Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
East and east central European cities are a neglected field of research in urban history. While a certain number of publications exist on select urban phenomena such as urban Jewry, only recently have attempts been made to focus research on entire cities. Studies published in the last decade have tried to discover the unknown urban world of multiethnic societies in countries such as Russia, Poland, Ukraine, and the Baltic states. Researchers must cope with specific problems. General city histories are very rare, with the exception of several “city biographies” dating from the 1920s and 1930s. Archival sources are rather poorly documented in inventories, and holdings (especially on the territory of the former Soviet Union) suffered wartime losses and are often scattered. Multilingual skills and knowledge of “exotic” languages such as Ukrainian, Lithuanian, or Yiddish are mandatory. And finally, the usual approaches do not lead to satisfactory results. “Traditional” urban history deals with Western European and North American urban societies that were shaped by a special set of social, economic, and juridical circumstances, in which longstanding city autonomy, rapid modernization since the eighteenth century, a powerful city bourgeoisie, and highly developed and differentiated public spheres played important roles. When one applies the standards of Western city development to the multinational Central and Eastern European cities during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the latter appear to be underdeveloped and lacking in many of the institutional preconditions that make a mere urban agglomeration a city. Such considerations may even be applied to a city such as Lemberg (L'viv in Ukrainian, Lwow in Polish), which belonged to Austria-Hungary until 1918, and was always regarded as a stronghold of “Vienneseness” and “Europeaness” in the “East.”
1 See, for example, Vladimir, Melamed, Evrei vo Ľvove, Xlll-pervaja polovina XX veka. Sobytija—obščestvo—ljudi (The Jews of Ľviv from the thirteenth to the middle of the twentieth century) (Ľviv, 1994);Google ScholarHenri, Minczeles, Vilna, Vilno, Vilnius, La Jérusalem de la Lithuanie (Paris, 1992);Google ScholarLeyzer, Ron, Jerusalem of Lithuania (New York, 1978);Google ScholarGabriela, Zalewska, Ludność żydowska w Warszawie w okresie miedzywojennym (The Jewish population in Warsaw in the interwar era) (Warsaw, 1996); Steven J. Zipperstein, The Jews of Odessa: A Cultural History, 1794–1881 (Stanford, 1986).Google Scholar For a literature survey, see Christoph, Schmidt, “Neue Literatur zur Geschichte der Juden in Litauen,” Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 50 (2001): 448–49.Google Scholar
2 Selected recent works about cities in Eastern and Central Europe include Hofmann, Andreas R. and Anna Veronika, Wendland, eds., Stadt und Öffentlichkeit in Ostmitteleuropa. Beiträge zur Entstehung moderner Urbanität zwischen Berlin und Charkiv, Tallinn und Triest (Stuttgart, 2002);Google ScholarGerhard, Melinz and Susan, Zimmerman, eds., Wien, Prag, Budapest. Urbanisierung, Kommunalpolitik, gesellschaftliche Konflikte (1867–1918) (Vienna, 1996);Google ScholarVáclav, Ledvinka and Jiff, Pešek, Dějiny českých měst, vol. 1, Praha (History of Czech cities, vol. 1, Prague) (Prague, 2000);Google ScholarJacek, Purchla, Krakau unter österreichischer Herrschaft 1846–1918. Faktoren seiner Entwicklung (Vienna, 1993);Google ScholarHarald, Heppner, ed., Czernowitz. Die Geschichte einer ungewöhnlichen Stadt (Cologne, 2000);Google ScholarHamm, Michael F.Kiev: A Portrait, 1800–1917 (Princeton, 1995);Google ScholarPatricia, Herlihy, Odessa: A History, 1794–1914 (Cambridge, 1991);Google ScholarGuido, Hausmann, Universität und städtische Gesellschaft in Odessa 1865–1917. Soziale und nationale Selbstorganisation an der Peripherie des Zarenreiches (Stuttgart, 1998);Google ScholarTanja, Penter, Odessa 1917: Revolution an der Peripherie (Cologne, 2000);Google ScholarWladimir, Berelovitch, Histoire de Saint-Pétersbourg (Paris, 1996);Google ScholarSolomon, Volkov, St. Petersburg: A Cultural History (London, 1996);Google ScholarRuble, Blair A., Leningrad: Staging a Soviet City (Berkeley, 1990);Google ScholarKarl, Schlögel, Jenseits des Grofien Oktober: Das Laboratorium der Modeme. Petersburg 1909–1921 (Berlin, 1988);Google ScholarChase, William J., Workers, Society, and the Soviet State: Labor and Life in Moscow, 1918–1929 (Urbana, 1990);Google ScholarDavid Lloyd, Hofmann, Peasant Metropolis: Social Identities in Moscow, 1929–1941 (Ithaca, 1994).Google ScholarNew literature referring to Ľviv's history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries includes Kazimierz, Karolczak and Henryk, Zaliriski, eds., Lwów. Miasto — społeczeiistwo—kultura (Ľviv: City—society—culture), vols. 1–4 (Cracow, 1995-2002);Google ScholarChristoph, Mick, “Nationalisierung in einer mula'ethnischen Stadt. Interethnische Konflikte in Lemberg 1890–1920,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 40 (2000): 113–46;Google ScholarIsabel, Röskau-Rydel, Kultur an der Peripherie des Habsburgerreiches. Die Geschichte des Bildungswesens und der kulturellen Einrichtungen in Lemberg von 1772–1848 (Wiesbaden, 1998);Google ScholarAnna Veronika, Wendland, “Stadt zwischen zwei Kriegen. Lemberg in der Zweiten Republik, 1918–1939,” in Lemberg—Lwów—Ľviv. Eine Stadt im Schnittpunkt europäischer Kulturen, ed. Thomas, Held (Cologne, forthcoming);Google ScholarWendland, , “Nachbarn als Verräter. Nah'onalisierungsprozesse, Erinnerungspolitik und städtische Öffentlichkeiten im Lemberg der Zwischenkriegszeit,”Google Scholar in Hofmann, and Wendland, , Stadt und Öffentlichkeit, 149–69.Google Scholar
3 Later, I will use today's name of the city, Ľviv.Google Scholar
4 Marian, Tyrowicz, Wspomnienia o życiu kulturalnym i obyczajowym Lwowa 1918–1939 (Remembrances on the cultural and everyday life of Ľviv) (Wroclaw, 1991), mentions wiedenszczyzna as a distinct style of Lw6w city culture before and after 1918 (p. 43).Google Scholar
5 Urbane Identität und rationale Integration: Lemberg und Wilna, 1900–1939 (Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum für Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas, Leipzig).Google Scholar
6 Jay, Winter and Jean-Louis, Robert, Capital Cities at War: Paris, London, Berlin, 1914–1919, Studies in the Social and Cultural History of Modern Warfare, 2 (Cambridge, 1997), 3–24; Benedict R. Anderson, Imagined Communities (London, 1991).Google Scholar
7 For a short introduction to the history of the Uniate (from 1774, Greek Catholic) Church,Google Scholarsee John, Paul Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and the Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867–1900 (Montreal, 1999), 5–8.Google Scholar
8 Between 1869 and 1910, Ľviv's population grew from 87,109 to 195,796; 68.3 percent of this growth was due to immigration.Google Scholar See Stanistaw, Hoszowski, Ekonomiczny rozwdj Lwowa (The economic development of Ľviv) (Ľviv, 1935), 64–65.Google ScholarOf the 154,481 inhabitants of Ľviv in 1900, only 68,414 were bom in the city; the rest (81,059) were bom elsewhere, mostly in Galicia.Google Scholar See “Die ortsansassige Bevölkerung der Grossstädte nach der Gebürtigkeit,” Österreichische Statistik (hereafter OSt) 63, no. 2. (1903): 48–52,Google Scholartable 4. Between 1900 and 1910, Ľviv's population grew at a rate of 28.92 percent, 17.20 percent of it due to immigration and 11.72 percent from natural growth.Google Scholar See“Table 2, Zunahme und Abnahme der anwesenden Bevölkerung,” ÖSt, Neue Folge 1 (1917): 35–36.Google Scholar
9 Alexander, Granach, Da geht tin Mensch. Roman eines Lebens (Munich, 1987), 174f.Google Scholar
10 According to the last Austrian census (1910), Ľviv had an overall population of 206,113 inhabitants, of whom 51 percent were Roman Catholic, 19 percent Greek, Catholic, and 28 percent “Israelite” (Jewish).Google ScholarAlmost 86 percent of Ľviv inhabitants with Austrian citizenship spoke Polish as their Umgangssprache, 11 percent spoke Ruthenian (Ukrainian), and 3 percent spoke German.Google Scholar See “Die ortsanwesende Bevölkerung und Wohnbevolkerung,” 43;Google Scholar“Die anwesende Bevölkerung nach der Religion,” 80, table 3;Google Scholar and“Umgangssprache von je 100 anwesenden österreichischen Staatsbürgern,” 63, all in ÖSt, Neue Folge 1 (1917).Google ScholarAccording to the first Polish census (1921), Ľviv had an overall population of 219,392 inhabitants, of whom 51.3 percent were Roman Catholic, 12.1 percent were Greek Catholic, 35 percent were "of mosaic confession” (Jewish).Google Scholar See Ľviv Magistrate statistics, 1928, Derzhavnyi Archiv Ľvivskoii Oblasti (DALO), fond 2/opys 26/ sprava 2048/arkuš5.Google Scholar
11 Stanisraw, Vincenz, Po stronie dialogu (Toward dialog), vol. 2 (Warsaw, 1983), 109–31, especially 120–28;Google ScholarEverett, Leila P., “The Rise of Jewish National Politics in Galicia, 1903–1907,” in Nation-Building and the Politics of Nationalism: Essays on Austrian Galicia, ed. Andrei, Markovits and Sysyn, Frank F., 149–77;Google Scholar and, in the same volume, Ezra, Mendelsohn, “Jewish Assimilation in Ľviv:The Case of Wilhelm Feldman,” 94–110.Google Scholar
12 On city development and the competition between Ľviv and Cracow,Google Scholar see Orton, Lawrence D., “The Formation of Modern Cracow (1866–1914),” Austrian History Yearbook 19–20, Part 1 (1983-1984), 105–17;CrossRefGoogle ScholarJacek, Purchla, Jak powstat nowoczesny Kraków (The emergence of Cracow) (Cracow, 1990), 81–82;Google ScholarPurchla, , Matecznik Polski (Poland's refuge) (Cracow, 1992);Google ScholarHoszowski, , Ekonomiczny, 55–64.Google Scholar
13 Already in 1910, the national-democratic (Endecja) press had its biggest success in Ľviv, not in traditionally conservative Cracow.Google Scholar See Harald, Binder, “Politische Öffentlichkeit in Galizien: Lemberg und Krakau im Vergleich,” in Hofmann and Wendland, Stadt und Öffentlichkeit, 259–80.Google ScholarOn the Polish-Ukrainian conflict up to 1914,Google Scholar see Kosť, Levytskyi, Istoriia politychnoii dutnky halyts´kych ukraiintsiv 1848–1914 na pidstavi spomyniv (History of the political thought of the Galician Ukrainians based on memoirs) (Ľviv, 1926);Google ScholarWilhelm, Feldman, Geschichte der politischen Idem in Polen seit dessen Teilungen (1795–1914) (1917; reprint, Osnabriick 1964), 123–28,206–208,210–12; 215–309,313–24,401–06,416–22;Google ScholarMarian, Mudry, “Od Austrii do Polski: Problem uniwersytetu ukraińskiego we Lwowie w pierwszej ćwierci XX w.” (From Austria to Poland: The Ukrainian university problem in Ľviv during the first quarter of the twentieth century), in Lwów, ed. Karolczak, and Żaliński, , 4:291–310.Google Scholar
14 Winter, and Robert, , Capital Cities, 20, 22.Google Scholar
15 Manfried, Rauchensteiner, Der Tod des Doppeladlers. Österreich-Ungarn und der Erste Weltkrieg (Graz, 1993);Google ScholarAnna Veronika, Wendland, Die Russophilen in Galizien. Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Ruβiland, 1848–1915 (Vienna, 2001), 512–62.Google Scholar
16 As an example, see the paintings of Wojdech, Kossak, which were popular in interwar Poland, Młody obronca (The young defender) and Orleta—obrona cmentarza (The Eaglets—Defense of the cemetery), reproduced on the dust jackets of Obrona Lwowa. Zródfa do dziejów walk o Lwów i województwa pohtdniowo—zvschodnie 1918–1920. Relacje uczfstników (The Defense of Lwów. Sources on the history of the struggle over Lwów and the southeastern voyvodships, 1918–1920. Records of participants), vols. 1 and 2 (1933–36, reprint, Warsaw, 1991);Google Scholarfor an example of sentimental Obrona Lwowa lyrics,Google Scholar see Henryk, Zbierzchowski, “Lwowski Listopad,” in Lwów. Wspomnienie lat szcześiwych (Lwów: Memory of happy years), ed. Janina, Augustyn-Puziewicz (Wrocraw, 1994), 119–20:Google ScholarI wtedy zjawia znów w pamieci ten ajłnierz mały/Który obronł Lwów dlą Polski chwały./Czapka wieksza od głowy, pod która widać Włos płowy/I twarz rumieni świeża. Karabin dłuższy od żotnierza…. Czyli potrafi ono obroničpolski gród?/Ale w tym dziecku jakiś duch, który starczy za dwóch!/Ale w tym dziecku jakiś głód, by walki otrzymać chrzest. (And then again in one's mind appears that little soldier/Who defended Lwów for Poland's glory. /A czapka too big for his head, not covering his wild flaxen hair/And a fresh face, blushing. The rifle longer than the soldier…. And how was he able to defend the Polish bastion?/But there is spirit in that child enough for two!/But there is eagerness in that child to receive his baptism of fire.)Google Scholar
17 On Obrona Lwowa events, see Ludwik, Mroczka, Spór o Galicjpwschodnią 1914–1923 (The conflict over Eastern Galicia) (Cracow, 1998), 90–125;Google ScholarMelamed, , Evrei vo Ľvove, 134r-35;Google ScholarWacław, Wierzbieniec, “Związek Zydów Uczestników Walk o Niepodległrośč Polski we Lwowie (1932–1939)” (The Association of Jewish Veterans of the War for Poland's Independence in Ľviv),Google Scholar in Lwów, ed. Karolczak and Zaliński, 2:287–88;Google ScholarJerzy, Tomaszewski, “Lwów, 22. listopada 1918r.” (Ľviv, November 22,1918), Przegląd historyczny 75, no. 2 (1984): 279–85;Google ScholarHenryka, Kramarz, “Ze sceny walk polsko-ukraińskich o Lwów. Życie mieszkańców w warunkach wojny polsko-ukraińiskiej” (From the theater of the Polish-Ukrainian struggles over Ľviv. Everyday life at war), in Galicja ijej dziedzictwo (Galicia and its heritage), vol. 1 (Rrzeszów, 1994), 99–115;Google Scholar testimonies of combatants in a magistrate file concerning alleged cooperation of a Greek Catholic city employee, Julia, Pikas, with the Ukrainians, 1935–36,Google Scholar
18 “Eaglets,” an allusion to the Polish heraldic animal, the white eagle.Google Scholar
19 “Lwów's children,” originally a quotation from a pre-World War I popular song about Ľviv recruits sent to Bosnia, “Marsz lwowskich dzieci,” in Jerzy, Habela and Sofja, Kurzowa, eds., Lwowskie piosenki uliczne, kabaretowe i okolicznokiowe do roku 1939 (Ľviv cabaret, street and occasional songs to 1939) (Cracow, 1989), 239.Google Scholar
20 See programs of November holidays in the Ľviv City Magistrate records: Związek Obrońiców Lwowa, Projekt programy uroczystości obchodu 10-lecia Obrony Lwowa (Association of the Defenders of Ľviv. Program outline of the festivities on occasion of the 10th anniversary of the Defense of Ľviv), May 1928, DALO f. 2/26/384/7f.;Google ScholarProgram uroczystosci 10-tej rocznicy Obrony Lwowa: w czasie od 31. X.-22. XI. 1928 r. (Program of the festivities on occasion of the 10th anniversary of the Defense of Ľviv, Oct. 31-Nov. 2,1923), DALO f. 2/26/384/ 33ff.;Google ScholarProjekt programu uroczystosci obchodu 10-lecia Obrony Lwowa, DALO f. 2/26/384/35v.;Google ScholarProgram uroczystosci I. Okregowych Zawodów Strzeleckich z broni matokalibrowej we Lwowie (Program of the festivities of the First District Competitions of the Small Caliber Rifle Association in Ľviv) (Nov. 3, 1928), DALO f. 2/26/384/37–39;Google ScholarNovember celebration programs, 1936, DALO f. 2/26/1135/28, 31.Google ScholarIn 1920, the city was even awarded a high military decoration “for defending the polskošć” of the borderlands.Google Scholar See Józeí Białynia, Chołodecki, Lwów kawalerem krzyta “Virtuti militari” (Ľviv, a city awarded the Virtuti Militari Cross) (Ľviv, 1922).Google ScholarRecords of the Zwiazek Obrońiców Lwowa that illustrate the society's cultural and lobbyist activities are in DALO, f. 266 op. 1, records of the Society for the Investigation of the History of the Defense of Lwów in DALO, f. 257, op. 1.Google ScholarThe society published the above cited source compilation Obrona Lwowa.Google Scholar
21 Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia;Google Scholar and idem, W poszukiwaniu siebie…. Wspomnienia i refleksje (In search of myself…. Memoirs and considerations), vol. 1, Pod lwowskim niebem (Under the sky of Ľviv) (Lublin, 1988).Google Scholar
22 Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 22, 24, 39, 44, refers (among other authors) to Artur Schröder and his short story collection titled Orleta; and Augustyn-Puziewicz, Lwów, 117–20.Google Scholar
23 For the use of the slogan Semper fidelis, see note 24, city guides and texts on Ľviv history; Anna Veronika, Wendland, “Semper fidelis: Lwów jako narodowy mit Polaków i Ukraińców (1867–1939)” (Semper fidelis: Ľviv as a national myth of Poles and Ukrainians, 1867–1939), in Lwów, ed. Karolczak and Żaliński, 4:263–74.Google Scholar
24 For images in memories and city guides of the interwar era, see Medyifeki, A., Lwów. Ilnstmwany przewodnik dla zwiedzajacych miasto (Ľviv. Illustrated guide for visitors) (Ľviv, 1937),Google Scholar preface; Mieczysław, Orłowicz, Ilustrowany przewodnik po Lwowie (Illustrated guide to Ľviv) (Ľviv, 1920 and 1925);Google ScholarJózef, Piotrowski, Lemberg und Umgebung. Handbuchfiir Kunstliebhaber und Reisende (Leipzig, 1916), preface If.;Google ScholarGerman draft of city public relations text for twenty-year jubilee of Zwiázek Miast Polskich, 1932 or 1933, DALO f. 2/26/817/7.Google ScholarThey all offer more information on Ľviv's “Golden Age” (its medieval and early modem history), than on nineteenth- and twentieth-century events. “Kronika Lwowa, jego zabytki i osobliwośri” (A chronicle of Ľviv, its memorials and attractions),Google Scholar in M.Sonnenscheina Lwowski Skorowidz Adresowy unedów, handlu i przemyshi oraz wolnych zawodów (M. Sonnenschein's address book of administration, commerce, industry, and the professions in Ľviv), ed. Sonnenschein, M., R. 3 (Ľviv, 1927), 5–11,Google Scholardescribes war events of 1918–19 rather laconically: The “Polish army” drove out the “military party of Ukraine,” but the Defense of Lwów is not explicitly mentioned. For special mention of the conservation of Ľviv's polskość,Google Scholar see tcucja Charewiczowa, , Historiografia i mitośnictwo Lwowa (Historiography and amateur local history in Ľviv), Biblioteka Lwowska, 107 (Ľviv, 1938), 6;Google Scholar and Hoszowski, , Ekonomiczny. The book is a comprehensive version of several lectures on the economic history of Ľviv that Hoszowski delivered for Związek Obrońiców Lwowa in spring 1934.Google Scholar
25 Czesław, Mirosz, Wyprawa w dwudziestolecie (Departure to the interwar period) (Cracow, 1999), 78–79;Google ScholarEdward, Horwarth, ed., Kajet dziecka Iwowskiego z przeżyć w czasie oblezenia Lwowa od listopada 1918 do kwietnia 1919 (Essays of Ľviv children on the period of siege from November 1918 up to April 1919) (Ľviv, 1921);Google ScholarTyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 121.Google Scholar
26 For a document of the Ukrainian martyr cult around the Eastern Galician conflict,Google Scholar see Bohdan, natkevych, Lev, Lepkyi, AND Ivan, Nimchuk, “USS. Ukraiins'ki Sichovi Stril'tsi 1914–1920” (USS. The Ukrainian Sich Riflemen 1914–1920) (1935, reprint Ľviv, 1991), 129–44.Google ScholarMiłosz, , Wyprawa w Dwudziestolecie, offers similar observations concerning interwar urban life in Vilnius and Warsaw.Google ScholarA document on Ukrainian city pride is Ivan, Krypiakevych, Istoryˇni prochody po Ľvovi (Historical promenades in Ľviv) (1932, reprint, Ľviv, 1991).Google Scholar
27 Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 34–35. For an example of Ľviv's structural problems,Google Scholar see “City council resolution against the move of Polski Bank Przemysixnvy to Warsaw,” Sept. 22,1923, and City Council to Polski Bank Przemystvwy, Sept. 20,1923, DALO f. 2/26/17/84–38;Google Scholaron interwar ˇL'viv, see Wendland, “Stadt zwischen zwei Kriegen.”Google Scholar
28 For general tendencies of Ľviv image-making, concentrating on Ľviv as a “frontier” city, see city guides cited above; for special focus on Obrona, Lwowa, see the program of a trip the Związek Miast Polskich organized for Members of the International City Federation, Sept. 6–16, 1929, July 14, 1929 DALO f. 2/26/484/7, 16f., 20, 26;Google ScholarExcursion Committee of the Associated Business Clubs/Biuro Wycieczkowe Zjednoczonych Klubów Handlowych Polskich to City Presidency, Chicago, Feb. 1,1929, with program of a trip to Polish cities, including Ľviv, May 14-July 20,1929, DALO f. 2/26/392/184–86;Google ScholarExcursion program of Amis de la Pologne, Aug. 25–27,1931, DALO f. 2/26/658/19, 23;Google ScholarCity Public Relations and Tourist Office, Wytyczne prac propagandowych referenta propagandy (Guidelines for the public relations executive's propaganda efforts), July, 26,1935, DALO f. 2/26/658/39–44.Google ScholarPlans include production of short films about heroic Ľviv, November celebration trips for tourists from other cities, brochures about the city history with a chapter “about how Ľviv defended itself.” Here the presentation of Ľviv as “city of the Orleta” is mentioned as well; circular of City President Stanisraw Ostrowski, Nov. 25, 1938, DALO f. 2/26/1631/2–5, with exhibition plans to commemorate the 600th anniversary of the city in 1940,Google Scholartitled Lwów historyczny, wspótozesny i przyszły (Historical, modern and future Ľviv).Google ScholarAccording to the source, the Obrona Lwowa has to be a separate part of the exhibition; program of the President's visit in Ľviv, September 5–7, 1924, DALO f. 2/26/6/19,22–27.Google Scholar
29 This is what my colleagues Hofmann, Andreas R. and Tomicka-Krumrey, Ewa assumed when discussing this article. It may be interesting to investigate the question whether the post-World War II Warsaw memorial of Mały powstaniec (The Little Insurrectionist) that was erected in honor of the young participants of the Warsaw Insurrection (August-October 1944) has been inspired by the iconography of Ľviv's Orleta.Google Scholar
30 Joseph, Roth, ” in Joseph Roth: Werke, vol. 2, Das journalistische Werk, 1924–1928 (Cologne, 1990),285–99, especially 288–99;Google ScholarJózef, Wittlin, Mój Lwów (My Ľviv) (Warsaw, 1991);Google ScholarStanisław, Lem, Wysoki Zamek (Castle Hill) (Cracow, 1991);Google ScholarAndrzej, Kuśniewicz, Znaki zodiaku (Signs of the zodiac) (Warsaw, 1977);Google ScholarKuśniewicz, , Mieszaniny obyczajowe (Miscellaneous impressions from everyday life) (Warsaw, 1985);Google ScholarLew, Kaltenbergh, Odłnmki stłiczonego lustra (Fragments of a broken chandelier) (Warsaw, 1991);Google ScholarStanisław, Machowski, Bernardyński mijam plac (Crossing the Bernardines´ square) (Wroctaw, 1989);Google ScholarKornel, Makuszyński, Kartki z Kalendarza (Calendar pages) (Warsaw, 1939);Google ScholarJan, Parandowski, Lużne kartki (Loose-leaf miscellanea) (Wrocraw, 1967);Google ScholarKazimierz, Schleyen, Lwowskie gawedy (Ľviv chats) (London, 1967).Google Scholar
31 Batiar is a dialect word of Hungarian origin denoting underclass youngsters.Google Scholar
32 “Synzacja, bu kinu gra,” in Habela and Kurzowa, Lwowskie piosenki uliczne, 144–45.
33 See the texts quoted in note 28;Google ScholarWitold, Szolginia, Tamten Lwow, vols. 1–6 (Wroctaw, 1991-1994);Google ScholarAugustyn-Puziewicz, , Lwów; Vincenz, Po stronie dialogu, 132–33.Google ScholarStryi is a town located in the south of Ľviv. The park was named Stryiski because of its location near the highway to Stryi.Google Scholar
34 In the above-mentioned programs of the November celebrations, schools, scouts, sports associations, and the Catholic Church are often mentioned as organizers of events (see note 20).Google Scholar
35 See the anonymous popular songs about the Obrona Lwowa, especially “Mamo najdrozsza badzzdrowa,” a song about a fourteen-year-old fighter named Jurek, Bitschan, in Habela, and Kurzowa, , Lwowskie piosenki uliczne, 258.Google Scholar
36 Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 17, 40.Google Scholar
37 Ibid., 199.
38 Iurii, Vinnychuk, Knaipy Ľvova (Ľviv taverns) (Ľviv, 2000), 33–84, 141–70;Google ScholarTyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 53–54, 83,108,184–98, 204.Google Scholar
39 Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 43.Google Scholar
40 Ibid.,40,57.
41 In prewar times, the newspaper bore the additional title Lemberger Zeitung and was partly published in German.Google Scholar
42 This information comes from more detailed research about Ľviv's press and public sphere within the above-mentioned research project.Google Scholar For further information, see Binder, , “Politische Öffentlichkeit”; and Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 85,87,89.Google Scholar
43 Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 92, 95,113–14.Google Scholar
44 Ibid., 48–49, 53–54.
45 Ibid., 205.
46 Ibid.,96.
47 Vincenz, , Po stronie dialogu, 106–107,133–39. For left-wing handbills and brochures about strikes, demonstrations, and riots in 1936,Google Scholar see Bryk, M. V. et al. , eds., Istoriia Ľvvoa v dokumentach i materialach. Zbimyk dokumentiv i materialiv (Kiev, 1986), 178, 180–84, 196–204;Google ScholarTyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 59–71.Google Scholar
48 Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 47, 52, 202–3.Google Scholar
49 Ibid., 55–56, 94.
50 Ibid., 201.
51 Ibid., 199–200.
52 See the series Biblioteka Lwowska, edited by the association, vols. 1–107 (Ľviv, 1906-1938).Google ScholarFor further information about the Association, which was founded in 1906, see Charewiczowa, , Historiografia, 148–72; and Tyrowicz, , Wspomnienia, 46–47.Google Scholar
53 Charewiczowa, , Historiografia,6.Google Scholar