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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
The fundamental fact in the nationality issue in Croatia in the nineteenth century is that by 1914 the majority of the most influential political leaders of the Croats assumed that the indefinite survival of an independent united Croatia, based on the national principle alone, was a political and international impossibility. Once having accepted this premise, which was based on careful consideration of the conditions of their historical past and their position in Europe, the Croatian leaders were compelled to seek a solution to their political future which was in conflict with the major trend of the nineteenth century, namely, the political unification of ethnically homogeneous people into a sovereign state. Although there was a strong nationalist movement in Croatia, which aimed at the creation of an independent state, it could not deal with the realities of the Croatian position. Practical considerations thus left the Croatians with two alternatives: they could either remain within the framework of the Habsburg empire, in union with Vienna or Budapest or both; or they could join with the Serbs and Slovenes in a federal South Slav state. The story of nineteenth-century nationalism in Croatia centers on the vacillation between these two possibilities. The aim at all times was to find the combination which would best protect the Croatian national individuality, since Croatia alone did not have the necessary prerequisites for a completely independent national existence.2
2 The literature on the nationality problem in Croatia is almost overwhelming. It will not be possible to cite all the works consulted. Instead, reference will be made only to some of the basic, and especially postwar, publications, where new information has been produced. Perhaps the best brief bibliographic references to these problems are found in Jaroslav Sidak's revised edition of Šišić's, Ferdo, Pregled povijesti hrvatskoga naroda [Survey of the History of the Croatian People] (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1962), pp. 367–370, 422–425, 471, and 477–478Google Scholar; Zwitter, Fran, Sidak, Jaroslav, and Bogdanov, Vaso, Les problèmes nationaux dans la monarchie des habsbourg (Belgrade: Comité Nationale Yougoslave des Sciences Historiques, 1960)Google Scholar; Šidak, Jaroslav, “Hrvatsko pitanje u Habsburškoj monarhiji” [The Croatian Question in the Habsburg Monarchy], Historijski pregled, 1963, No. 2–3, pp. 101–121 and 175–194Google Scholar; the appropriate sections in the two volumes edited by Tadić, Jorjo, Dix années d'historiographie yougoslave 1945–1955 (Belgrade: “Jugoslavija,” 1955), pp. 274–334 and 385–415Google Scholar, and Historiographie yougoslave 1955–1965 (Belgrade: Novi Dan, 1965), pp. 221–378Google Scholar; and von Südland, L. (Ivo Pilar), Južnoslavensko pitanje [The South Slav Question] (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1943), pp. 437–509.Google Scholar
3 The most recent interpretation of the Yugoslav idea is Šidak, Jaroslav, “Prilog razvoju Jugoslavenske ideje do g. 1914” [A Contribution to the Evolution of the Yugoslav Idea to 1914], Naše teme, 1965, No. 8–9, pp. 1290–1317Google Scholar. See also Šišić, Ferdo, Jugoslavenska misao [The Yugoslav Idea] (Belgrade: Balkanski Institut, 1937)Google Scholar; and Novak, Viktor, Antologija Južnoslovenske misli i narodnog jedinstva [Anthology of the Yugoslav Idea and National Unity] (Belgrade: Državna štamparija, 1930).Google Scholar
4 Among the many works about Starčević, and PravaštvoGoogle Scholar, see especially Gross, Mirjana, “Osnovni problemi pravaške, politike 1878–1887” [The Basic Problems of the Policy of the Party of Rights], Historijski zbornik, Vol. XV (1962), pp. 61–120Google Scholar; Gross, Mirjana, “Die nationale Idee der kroatischen Rechtspartei und ihr Zusammenbruch (1861 bis 1895),” Österreichische Osthefte, Vol. VI, No. 5 (1964), pp. 373–388Google Scholar; Bogdanov, Vaso, Historija političkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj [The History of Political Parties in Croatia] (Zagreb: Novinarsko izdavačko poduzeće, 1958)Google Scholar; Bogdanov, Vaso, Starčević i stranka prava prema Srbima i prema jedinstvu Južnoslavenskih naroda (Starčević and the Party of Rights’ Attitude toward the Serbs and the Unity of the South Slav Peoples) (Zagreb: “Školska knjiga,” 1951)Google Scholar; and Horvat, Josip, Ante Starčević: Kulturno-povjesna slika [Ante Starčević: Cultural-Historical Portrait] (Zagreb: Antun Velzek, 1940).Google Scholar
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6 Šišić, , Pregled povijesti hrvatskoga naroda, pp. 371–378.Google Scholar
7 Ibid., p. 372.
8 Truly outstanding syntheses of Illyrianism can be found in Šidak, Jaroslav, “Ilirski pokret” [The Illyrian Movement], in Enciklopedija Jugoslavije (Zagreb: Leksikografski Zavod, 1960) (6 vols. have been published up to now), Vol. IV, pp. 338–344Google Scholar; Šidak, Jaroslav, “Južnoslavenska ideja u Ilirskom pokretu” [The Yugoslav Idea in the Illyrian Movement], Jugoslovenski istorijski časopis, Vol. II, No. 3 (1963), pp. 31–42Google Scholar; and “Ljudevit Gaj,” Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. III, pp. 417–420Google Scholar. Among the scores of larger surveys one might compare the older work of Šurmin, Djuro, Hrvatski preporod [The Croatian Renaissance] (2 vols., Zagreb: Dionička Tiskara, 1903–1904)Google Scholar, with the recent treatment by Barac, Antun, Hrvatska književnoat ilirizma [The Croatian Literature of Illyrianism] (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1954).Google Scholar
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13 It is understandable that this subject has been examined most intensively in the postwar era, especially at the time of the hundredth anniversary of the revolutions of 1848–1849. See the bibliographic references in Tadić, , Dix années d'historiographie yougoslave 1955–1965Google Scholar. Bogdanov, Vaso's Društvene i političke borbe u Hrvatskoj [Social and Political Struggles in Croatia] (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1949)Google Scholar and his Hrvatska Ijevica u godinama revolucije 1848–49 [The Croatian Left in the Years of the Revolution of 1848–1849] (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1949)Google Scholar are traditional doctrinaire Marxian interpretations, whereas Jaroslav Šidak's works are more balanced and judicious. See his “Austroslavizam i Slavenski kongres u Pragu 1848” [AustroSlavism and the Slavic Congress in Prague (1848)], Historijski pregled, 1960, No. 3–4, pp. 204–218Google Scholar; his “Seljačko pitanje u Hrvatskoj politici, 1848” [The Peasant Question in Croatian Politics, 1848], Jugoslovenski istorijski časopis, 1963, No. 2, pp. 3–30Google Scholar; and his “Hrvatsko pitanje Jugoslavenske ideje do g. 1914,” pp. 112–116.Google Scholar
14 Bogdanov considers Jelačić, in effect, a traitor to the Croats and in their fight for freedom. See his Društvene i političke borbe u Hrvatskoj, pp. 267–286Google Scholar. This view is disputed by Šidak, Jaroslav, in his “Josip Jelačić,” Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. IV, pp. 478–480Google Scholar, and his “Prilozi historiji stranačkih odnosa u Hrvatskoj u oći 1848” [A Contribution to the History of Party Relations in Croatia on the Eve of 1848], Historijski zbornik, Vol. XIII, No. 4 (1960), pp. 167–207Google Scholar; and by Hauptmann, Ferdo, in his “Banus Jellačić und Feldmarschall Fürst Windisch-Grätz,” Südost Forschungen, Vol. XV (1956), pp. 373–402.Google Scholar
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22 There is ample evidence that his extreme statements were, in part at least, a reaction to equally inflammatory declarations by Serbs, such as Karadžić, Stefanović's claim “Srbi svi i svuda”Google Scholar (Serbs all and everywhere). Of the many things written about Starčević, see especially Bogdanov, , Starčević i stanka prava prema Srbima i prema jedinstvu Južnoslavenskih naroda, pp. 10–23Google Scholar; Bogdanov, , Historija političkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj, pp. 729–768Google Scholar; Horvat, , Ante Starčević, pp. 117–360Google Scholar; Sidak, , “Hrvatsko pitanje Jugoslavenske ideje do g. 1914,” pp. 120–121Google Scholar; and Kuntić, Ljerka, “Eugen Kvaternik” [Eugen Kvaternik], in Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. V, pp. 462–464Google Scholar. The argument that Starčević's desire to have the Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes united in a common state was good in principle but that the basis on which it was justified is to be condemned is difficult to accept. Of what value is the idea if it is based upon the denial of the Serbs as Serbs and the Slovenes as Slovenes? Bogdanov, , Starčević i stranka prava prema Srbima i prema jedinetvu Južnoslavenskih naroda, pp. 27, 30, and 53Google Scholar; Šidak, , “Hrvatsko pitanje Jugoslavenske ideje do g. 1914,” p. 181.Google Scholar
23 In his excellent study, “Prilog razvoju Jugoslavenske ideje do g. 1914,” p. 1305Google Scholar, šidak states that Strossmayer and Rački's Yugoslavism was “Illyrianism adapted to new conditions and experiences.”
24 Novak, Viktor, Franjo Rački u govorima i raspravama 1828–1894 [Franjo Rački as seen through His Speeches and Articles, 1828–1894] (Zagreb: Hrvatski štamparski zavod, 1925), pp. ix–xxv, 1–29, 47–53, and 73–74Google Scholar; Šišić, , Jugoslavenska misao, pp. 117–130.Google Scholar
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28 With the enactment of the Ausgleich, Austro-Slavism was defeated, despite a last effort by Palacký to save it. Thwarted in Vienna, Palacký left for Moscow to seek Russian support, which he had rejected in 1848 as much as he did any subordination to the Germans at Frankfurt.
29 Polič, , Parlementarna povijest kraljevine Hrvatske, Vol. I, pp. 147–296; Vol. II, pp. 19–145Google Scholar; Šišić, , Pregled povijesti hrvatskoga naroda, pp. 445–448Google Scholar; Šidak, , “Hrvatsko pitanje Jugoslavenske ideje do g. 1914,” pp. 177–179.Google Scholar
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