R., and Mitterrutzner, Christa, eds., “Anschluβ” 1938. Eine Dokumentation (Vienna, 1988)Google Scholar; Neugebauer, Wolfgang, ed., Österreicher und der Zweite Weltkrieg (Vienna, 1988)Google Scholar; Tálos, Emmerich, Hanisch, Ernst, and Neugebauer, Wolfgang, eds., NS-Herrschaft in Österreich 1938–1945 (Vienna, 1988)Google Scholar; Parkinson, F., ed., Conquering the Past: Austrian Nazism, Yesterday and Today (Detroit, Mich., 1989)Google Scholar. Concerning the Moscow Declaration, see Keyserlingk, Robert H., Austria in world War II: An Anglo-American Dilemma (Kingston, Canada, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁵ On April 27,1945, the party officials of the ÖVP, SPÖ, and KPÖ proclaimed in a “Declaration of Independence” the reestablishment of the democratic Republic of Austria and declared the 1938 Anschluβ as invalid (Staatsgesetzblatt, no. 1 [1945]). On the same day came the “Announcement of the Appointment of a Provisional National Government” (StGBl. no. 2) and the “Governmental Declaration” (StGBl. no. 3). On May 1, the government decided on the First Transitional Constitutional Law (Verfassungs-Überleitungsgesetz) concerning the reinstatement of the Federal Constitution of 1929 (StGBl. no. 4). Because of the lack of parliamentary control, however, only a “Provisional Constitution” proved workable (StGBl. no. 5) until after the elections of late fall 1945; on December 19 the “federal constitution of 1920–29 with its full separation of powers” once again came into effect. See Hoke, Rudolf, Österreichische und Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte (Vienna, 1992), 501–5Google Scholar. Also, Hoke, Rudolf and Reiter, Ilse, Quellensammlung zur Österreichischen und Deutschen Rechtsgeschichte (Vienna, 1993), 553Google Scholarf.

⁶ On this comparison, see Hanisch, Ernst, “Kontinuitäten und Brüche. Die innere Entwicklung,” in Handbuch des politischen Systems Österreichs, ed. Dachs, Herbert (Vienna, 1991), 11–19Google Scholar; Mantl, Wolfgang, ed., Politik in Österreich (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁷ Goldinger, Walter and Binder, Dieter A., Geschichte der Republik Österreich 1918–1938 (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁸ See Renner's memoirs: Renner, Karl, Österreich von der Ersten zur Zweiten Republik (Vienna, 1953)Google Scholar. Concerning Renner's phase of collaboration in the National Socialist era, see Pelinka, Anton, Karl Renner zur Einführung (Hamburg, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁹ See Schärf's memoirs: Schärf, Adolf, Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben (Vienna, 1963)Google Scholar; also by Schärf, , Österreichs Emeuerung 1945–1955. Das erste Jahrzehnt der Zweiten Republik (Vienna, 1955)Google Scholar. Schärf was imprisoned three times for short periods. He clearly distanced himself, however, from resistance groups and eventually could even run his law office in Vienna.

¹⁰ See Helmer's memoirs: Helmer, Oskar, 50 Jahre erlebte Geschichte (Vienna, 1957)Google Scholar. On the issue of collaboration with National Socialism, see Svoboda, Wilhelm, Die Partei, die Republik und der Mann mit den vielen Geskhtem. Oskar Helmer und Österreich II. Eine Korrektur (Vienna, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹¹ This purge has been used as evidence for the thesis that the Corporate State provided resistance to National Socialism.

¹² Because it was closely tied to the Corporate State's exercise of power, significant parts of the bureaucracy were cleansed by the Nazis. This meant, as was the case with many political functionaries of the Corporate State, that these bureaucrats returned in 1945 to key positions as legitimate anti-National Socialists. The contemporary Oscar Pollak acknowledges that these people were martyrs, but asks, “Did they become Democrats? They have legal right to employment and promotion—but do they meet the moral requirements for no longer being regarded as opponents of democracy?” Pollak, Oscar, Gegen den “inneren Nazi” (Vienna, 1946), 15Google Scholar.

¹³ The Austrian monarchists clearly identified with an anti-National Socialist position. The Nazis from 1938 on saw them as a particularly dangerous, activist group that they needed to pay special attention to, much the same way they regarded the Communists on the left. These views were further confirmed in the early formation of operational, active resistance groups and partially explain why leftist resisters were regarded as Communists, while right-wing resisters were seen as monarchists.

¹⁴ See Arnberger, Garscha, and Mitterrutzner, eds., Anschluβ, 586–91; Konrad, Helmut, Widerstand an der Donau und Moldau. KPÖ und KSC zur Zeit des Hitler-Stalin-Paktes (Vienna, 1978)Google Scholar; Garscha, Winfried R., “Die Auseinandersetzung der KPÖ mit dem Nationalsozialismus,” in Arbeiterschaft und Nationalsozialismus in Österreich. In memoriam Karl R. Stadler, ed. Ardelt, Rudolf G. and Hautmann, Hans (Vienna, 1990), 129–47Google Scholar.

¹⁵ See Marschalek, Untergrund und Exil.

¹⁶ West, Franz, Die Linke im Ständestaat. Revolutionäre Sozialisten und Kommunisten 1934–1938 (Vienna, 1978)Google Scholar; Stadler, Karl R., ed., Sozialistenprozesse. Politische Justiz in Österreich 1870–1936 (Vienna, 1986)Google Scholar; Holtmann, Everhard, Zwischen Unterdrückung und Befriedung. Sozialistische Arbeiterbewegung und autoritäres Regime in Österreich 1933–1938 (Vienna, 1978)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ In the phase of recruiting for Social Democratic votes immediately after the Anschluβ, leftist functionaries were generally endangered only if they were also seen as Jews by the Nazis or if they had expressed their wish for an independent Austria, as did Franz Olah. It was only in later years, especially after July 1944, that former Social Democratic functionaries were also increasingly and systematically arrested.

¹⁸ Stadler, Karl R., Opfer verlorener Zeiten. Die Geschichte der Schutzbund-Emigration 1934 (Vienna, 1974)Google Scholar; Schafranek, Hans, Zwischen NKWD und Gestapo. Die Auslieferung deutscher und österreichischer Antifaschisten aus der Sowjetunion an Nazideutschland 1937–1941 (Frankfurt am Main, 1990)Google Scholar; Schafranek, Hans, ed., Die Betrogenen. Österreicher als Opfer stalinistischen Terrors in der Sowjetunion (Vienna, 1991)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Weber, Fritz, Der Kalte Krieg in der SPÖ. Koalitionswächter, Pragmatiker und Revolutionäre Sozialisten 1945–1950 (Vienna, 1986)Google Scholar; Maderthaner, Wolfgang, ed., Auf dem Weg zur Macht. Integration in den Staat, Sozialpartnerschaft und Regierungspartei (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar; Fröschl, Erich, Mesner, Maria, and Zoitl, Helge, eds., Die Bewegung. Hundert Jahre Sozialdemokratie in Österreich (Vienna, 1990)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Despite the fascist character of the Corporate State government, the idea of a Führer with a clear monopoly of power was lacking. Dollfuβ and Schuschnigg recruited government officials from the ranks of the former Christian Socials, the Heimwehr fascists, the Federation of Agriculture, and the “hypernationalists” who were confidants of the illegal NSDAP. The Corporate State was in this sense bound up with the post–1920 pattern of “bourgeois-bloc governments” in Austria. Rauchensteiner, Manfried, Die Zwei. Die Groβe Koalition in Österreich 1945–1966 (Vienna, 1987)Google Scholar. See also Gerlich, Peter and Müller, Wolfgang C., eds., Zwischen Koalition und Konkurrenz. Österrekhische Parteien seit 1945 (Vienna, 1983)Google Scholar; Busek, Erhard, “Die Österreichische Volkspartei,” in Politik in Österreich, ed. Mantl, , 349–67; Ludwig Reichhold, Geschichte der ÖVP (Graz, 1975)Google Scholar.

²¹ Kriechbaumer, Robert, Parteiprogramme im Widerstreit der Interessen. Die Programmdiskussionen und die Programme von ÖVP und SPÖ 1945–1986 (Vienna, 1990), 63–66Google Scholar.

²² Gruber, Karl, Zwischen Befreiung und Freiheit. Der Sonderfall Österreich (Vienna, 1953)Google Scholar; Gehler, Michael, ed., Karl Gruber. Reden und Dokumente 1945–1953 (Vienna, 1994)Google Scholar.

²³ Schwimmer, Walter and Klinger, Ewald, Die christlichen Gewerkschaften in Österreich (Vienna, 1975)Google Scholar; Weinberger, Lois, Tatsachen, Begegnungen, Gespräche. Ein Buch um Österreich (Vienna, 1948)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Figl, Leopold, Reden für Österreich (vienna, 1965)Google Scholar; Trost, Ernst, Figl von Österreich (Vienna, 1972)Google Scholar; Weissensteiner, Friedrich and Weinzierl, Erika, eds., Die österreichischen Bundeskanzler (Vienna, 1982)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Raab, Julius, Selbstportrait eines Politikers (Vienna, 1964)Google Scholar; idem, Verantwortung für Österreich (Vienna, 1961); Ritschel, Karl Heinz, Julius Raab. Der Staatsvertragskanzler (Salzburg, 1975)Google Scholar; Weissensteiner and Weinzierl, eds., Die österreichischen Bundeskanzler.

²⁶ On the political testament of Lueger, who warned of turning the Christian Social party into a pure class-based party, see Wandruszka, Adam, “Österreichs politische Struktur,” in Geschichte der Republik Österreich, ed. Benedikt, Heinrich (Vienna, 1954), 289–485, esp. 301–58Google Scholar; see also Skalnik, Kurt, Die republikanische Mitte. Überlegungen und Überzeugungen (Vienna, 1966), 66–71Google Scholar.

²⁷ Georg Scheuer, “Zur Beteiligung des KPÖ-Apparats an den stalinistischen Verbrechen,” in Die Betrogenen, ed. Schafranek, 17–30.

²⁸ See Matejka, Viktor, Das Buch, no. 3 (Vienna, 1933), 39Google Scholar.

²⁹ See exhibit catalog, Niemals Vergessen. Antifaschistische Ausstellung, Wien, Künstlerhaus, 09–11 1946 (Vienna, 1946)Google Scholar; Matejka, Viktor and Friedländer, Leo C., eds., “Niemals vergessen!” Ein Buch der Anklage, Mahnung und Verpflichtung (Vienna, 1946)Google Scholar. On the advisory committees of the exhibition and in its catalog stood Alfred Missong and Johann Breithofer for the ÖVP, Erwin Scharf and Adolf Planek for the SPÖ, Ernst Fischer and Franz Marek for the KPÖ (Rot-Weiβ-Rot-Buch). On the issue of anti-Semitism as a basis for political decisions, see Knight, Robert, ed., “Ich bin dafür, die Sache in die Länge zu ziehen”. Die Wortprotokolle der österreichischen Bundesregierung von 1945 bis 1952 über die Entschädigung der juden (Frankfurt am Main, 1988)Google Scholar.

³⁰ On the planning of the Allies and the beginning phase, see Rauchensteiner, Manfried, Der Sonderfall. Die Besatzungszeit in Österreich 1945 bis 1955 (Graz, 1979)Google Scholar; Bischof, Günter and Leidenfrost, Josef, eds., Die bevormundete Nation. Österreich und die Allierten 1945–1949 (Innsbruck, 1988)Google Scholar.

³¹ Hölzl, Norbert, Propagandaschlachten. Die österreichischen Wahlkämpfe 1945–1971 (Vienna, 1974)Google Scholar; Dachs, Herbert, ed., Parteien und Wahlen in Österreichs Bundesländem 1945–1991 (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar.

³² On the SPÖ's anticommunism, see Leser, Norbert, Zwischen Reformismus und Bolschewismus. Der Austromarxismus als Theorie und Praxis (Vienna, 1968)Google Scholar; Leser, Norbert, Salz der Gesellschaft. Wesen und Wandel des österreichischen Sozialismus (Vienna, 1988)Google Scholar; Weber, Der Kalte Krieg in der SPÖ Scharf, Erwin, “Ich darf nicht schweigen”. Drei Jahre Politik des Parteivorstandes der SPÖ—von innen gesehen (Vienna, 1948)Google Scholar; Scharf, Erwin, Zeitzeuge, ed. Sporrer, Maria and Steiner, Herbert (Vienna, 1986)Google Scholar; Kriechbaumer, Parteiprogramme im Widerstreit der lnteressen; Gerlich and Müller, eds., Zwischen Koalition und Konkurrenz; Shell, Kurt L., The Transformation of Austrian Socialism (New York, 1969)Google Scholar. As the successor to the Christian Social party, the ÖVP did not have this problem of distinguishing itself. Like the majority of the Socialists, however, ÖVP members rejected the popular front tendencies of the KPÖ.

³³ See in this context also an analysis by Kos, Wolfgang, “Zur Entnazifizierung der Bürokratie,” in Verdrängte Schuld, verfehlte Sühne. Entnazifizierung in Österreich 1945–1955, ed. Meissl, Sebastian, Mulley, Klaus-Dieter, and Rathkolb, Oliver (Vienna, 1986), 52–72Google Scholar. Kos discusses the victim status of the Corporate State's functionaries in the Nazi regime. From a Socialist viewpoint, the author provides sources of proof for the resulting “open way back” to political and bureaucratic top positions for these functionaries.

³⁴ The KP, founded as the Communist party of German-Austria (KPDÖ), also appears as KPÖ in scientifically provocative literature of the time before 1938. See Kreissler, Felix, Der Österreicher und seine Nation. Ein Lernprozess mit Hindernissen (Vienna, 1984)Google Scholar.

³⁵ See Renner, Österreich von der Ersten zur Zweiten Republik; Panzenböck, Ernst, “Karl Renner 1938—Irrweg eines Österreichers. Ursachen und Verdrängung,” Österreich in Geschichte und Literatur 32 (1988): 1–17Google Scholar.

³⁶ Often Renner's public statement was interpreted as an attempt to rescue imprisoned Social Democratic party members. The facts contradict this. Renner made the statement without being asked and without expecting anything in return. The same holds true for the Innitzer Erklärung, the declaration of Austrian bishops that arose out of efforts for an accommodation between the Catholic church and the NSDAP after the Anschluß. The declaration signed by Vienna's Cardinal Innitzer brought the Nazis an immense propaganda success. Liebmann, Maximilian, Theodor Innitzer und der Anschluβ. Österreichs Kirche 1938 (Graz, 1988)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Bauer, Otto, “Nach der Annexion,” in Der sozialistische Kampf, La Lutte Socialiste, 06 2, 1938, 2ff.Google Scholar, published in Bauer, Otto, Werkausgabe, 9 vols. (Vienna, 1975–1980), 9:853–60Google Scholar; Panzenböck, Ernst, Ein deutscher Traum. Die Anschluβidee bei Karl Renner und Otto Bauer (Vienna, 1985)Google Scholar; Konrad, Helmut, ed., Sozialdemokratie und “Anschluβ”. Historische Wurzeln, Anschluβ 1918 und 1938, Nachwirkungen (Vienna, 1978)Google Scholar. This “Austria debate” is also included in discussions about the Austrian nation, because it explains the long-term mental reservations of several SDAP/SPÖ functionaries. It is also set in relation to the characteristic entry into active resistance. Kreissler, in Der Österreicher und seine Nation, emphasizes the chronology of internal resistance: first “the monarchical and Catholic resistance fighters,” then “the Communists in resistance,” and finally, “the growing awareness among the Socialists.” See also Bruckmüller, Ernst, Nation Österreich. Sozialhistorische Aspekte ihrer Entwicklung (Vienna, 1984)Google Scholar.

³⁸ Reimann, Viktor, Die dritte Kraft in Österreich (Vienna, 1980)Google Scholar; Kraus, Herbert, “Untragbare Objektivität”. Politische Erinnerungen 1917–1987 (Vienna, 1988)Google Scholar; Oliver Rathkolb, “NS-Problem und Restoration. Vorgeschichte und Etablierung des VDU,” in Verdrängte Schuld, verfehlte Sühne, ed. Meissl, Mulley, and Rathkolb, 73–99; Svoboda, Die Partei, 98–107.

³⁹ The ÖVP invoked the specter of the “red cats,” who would eat up everything, against the SPÖ, which along with KPÖ presented a united socialist front. It was effective wherever the formerly National Socialist clientele was fundamentally influenced by anti-Marxism. This explains the expansion of the ÖVP's position in Styria.

⁴⁰ Binder, Dieter A., “Zum Antiklerikalismus in der Ersten Republik,” Christliche Demokratie 9 (1991/1992): 369–89Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Konrad, Helmut, “Das Werben der NSDAP urn die Sozialdemokraten 1933–1938,” in Arbeiterschaft und Nationalsozialismus in Österreich ed. Ardelt, Rudolf G. and Hautmann, Hans (Vienna, 1990), 73–89Google Scholar.

⁴² See Hartmann, Gerhart, Im Gestern bewährt. Im Heute bereit (Graz, 1988)Google Scholar; Gehler, Michael, “Männer im Lebensbund. Studentenvereine im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der österreichischen Entwicklung,” Zeitgeschichte 21 (1994): 45–66Google Scholar; Fritz, Herbert, ed., Farben tragen, Farbe bekennen 1938–1945. Katholische Korporierte in Widerstand und Verfolgung (Vienna, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁴³ See Kos, “Zur Entnazifizierung der Büirokratie”; Kremsmayer, Ulla, “Instrumentalisierte Intelligenz. Sozialdemokratie und Intellektuelle,” Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 4 (1989): 361–72Google Scholar. Accordingly, 70 percent of the members of the Styrian Bund Sozialistischer Akademiker in 1948 were former National Socialists. For Upper Austria and Tyrol, the figure was 60 percent. In Carinthia, the Social Democratic Medical Association may have been composed entirely of former Nazis, while in Vienna, one-third were former Nazis. In Graz, popular speech referred to the doctors of the Gebietskrankenkasse (regional sickness insurance fund), a Socialist domain, as simply the “SA—Medical Assault.” Similarnumbers are to be expected in parts of the nationalized industry, where the SPÖ employed technicians who were charged with being National Socialist.

⁴⁴ Svoboda, Die Partei, 39–90.

⁴⁵ Weber, Der Kalte Krieg in der SPÖ; Scharf, “Ich darf nicht schweigen.”

⁴⁶ Binder, Dieter A., Josef Dobretsberger. Karl Maria Stepan. Verlorene Positionen des christlichen Lagers (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Josef Hindels, in a 1987 interview, quoted from Svoboda, Die Partei, 30f.

⁴⁸ Binder, Josef Dobretsberger. Karl Maria Stepan, 9–34.

⁴⁹ On the DU's electoral program, see Was wir wollen. Das Rahmenprogramm der Demokratischen Union. Beschlossen durch die Delegierten-Konferenz vom 30. August 1949 erläutert vom Bundesparteiobmann Josef Dobretsberger (Vienna, 1949); facsimile in Binder, Josef Dobretsberger. Karl Maria Stepan, 72–94.

⁵⁰ Leser, Salz der Gesellschaft, 60.

⁵¹ The ÖVP also believed that it would benefit from the formation of the VDU.

⁵² On the relationship between NSDAP and SDAP, see Konrad, Helmut, “Die Verankerung von Ständestaat und Nationalsozialismus in den sozial schwächeren Gruppen 1934–1938,” in Fünfzig Jahre danach—der “Anschluβ” von innen und auβen gesehen, ed. Kreissler, Felix (Vienna, 1989), 159–73Google Scholar.

⁵³ One of Kreisky's most reliable shorthand pledges was simply “Dollfuß.” Binder, Dieter A., “Zur Funktion des Dollfuβ-Bildes in der sozialdemokratischen Propaganda,” Christliche Demokratie 10 (1993): 47–57Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Of the twelve ministers in Kreisky's first government, six had a close relationship with the National Socialist regime. Two particularly striking cases, however, Johann Öllinger and Johann Freihsler, left the government due to public pressure. It is strange how Fischer, Heinz, in Die Kreisky-Jahre 1967–1983 (Vienna, 1993)Google Scholar, does not mention this fact at all. Wiesenthal, Simon, in Recht, nicht Rache. Erinnerungen (Frankfurt am Main, 1988)Google Scholar, writes about this issue in chapters such as “Kreisky's braune Ernte” (354) and “Die Affäre Peter” (360). See also Sporrer, Maria and Steiner, Herbert, eds., Simon Wiesenthal. Ein unbequemer Zeitgenosse (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar; Leser, Salz der Gesellschaft.

⁵⁵ See Leser, Salz der Gesellschaft, 206–8; Wiesenthal, Recht, nicht Rache, 347: “Das Achselzucken des Justizministers.”

⁵⁶ Kreisky, Bruno, Zwischen den Zeiten. Erinnerungen aus fünf Jahrzehnten (Berlin, 1986), 207Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Stourzh, Gerald, Geschichte des Staatsvertrages 1945–1955. Österreichs Weg zur Neutralität (Graz, 1980), 54Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Steininger, Rolf, Los von Rom? Die Südtirolfrage 1945/46 und das Gruber-De Gasperi-Abkommen (Innsbruck, 1987)Google Scholar; Höbelt, Lothar and Huber, Othmar, eds., Für Österreichs Freiheit. Karl Gruber–Landeshauptmann und Auβenminister 1945–1953 (Innsbruck, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ See discussion and citations in note 4.

⁶⁰ Stourzh, Geschichte des Staatsvertrages 1945–1955, 79.

⁶¹ Tancsits, Walter, “Die Sicherheitspolitik Österreichs unter besonderer Berücksichtigung ihres Verhältnisses zu den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika” (unpublished master's thesis, University of Vienna, 1985), 12fGoogle Scholar.

⁶² Stourzh, Geschichte des Staatsvertrages 1945–1955, 79.

⁶³ Ludwig, Michael, Mulley, Klaus Dieter, and Streibel, Robert, eds., Der Oktoberstreik 1950. Ein Wendepunkt der Zweiten Republik (Vienna, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Mähr, Wilfried, Der Marshallplan in Österreich (Graz, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Mähr, Der Marshallplan in Österreich, 108–10. Mähr uses arguments that in 1994 the FPÖ uses against Austria's entry into the European Union.

⁶⁶ France strived to attain a key position for itself and in this way endangered the entire concept, which did not call for the privileging of a potential partner country.

⁶⁷ Rauchensteiner, Die Zwei, 154, 219–21.

⁶⁸ Svoboda, Wilhelm, Franz Olah. Eine Spurensicherung (Vienna 1990)Google Scholar; Konrad, Helmut and Lechner, Manfred, “Millionenverwechslung”. Franz Olah. Die Kronenzeitung. Geheimdienste (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Kerschbaumer, Gert, “Der Kalte Krieg gegen die Moderne,” in Gert Kerschbaumer and Kar Miiller, Begnadet fur das Scho'ne (Vienna, 1992), 117–204Google Scholar; Wagnleiter, Reinhold, Coca-Colonisation und Kalter Krieg. Die Kulturmission der USA in österreich nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (Vienna, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ This, of course, happened in an international context and can also be understood in light of Austria's efforts at being western-oriented.

⁷¹ Stourzh, Geschichte des Staatsvertrages 1945–1955, 83.

⁷² After the conclusion of the Geneva Protocols, Seipel largely withdrew Austria from the international stage. The goal was to promote Austria's economic reconstruction and strengthen its stability so that it would be prepared for involvement in conflict zones. Such conflicts, however, did happen after 1930–31 in ways that were disadvantageous to Austrian domestic and foreign policy, for example, the plans for a German-Austrian customs union and Italy's strategy for building alliances. See Stourzh, Geschichte des Staatsvertrages 1945–1955, 95–111.

⁷³ In this way, Dobretsberger's suggestions for neutrality could be used by the ÖVP and SPÖ to prove his Communist agitation.

⁷⁴ Csáky, Eva-Maria, Der Weg zur Freiheit und Neutralität. Dokumentation zur österrekhischen AufSenpolitik 1945–1955 (Vienna, 1980)Google Scholar; Mock, Alois, Steiner, Ludwig, and Kohl, Andreas, eds., Neue Fakten zu Staatsvertrag und Neutralität (Vienna, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Ginther, Konrad, Neutralität und Neutralitätspolitik. Die österreichische Neutralität zwischen Schweizer Muster und sowjetischer Koexistenzdoktrin (Vienna, 1975)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Rauchensteiner, Manfried, Spätherbst 1956. Die Neutralitat auf dem Prüfstand (Vienna, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ On the issue of premature integration into the West, see Bischof, Günter, “Österreich—ein ‘geheimer Verbündeter’ des Westens?” in Österreich und die europäische Integration 1945–1993. Aspekte einer wechselvollen Beziehung. ed. Gehler, Michael and Steininger, Rolf (Vienna, 1993)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Meier-Walser, Reinhard, Die Auβenpolitik der monocoloren Regierung Klaus in Österreich 1966–1970 (Munich, 1988), 202Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Stephan Hamel, “Eine solche Sache würde der Neutralitätspolitik ein Ende machen. Die österreichischen Integrationsbestrebungen 1961–1972,” in Österreich und die europäische Integration 1945–1993, ed. Gehler and Steininger, 55–86; Esterbauer, Friedrich and Hinterleitner, Reinhold, eds., Die Europäischen Gemeinschaften und Österreich (Vienna, 1977)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ In 1965 and 1966 the EC experienced one of its most difficult crises. The main issue was whether to maintain common grain prices inside the EC. In order to push through its interests, France did not at tend meetings of the EC Council of Ministers for half a year and with this “policy of the empty chair” blocked many of its important activities.

⁸¹ France moreover was warned that the admission of Austria might become a precedent for the future. Here, de Gaulle's reservations regarding Britain's entry became apparent.

⁸² What is more, the Italian veto complied with French politics. See Meier-Walser, Die Auβenpolitik der monocoloren Regierung Klaus in Österreich 1966–1970, 236.

⁸³ Gregor Leitner, “Der Weg nach Brüssel,” in Österreich und die europäische Integration 1945–1993, ed. Gehler and Steininger, 87–108.

⁸⁴ Wolfgang Mederer, “Österreich und die europäische Integration aus staatsrechtlicher Perspektive 1945–1992—unter Berücksichtigung des EWR-Abkommens,” in Österreich und die europäische Integration 1945–1993, ed. Gehler and Steininger, 109–46, esp. 122.

⁸⁵ On Kreisky's foreign policy, see Bielka, Erich, Jankowitsch, Peter, and Thalberg, Hans, eds., Die Ära Kreisky. Schwerpunkte der Österreichischen Aβuienpolitik (Vienna, 1983)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Norbert von Bischoff, Austrian representative in Moscow at the time of the State Treaty, suggested in the fall of 1932 that Austria should intervene in international politics in those areas where “we do not merely figure as suffering [leidende] objects.” Binder, Dieter A., “Der grundlegende Wandel in der österreichischen Auβenpolitik 1993,” Geschichte und Gegenwart 2 (1983): 226–43Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Peter Jankowitsch, “Österreich und die dritte Welt,” in Die Ära Kreisky, ed. Bielka, Jankowitsch, and Thalberg, 257–92.

⁸⁸ Here, Kreisky was able to assume a decidedly critical position toward the United States, which was quickly taken up by the American media.

⁸⁹ Furthermore, this gained Kreisky sympathy among young people who sympathized with the Left and saw criticism of Israel as opposition to U.S. foreign policy.

⁹⁰ Jankowitsch, “Österreich und die dritte Welt,” in Die Ära Kreisky, ed. Bielka, Jankowitsch, and Thalberg, 263.

⁹¹ Kurt Waldheim, “Die Vereinigten Nationen und Österreich,” in Die Ära Kreisky, ed. Bielka, Jankowitsch, and Thalberg, 233–56; Hans Thalberg, “Die Nahostpolitik,” in Die Ära Kreisky, ed. Bielka, Jankowitsch, and Thalberg, 293–321.

⁹² Busek, Erhard and Brix, Emil, eds., Projekt Mitteleuropa (Vienna, 1986)Google Scholar; Busek, Erhard and Wilfinger, Gerhard, eds., Aufbruch nach Mitteleuropa. Rekonstruktion ernes versunkenen Kontinents (Vienna, 1986)Google Scholar; Papcke, Sven and Weidenfeld, Werner, eds., Traumland Mitteleuropa? Beiträge zu einer aktuellen Kontroverse (Darmstadt, 1988)Google Scholar; Truger, Arno and Macho, Thomas H., eds., Mitteleuropäische Perspektiven (Vienna, 1990)Google Scholar.

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⁹⁵ Otto Heller, “Die ‘Schild-Schwert-These’ und die Neutralen,” in Schild ohne Schwert, ed. Rauchensteiner and Etschmann, 61–87.

⁹⁶ This threat scenario persisted up until the beginnings of the 1990s.

⁹⁷ Kreisky, Bruno, Im Strom der Politik (Berlin, 1988), 253Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Rauchensteiner, Manfried, Etschmann, Wolfgang, and Rausch, Josef, eds., Tausend Nadelstiche. Das österreichische Bundesheer in der Reformzeit 1970–1978 (Graz, 1994)Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ In this way, maneuvers were carried out not only in the east, but also in the Tyrolian Inntal, which was a NATO march-through area. These maneuvers took place during testing of the national-defense strategy that had been in planning since 1975 and was presented in 1985. Bundeskanzleramt, , Landesverteidigungsplan (Vienna, 1985)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ The quick protection of the Austrian border in southern Carinthia after the outbreak of fighting in 1991 was possible mostly because the Military Academy of Wiener Neustadt was carrying out large-scale exercises.

¹⁰¹ cThese new factors significantly shaped the restructuring of Austria's army after 1990–91.

¹⁰² Tálos, Hanisch, and Neugebauer, eds., NS-Herrschaft.

¹⁰³ Florian Freund and Bertrand Perz, “Industrialisierung durch Zwangsarbeit,” in NS-Herr-schaft, ed. Tálos, Hanisch, and Neugebauer, 95–114.

¹⁰⁴ Hanisch, Ernst, “Ein Versuch, den Nationalsozialismus zu verstehen,” in Das groβe Tabu. Österreichs Umgang mit seiner Vergangenheit, ed. Pelinka, Anton and Weinzierl, Erika (Vienna, 1987), 154–62Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Botz, Gerhard, “Zwischen Akzeptanz und Distanz. Die österreichische Bevölkerung und das NS-Regime nach dem ‘Anschluβ’,” in Österreich, Deutschland und die Mächte. Internationale und österreichische Aspekte des “Anschlusses” vom März 1938, ed. Stourzh, Gerald and Zaar, Birgitte (Vienna, 1990), 429–55Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Bruckmüller, Ernst, Sozialgeschichte Österreichs (Vienna, 1985), 520Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Ludwig, Michael, Mulley, Klaus Dieter, and Streibel, Robert, eds., Der Oktoberstreik 1950. Ein Wendepunkt der Zweiten Republik (Vienna, 1991)Google Scholar.

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¹¹⁰ Bruckmüller, Sozialgeschichte Österreichs, 523.

¹¹¹ Emmerich Tálos, “Sozialpartnerschaft. Kooperation—Konzertierung—politische Regulierung,” in Handbuch, ed. Dachs, 390–415.

¹¹² This is important with regard to the periodization of the Kreisky era; neither Kreisky's inauguration nor his departure from the government shows a political turning point with respect to the social partnership. Even Kreisky's discreet “apologist,” Heinz Fischer, in Die Kreisky-Jahre, makes divisions primarily according to the personal history of party chairmanship within the SPÖ.

¹¹³ Pelinka, Anton, Die Kleine Koalition. SPÖ-FPÖ 1983–1986 (Vienna, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ The expression “green” here primarily refers to the protest against the building of the nuclear power plant Zwentendorf and the planning of a power plant in Hainburg. Only after this did genuine green parties form along traditional lines, that is, “left-wing” greens and “bourgeois” greens founded separate parties.

¹¹⁵ Bailer, Brigitte and Neugebauer, Wolfgang, “Die FPÖ. Vom Liberalismus zum Rechtsex-tremismus,” in Handbuch des österreichischen Rechtsextremismus (Vienna, 1993), 327–428Google Scholar; Scharsach, Hans-Henning, Haiders Kampf (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar; Reiter, Erich, Programm und Programmentwick-lung der FPÖ (Vienna, 1982)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Plasser, Fritz, Ulram, Peter A., and Grausberger, Alfred, “The Decline of ‘Lager Mentality’ and the New Model of Electoral Competition in Austria,” in Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism? ed. Luther, Kurt Richard and Müller, Wolfgang C. (London, 1992), 16–44Google Scholar; Dachs, ed., Parteien und Wahlen.

¹¹⁷ Welzig, Elisabeth, Die 68er. Karrieren einer rebellischen Generation (Vienna, 1985)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Bruckmüller, Sozialgeschichte, 525.

¹¹⁹ The reference here is not to the members of the traditional associations of resistance fighters that arose after 1945. Antifascism as a characteristic feeling of life among the '68ers proceeded from the “concept of fascism,” which had been influenced by party-political language. This concept at times included just about anything that did not correspond with one's personal position. In this way, the accusation of being fascist was all too often used in contemporary situations, which played down in a disturbing manner the historical phenomenon of fascism and National Socialism.

¹²⁰ Kerschbaumer and Müller, Begnadet für das Schöne.

¹²¹ The “patriotic feeling” of the young distinguished itself in its social claim. It arose from exact observation of present situations and their specific alienation.

¹²² This West-East difference in the early phase also characterized the internal conditions of the two dominant parties.

¹²³ Bruckmüller, Nation Österreich, 212–22; Bruckmüller, Ernst, Österreichbewuβtsein im Wandel. Identität und Selbstverständnis in den 90er Jahren (Vienna, 1994), 121–48Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ This applies both to the First and the Second Republics.

¹²⁵ Since the conclusion of the South Tyrol Agreement, cooperation between North and South Tyrol intensified in ways that went beyond the North's concern for the German-speaking minority in the South. The cooperation that established itself on economic, cultural, and transportation matters could be used immediately by both sides. Austria's pending membership in the EU leads to visions that, under the idea of Tyrol as a “European region,” seem to challenge the redrawing of the border in 1918. As a result of the recent participation of the neofascists in the Italian government, militant voices are beginning to call for separating South Tyrol from Italy in the event of a new fascist policy of “Italianization.” These voices, however, remain limited to shrill political task forces that have nothing to do with the visions of a European region that is a model of a pluralistic society.

¹²⁶ Dachs, Herbert, ed., Die regionale Auβenpolitik des Landes Salzburg (Salzburg, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ See in this regard the fundamental policy document of the former Austrian Nazis in Langoth, Franz, Kampf um Österreich (Wels, 1951), 342f.:Google Scholar “Glasenbacher Gelöbnis.” It says as follows: “Our guiding star is a true socialism. … Austria … will be our rejuvenated fatherland, a fatherland that we march toward in firm optimism. We will be its most faithful sons, because economically, as the ‘dismissed ones,’ we will for a long time suffer from the measures of atonement laid upon us as the bearers of an idea [National Socialism] we whole-heartedly believed in.” The parties “will campaign for our votes when we are free again, for our votes are valuable to them. We will follow the parole of our community, because most of all we have to secure and protect our existence. We will be faithful servants to our country, with the motto: The well-being of the people is more important than that of the parties. … Glasenbach, December 31, 1946.”

¹²⁸ Uhl, Heidemarie, Zwischen Versöhnung und Verstörung. Eine Kontroverse um Österreichs historische ldentität fünfzig Jahre nach dem “Anschluβ” (Vienna, 1992)Google Scholar; Ziegler, Meinrad and Kannonier-Finster, Waltraud, eds., Österreichisches Gedächtnis. Über Erinnern und Vergessen der NS-Vergangenheit (Vienna, 1993)Google Scholar.

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