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National Cultural Centers of the Habsburg Empire Before 1914: Zagreb1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
Extract
The importance of turn-of-the-century Vienna for modern Western civilization is such that it is difficult for any educated person to be unaware of the political and cultural changes taking place in that city at that time. Against a background of social and political disintegration, the intellectual and cultural elite of Vienna—and particularly its younger members—revolted against the rationalistic, legalistic, and moralistic liberalism of nineteenth-century Europe. Parliamentary politics in Vienna yielded to mass politics, increasingly strident in tone and negative in its goal. At the same time rationalist views of human nature were giving way before the psychoanalytic theories of the Viennese Sigmund Freud. Aestheticism became a refuge from life for many of the city's young intellectuals. Its literary men turned inward to study the psychology of the individual or uphold the goal of art for art's sake. The home of Mozart, Beethoven, and the Strausses gave birth at the turn of the century to the first works of Schoenberg. Academic formalism in painting came under attack from the Viennese Secession. And the city of the monumental historical eclecticism of the Ringstrasse gave rise to architectural critics who sought a new architecture expressing modern, not by-gone, life. The very phrase “turn-of-the-century Vienna” conjures up the names of a disparate group of famous—or infamous—giants of modern culture and politics: Freud, Hofmannsthal, Kokoschka, Klimt, Schoenberg, Mahler, Lueger, even the young Hitler.
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- Peoples and Culture
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- Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 1983
References
2 The best recent survey of the Moderna in its literary and nonliterary aspects is Goldstein, Slavko et al. , Povijest hrvatske književnosti [History of Croatian Literature], vol. V, Šicel, Miroslav, Književnost Moderne [Literature of the Moderna], (Zagreb: Liber and Mladost, 1978).Google Scholar A good standard survey also appears in Barac, Antun, Jugoslavenska književnost [Yugoslav Literature], 3rd ed. (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1963), pp. 218–236.Google Scholar An English-language translation of the latter, sponsored by the Joint Committee on Eastern Europe of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council, is available under the title, A History of Yugoslav Literature.
3 For the 1869 figures for Vienna, Prague, and Cracow, see Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Jahr 1870. Herausgegeben von der K. K. statistischen Central-Commission (Vienna: K. K. Hof-und Staatsdruckerei, 1872), pp. 7, 10, 13.Google Scholar For the 1900 figures for Vienna and Cracow, see Österreichisches statistisches Handbuch für die im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreiche und Länder. Herausgegeben von der K. K. statistischen Zentralkommission, vol. XX (1901) (Vienna: Verlag der K. K. statistischen Zentralkommission, 1902), p. 6.Google Scholar For the 1869 and 1900 figures for Zagreb, see Šidak, Jaroslav et al. , Povijest hrvatskog naroda g. 1860–1914 [History of the Croatian People, 1860–1914] (Zagreb: Školska knjiga, 1968), p. 320Google Scholar, table 2. Because of boundary changes not reflected in the published statistics, the figure for Prague's population in 1900 has been taken from Janáček, Josef, Malé dějiny Prahy [Short History of Prague] (Prague: Orbis, 1967), p. 342, unnumbered graph.Google Scholar
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11 Historically notable demonstrations in Zagreb before 1903 had occurred in May 1845 during an electoral campaign, in 1883 as a protest against Magyar inscriptions on government buildings, and in 1895 when the student participants were expelled from the university. On these occasions, however, the resort to the streets ceased after a short while. After 1903, demonstrations became a regular occurrence in Zagreb.
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21 On one of the most prominent men in this group, the critic Milan Marjanovič, see Šicel, , Književnost Moderne, pp. 104–108.Google Scholar See also, Ibid., p. 74.
22 One of the most consistent exponents of this position was the critic Branimir Livadić; Ibid., pp. 114–118, as well as p. 74.
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36 Through his compositions, Zajc exponentially increased the Croatian-language operatic repertoire, but he did not write the first Croatian opera. That distinction belongs to Vatroslav Lisinski, a talented musical amateur, whose opera Ljubav i zloba [Love and Malice] was first performed in 1846. Zajc was, however, the first to present foreign operas in Zagreb in Croatian translation, beginning with Verdi's Troubadour in 1871. Širola, , Hrvatska umjetnička glazba, pp. 67–71Google Scholar; Sto godina opere, unpaginated (citation comes from third page of the introduction by Aleksander Reiching).
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38 Of his twelve hundred compositions, only his 1876 opera Nikola SubićZrinski, a patriotic potboiler, continues to be performed, “more for patriotic reasons than for intrinsic musical value” according to Kabalin. “Music,” p. 285.
39 Širola, , Hrvatska umjetnička glazba, pp. 175–210.Google Scholar The historian was Vjekoslav Klaić, a professor at Zagreb University and author of a six-volume history of the Croats.
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42 Ibid., unpaginated (citation comes from the first four pages of the section entitled “Zagrebački operni umjetnici na inozemnim pozornicima”).
43 Širola, , Hrvatska umjetnička glazba, pp. 124, 126, 144, 222.Google Scholar
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