¹ Winter, Ernst Karl, “The Rise and Fall of Austrian Labor,” Social Research 6 (1939): 318Google Scholar.

² See Tálos, Emmerich, Staatliche Sozialpolitik in Österreich. Rekonstruktion und Analyse (Vienna, 1981), 81Google Scholar.

³ See Brockhaus Enzyklopädie, 19th ed. (Mannheim, 1993), 20:552Google Scholar. See also Handwörterbuch der Wirtschaftswissenschaften (HdWW) (Stuttgart, Tübingen, and Göttingen, 1977), 7:59Google Scholar.

⁴ In contrast, the Encyclopaedia Britannica in its latest edition states that “[i]n its most comprehensive sense the term [labor law] also includes social security and disability insurance.” See The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed. (Chicago, 1988), Macropaedia 15:404Google Scholar.

⁵ The vast literature on the development of the welfare state deals almost exclusively with social security in the sense of social insurance, cash payments, and state services. Other forms of regulating labor hardly enter its scope. This holds true also for Gösta Esping-Andersen, who stresses (with reference to Austria) the weight of historical and institutional settings for modern welfare state development. See Esping-Andersen, Gösta, “Power and Distributional Regimes,” Politics and Society 14 (1985): 223–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ In this sense, Josef Weidenholzer regards the enactment of social insurance during the Taaffe era as a part of “trade legislation.” His real focus, however, is the development of “labor law,” in the modern usage of this term, during the nineteenth century. See Weidenholzer, Josef, Der sorgende Staat. Zur Entwicklung der Sozialpolitik von Joseph II. bis Ferdinand Hanusch (Vienna, 1985), especially 316, 325Google Scholar.

⁷ See HdWW, 7:59; see also 89–90, 97–100.

⁸ See Mayrhofer's, ErnstHandbuch für den politischen Verwaltungsdienst in den im Reichsrat vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern, ed. Pace, Count Anton, 5th ed. (Vienna, 1901), 5:422Google Scholar (emphasis in the original). See also Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften (HdStW), 3rd ed. (Jena, 1909), 1:591–783, 783–913Google Scholar.

⁹ See Brockhaus' Konversations-Lexikon, 14th ed. (Leipzig, 1893), 6:502Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Brügel, Ludwig, Soziale Gesetzgebung in Österreich von 1848 bis 1918. Eine geschichtliche Darstellung (Vienna, 1919), 141–48, quotation at 141Google Scholar.

¹¹ See Lederer, Max, Grundriβ des österreichischen Sozialrechtes (Vienna, 1929), 16–49Google Scholar; 2nd rev. ed. (Vienna, 1932), 13–43. Max Lederer himself was an influential official in the area of social administration during the last decade of the monarchy and at the beginning of the First Austrian Republic. On his career, see Buchmann, Andrea, “Dr. Max Lederer 1874–1942. Ein Pionier der österreichischen Sozialpolitik” (master's thesis, University of Vienna, 1994)Google Scholar.

¹² See Lederer, Grundriβ, 2nd ed., 1–5.

¹³ See entry “Arbeitsrecht” byMischler, Ernst, in Österreichisches Staatswörterbuch. Handbuch des gesamten öffentlichen Rechtes, ed. Mischler, Ernst and Ulbrich, Josef, 2nd ed. (Vienna, 1905), 1:146–318, especially 149Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See entry “Arbeiterschutzgesetzgebung IV” by Alexander Elster, in HdStW, 1:776–83, especially 776–77.

¹⁵ For an interesting example see the seventh edition of Meyers Lexikon (Leipzig). Under the heading of “Arbeitsrecht” is the argument that the field has developed enormously in the area between private and public law, “so that it seems as if a new intermediary field emerges, the so-called Sozialrecht” (vol. 1 [1924], 787). The same article points to a special entry on Sozialrecht, which is missing (see vol. 11 [1929], 515). Under the entry “Recht” (law), however, in a description of its system, labor law is positioned between private and public law but ”[t]he institutions of law that serve social relief [soziale Fürsorge] are comprehended by the term Sozialrecht” (vol. 10 [1929], 3, emphasis in the original).

¹⁶ See Ebert, Kurt, Die Anfänge der modernen Sozialpolitik in Österreich. Die Taaffesche Sozialgesetzgebung für die Arbeiter im Rahmen der Gewerbeordnungsreform (1879–1885) (Vienna, 1975), for instance 109, 254Google Scholar.

¹⁷ See Hofmeister, Herbert, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert Sozialversicherung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Frankreich, Groβbritannien, Österreich und der Schweiz, ed. Kohler, Peter A. and Zacher, Hans F. (Berlin, 1981), 514–88Google Scholar; see especially 524–28.

¹⁸ Matis, Herbert, Österreichs Wirtschaft 1848–1913. Konjunkturelle Dynamik und gesellschaftlicher Wandel im Zeitalter Franz Josephs I. (Berlin, 1972), 353 (emphasis in the original)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See Jenks, William A., Austria under the Iron Ring, 1879–1893 (Charlottesville, Va., 1965), 179–97Google Scholar.

²⁰ See Gross, Nachum T., “Die Stellung der Habsburgermonrachie in der Weltwirtschaft,” in Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, ed. Brusatti, Alois, vol. 1 of Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, ed. Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch (Vienna, 1973), 13Google Scholar.

²¹ Rosenberg, Hans, Groeβ Depression und Bismarckzeit. Wirtschaftsablauf, Gesellschaft und Politik in Mitteleuropa (Berlin, 1967), 227–52, quotation at 236CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The reference to a “renewed policy of interventionism” is an allusion to an earlier period of interventionism that ended, at least symbolically, with the introduction of the Trade Code in 1859. This legislation created the conditions for a free-market economy in Austria.

²² Ibid., 245.

²³ See ibid., 214.

²⁴ Graf Taaffe 1879–1889. Erne innerpolitische Studie aus Oesterreich (Leipzig, 1889), 27Google Scholar.

²⁵ see entry “Arbeiterschutzgesetzgebung” by Bauer, Stephan, in HdStW, 4th ed. (Jena, 1923), 1:492–93Google Scholar. A maximum workday (twelve hours) for adults was also introduced in the canton of Ticino and in the city of Basel; Ticino also had a general prohibition of night work before 1877.

²⁶ [Swiss] Bundesgesetz betreffend die Arbeit in den Fabriken vom 23. März 1877. See HdStW, 4th ed., 1:494, and Gruner, Erich, Die Arbeiter in der Schweiz im 19. Jahrhundert. Soziale Lage, Organisation, Verhältnis zu Arbeitgeber und Staat (Bern, 1968), 241–42Google Scholar.

²⁷ Interestingly, the “English pattern”—to extend protective labor legislation gradually from children to women to men—reemerged in the way the Swiss Factory Act was implemented. Until 1891 Swiss authorities applied the factory act not only to small firms with more than twenty-five workers but also to those with more than five workers if they were considered dangerous or if they employed women and/or young people. In 1891, the Factory Act was made generally applicable when ten workers were employed; except in the cases of danger, smaller firms were included only if there were workers younger than 18. See HdStW, 4th ed., 1:493–94. In turn, the application of protective measures to adult men only if they worked together with women and young persons in the same firm is a characteristic of French protective legislation in 1900. See Stewart, Mary Lynn, Women, Work, and the French State: Labour Protection and Social Patriarch,1879–1919 (Kingston, 1989), especially 41, 204Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Gruner, Arbeiter, 241, 243.

²⁹ See ibid., 243–44.

³⁰ For a recent critical evaluation of Bismarck's social politics, see Machtan, Lothar, ed., Bismarcks Sozialstaat. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Sozialpolitik und zur sozialpolitischen Geschichtsschreibung (Frankfurt am Main, 1994)Google Scholar.

³¹ Françpis Ewald claims that Bismarck was the first to push through such legislation. The concept itself had already been present in Napoleon Ill's plans. See Ewald, François, Der Vorsorgestaat (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 328Google Scholar. It seems that Bismarck indeed was influenced by the French discussion of the 1850s. See, for example, Detlev Zöllner, “Landesbericht Deutschland,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 70; Ritter, Gerhard A., Social Welfare in Germany and Britain: Origins and Development (Leamington Spa, 1983), 34Google Scholar.

³² See Ritter, Gerhard A., Der Sozialstaat. Entstehung und Entwicklung im internationalen Vergleich (Munich, 1989), 82–84Google Scholar; Ritter, Social Welfare, 54–58; and Zöllner, “Landesbericht Deutschland,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 92–96.

³³ See Steinmetz, George, Regulating the Social: The Welfare State and Local Politics in Imperial Germany (Princeton, N.J., 1993), especially 100–107Google Scholar.

³⁴ Ibid., 138.

³⁵ See Tennstedt, Florian, Vom Proleten zum Industriearbeiter. Arbeiterbewegung und Sozialpolitik in Deutschland 1800 bis 1914 (Cologne, 1983), 364–65Google Scholar; and Ritter, Social Welfare, 64–66. I think that one should not overrate Bismarck's “liberalism” as his main motive for rejecting protective labor legislation, despite his numerous pronouncements to the contrary. Social insurance was also a considerable burden for the German economy, and Bismarck did not care much for such issues as “personal freedom,” which he used against factory legislation. In my view, Bismarck and leading industrialists strove for a policy that could appease the workers and disrupt the organizational consolidation of the labor movement.

³⁶ Steinmetz, Regulating the Social, 135–38, considers this policy as a deviation from what he calls the “Bismarckian paradigm,” mainly because protective legislation from 1891 on could not be regarded as antisocialist. I do not agree, however, with his second reason—that protective labor legislation “was directed at the ‘margins’… rather than the core of the working class” (135). Female and young people formed the core workforce in several consumer goods indus-tries, especially textiles. In this sense, gender-specific protective labor legislation may instead be seen as the outcome of the German state's specific and persistent interest in the development of heavy industry.

³⁷ See Gruner, Arbeiter, 255–56.

³⁸ The so-called Lex Forrer in 1900 was intended to finance sickness and accident insurance partly through the revenue of the state monopoly on tobacco. Premiums for sickness insurance were wage related and consisted of workers' contributions and one Rappen per day of membership from the state's coffers. Under the accident insurance scheme, the state would pay 20 percent and the employers 80 percent, but the latter were entitled to shift 25 percent of their premiums onto their workers. Sick benefits comprised medical treatment and 60 percent of normal daily wages; the maximum pension under accident insurance amounted to 60 percent of wages, and surviving dependents together could receive up to 50 percent as pensions. See Sommer, Jürg H., Das Ringen urn soziale Sicherheit in der Schweiz. Eine politisch-ökonomische Analyse der Ursprünge, Entwicklungen und Perspektiven sozialer Sicherheit im Widerstreit zwischen Gruppeninteressen und volkswirtschaftlicher Tragbarkeit (Diessenhofen, 1978), 93–94Google Scholar.

³⁹ See ibid., 100–103, and Maurer, Andreas, “Landesbericht Schweiz,” in Ein jahrhundert, ed. Köhler, and Zacher, , 784–87 (Bundesgesetz über die Kranken- und Unfallversicherung, 06 13, 1911)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Flora, Peter, Kraus, Franz, and Pfenning, Winfried, State, Economy, and Society in Western Europe, 1815–1975: A Data Handbook in Two Volumes (Frankfurt am Main, 1987), 2:512, 597Google Scholar.

⁴¹ See Ritter, Social Welfare, 53–54.

⁴² See Spieß, Emil, Illustrierte Geschichte der Schweiz (Einsiedeln, 1961), 3:229–30Google Scholar.

⁴³ See Steinmetz, Regulating the Social, 89–90; for the Austrian franchise, see Ucakar, Karl, Demokratie und Wahlrecht in Österreich. Zur Entwicklung von politischer Partizipation und staatlicher Legitimationspolitik (Vienna, 1985), 153–57Google Scholar. There was a direct vote in the three curiae of large landed property, the chambers of commerce, and the markets and towns, and an indirect vote in the fourth curia of rural communities, which tended to reinforce the aristocracy's position. As the tax census varied widely from curia to curia and place to place, the franchise reflected the stratification of the electorate according to income and property only to a minor degree.

⁴⁴ See Ucakar, Demokratie, 206–9.

⁴⁵ See Flora et al., State 449.

⁴⁶ See Klopp, Wiard, Leben und Wirken des Sozialpolitikers Karl Freiherrn von Vogelsang (Vienna, 1930), 230Google Scholar (Karl von Vogelsang to Count Leo Thun, July 9, 1883).

⁴⁷ Quoted in Klopp, Vogelsang, 152.

⁴⁸ See Diamant, Alfred, Austrian Catholics and the Social Question, 1918–1933 (Gainesville, Fla., 1959), especially 9, 13–15Google Scholar; and Diamant, Alfred, Austrian Catholics and the First Republic: Democracy, Capitalism, and the Social Order, 1918–1934 (Princeton, N.J., 1960), 42–46Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ See Klopp, Vogelsang, 170, 240–41; see also Grimm, Gerhard, “Karl von Vogelsang—Publizist im Dienste christlicher Sozialreform” (D.Phil, diss., University of Vienna, 1969), 57–58Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ See Diamant, Austrian Catholics and the First Republic, 55–56, and Klopp, Vogelsang, 141.

⁵¹ See Allmayer-Beck, Joh. Christoph, Vogelsang. Vom Feudalismus zur Volksbewegung (Vienna, 1952), 44Google Scholar.

⁵² Ueber Interessenvertretung im Staate mit besonderer Beziehung auf Oesterreich, ed. Liechtenstein, Prince Alois (Vienna, 1875)Google Scholar.

⁵³ The pamphlet is usually ascribed to Liechtenstein. However, in the editor's preface, Liechtenstein writes that he only published the pamphlet; the author wanted to remain anonymous. See ibid., viii.

⁵⁴ Diamant, Austrian Catholics and the Social Question, 15.

⁵⁵ See Wadl, Wilhelm, Liberalismus und soziale Frage in Österreich. Deutschliberale Reaktionen und Einflüsse auf die frühe österreichische Arbeiterbewegung (1867–1879) (Vienna, 1987), 229–34Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Liechtenstein, Alois Prinz, ed., Ueber Interessenvertretung im Staate mit besonderer Beziehung auf Oesterreich, 2nd enlarged ed. (Vienna, 1877), xii–xiii, quotation at xiiiGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Ibid., 2nd ed., xiii.

⁵⁸ By the mid-1870s Ernst von Plener was the leader of these liberal politicians in Parliament. He was an avowed admirer of English factory legislation and its consequences. See his Die englische Fabriksgesetzgebung (Vienna, 1871). This book was translated into English in 1873 as presumably the “first complete history of English Factory Legislation”! See Plener, Ernst von, The English Factory legislation: From 1802 till the Present Time (London, 1873)Google Scholar, quotation from the introduction by Anthony John Mundella, v. Already in 1869 the Austrian Ministry of Commerce had published a German translation of the English factory laws. See Die Fabriksgesetze Englands seit 1833. In deutscher Übersetzung, herausgegeben auf Veranlassung des k.k. Handelsministeriums (Vienna, 1869).

⁵⁹ For the various suggestions for protective legislation and the discussions from 1869 until 1879, see Ebert, Anfänge, 58–114.

⁶⁰ Schindler's paper had the title “1st der Staat nach dem Naturrecht und der christlichen Moral berechtigt, seine Untertanen zu verpflichten, sich zu versichern?” See Reichhold, Ludwig, Franz M. Schindler. Von der Sozialreform zur Sozialpolitik (Vienna, 1989), 8Google Scholar; Knoll, Reinhold, Zur Tradition der christlich-sozialen Partei. lhre Früh- und Entwicklungsgeschichte bis zu den Reichsratswahlen 1907 (Vienna, 1973), 144Google Scholar. For the controversy between Austrian and German Catholics about state intervention, see Klopp, Vogelsang, 233–42; and Knoll, Christlich-soziale Partei, 135–49.

⁶¹ See Klopp, Vogelsang, 223–24, and Grimm, Vogelsang, 59.

⁶² Österreichische Monatsschrift für Gesellschaftswissenschaft 7 (1885): 145Google Scholar; quoted from Klopp, Wiard von, Die sozialen Lehren des Freiherrn von Vogelsang. Grundzüge einer katholischen Gesellschaftsund Volkswirtschaftslehre nach Vogelsangs Schriften, 2nd ed. (Vienna, 1938), 318Google Scholar.

⁶³ See Klopp, Lehren, 317–19, and idem, Vogelsang, 179.

⁶⁴ See Grandner, Margarete, ”Special Labor Protection for Women in Austria, 1860 to 1918,” in Protecting Women: Labor Legislation in Europe, the United States, and Australia, 1880–1920, ed. Wikander, Ulla, Kessler-Harris, Alice, and Lewis, Jane (Urbana, 1995), 150–87, especially 152–57Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ See vom, Gesetz 15. März 1883, Reichsgesetzblatt (RGBl.) no. 39Google Scholar, betreffend die Abänderung und Ergänzung der Gewerbeordnung.

⁶⁶ See Ebert, Anfänge, 101–2. For the German employers' opposition to protective legislation in general, and factory inspection in particular, see Machtan, Lothar, “Workers' Insurance Versus Protection of the Worker: State Social Policy in Imperial Germany,” in The Social History of Occupational Health, ed. Weindling, Paul (London, 1985), 214–15Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ See Ebert, Anfänge, 163. Probably because they realized their weak position, Liberal members of the parliamentary trade committee that discussed the bill demanded that employers should be heard as experts on the subject. That workers were consulted was thanks to the vote of the committee's chairman, the Tyrolian conservative Franz von Zallinger-Srillendorf.

⁶⁸ Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten des österreichischen Reichsrates, (Vienna, 1883), 10:10815Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ See Ebert, Anfänge, 169, 174–75. See vom, Gesetz 17. Juni 1883, RGBl. no. 117Google Scholar, betreffend die Bestellung von Gewerbeinspectoren. The liberal Trade Code of 1859 included only mild restrictions on the employment of children and a clause that obligated factory owners to inform the authorities about the kind of work assigned to women and children. Industrialization had rendered this “protective measure,” which reflected the traditional gendered division of labor, completely void.

⁷⁰ See Ebert, Anfänge, 167–68, and no. 711 of the Beilagen zu den Stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten des österreichischen Reichsrates (1883), 8:2Google Scholar. The author of this statement was the Polish conservative Catholic Josef Ritter von Chamiec. See also Helfert's, Baron Josef Alexander von report for the upper house: no. 381 of the Beilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen über die Sitzungen des Herrenhauses des österreichischen Reichsrathes (1882, 1883), 4:1Google Scholar.

⁷¹ See Ebert, Anfänge, 167.

⁷² See ibid., 176.

⁷³ See ibid., 179–85. See also Stenographisches Protokoll der Enquete über die Arbeitergesetzgebung (Vienna, 1883). The hearing took place from April 30 to May 8, 1883. Among the worker experts were representatives of both the “moderate” Socialists and anarchistic “radicals,” who denounced protective legislation as an attempt to deceive workers.

⁷⁴ See Ebert, Anfänge, 176–77.

⁷⁵ See Klopp, Vogelsang, 278–79.

⁷⁶ See Ebert, Anfänge, 177–79.

⁷⁷ See Klopp, , Vogelsang, 277–79, quotation at 278 (letter of December 29, 1883Google Scholar; emphasis Klopp's).

⁷⁸ See ibid., 170–71, and Ebert, Anfänge, 29.

⁷⁹ Klopp, , Vogelsang, 279 (Belcredi to Vogelsang, 03 28, 1884)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ For a characterization of Biliński, see Ebert, Anfänge, 185, and Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon, 1:84–85. Later Biliński was several times minister of finance. For his first term as minister of finance, 1895–1899, see Pajakowski, Philip, The Polish Club and Austrian Parliamentary Politics, 1873–1900 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1989), 293–327Google Scholar.

⁸¹ For a comment on this development, see Adler, Victor, “Zur österreichischen Fabrikgesetzgebung,” in Adler, Victor, Aufsätze, Reden, Briefe (Vienna, 1925), 4:103–63Google Scholar (originally published in 1886 in the journal Deutsche Worte).

⁸² See the interesting juxtaposition of Swiss and Austrian measures with regard to hours and the employment of women and children in Belcredi's report on the discussions within the parliamentary trade committee, no. 917 of the Beilagen zu den Stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1884), 11:3–4Google Scholar.

⁸³ See Ebert, Anfänge, 185–86.

⁸⁴ See vom, Gesetz 21. Juni 1884, RGBI. no. 115Google Scholar, betreffend die Beschäftigung jugendlicher Arbeiter und Frauenspersonen, dann über die tägliche Dauer der Arbeit und die Sonntagsruhe im Bergbau; and vom, Gesetz 8. März 1885, RGBI. no. 22Google Scholar, betreffend die Abänderung und Ergänzung der Gewerbeordnung (§§ 74a and 96a). Work breaks and time for descent into the mines were fixed by custom at two hours. Breaks in industry and trade normally had to be one and a half hours. In few firms were breaks longer than that, and in some there were even shorter breaks as a reflection of continuous production technology.

⁸⁵ See Ebert, Anfänge, 39, 214 (Swiss Bundesgesetz betreffend die Arbeit in den Fabriken, section 12).

⁸⁶ See ibid., 187 and note 44. See also RGBI. no. 22, 1885, §§ 94 and 96b. The German Trade Code of 1878 had a maternity leave of three weeks.

⁸⁷ See vom, Verordnungen 27. Mai 1885, RGBI. nos. 84 to 86Google Scholar. For the lobbies demanding exceptions from the prohibition of female night work see, for example, the petition by the Silesian, Chamber of Commerce, May 13, 1884, in Stenographische Protokolle uber die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1884), 12:12891–94, esp. 12893Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ See Klopp, , Vogelsang, 292 (Belcredi to Vogelsang, 10 16, 1886)Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ See “Briefe des Grafen Gustav Blome an den Freiherrn Karl von Vogelsang. Ein Spiegelbild ihrer Bestrebungen für Erneuerung des gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Lebens,” ed. Klopp, Wiard, in Jahrbuch der österreichischen Leo-Gesellschaft 1928, 188 (Blome to Vogelsang, 08 20, 1883) and 200 (Blome to Vogelsang, Sept. 21, 1883)Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ See Kolmer, Gustav, Parlament und Verfassung in Österreich (Vienna, 1905), 3:16Google Scholar, and (Vienna, 1907), 4:7.

⁹¹ See Zöllner, “Landesbericht Deutschland,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 87.

⁹² See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 533.

⁹³ See Spitzmüller, Alexander, “Emil Steinbach,” in Neue Österreichische Biographie (Vienna, 1925), 2:48–62Google Scholar. From 1891 to 1893 Steinbach was the last minister of finance under Taaffe; later, in 1904, he became the president of the Oberste Gerichtshof.

⁹⁴ See, for example, Steinbach, Emil, Die Rechtskenntnisse des Publikums. Ein Vortrag, gehalten im wissenschaftlichen Club zu Wien am 10. jänner 1878 (Vienna, 1878)Google Scholar; Steinbach, Emil, Genossenschaftliche und herrschaftliche Verbände in der Volkswirthschaft (Vienna, 1901)Google Scholar. For Vogelsang's perceptions of law, see Egger, Alexander, Die Staatslehre des Karl von Vogelsang. Eine Darstellung an ihren ideengeschichtlichen Wurzeln (Vienna, 1991), 76–127Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Steinbach, Emil, Die Stellung der Versicherung im Privatrechte. Vortrag gehalten in der Wiener Juristischen Gesellschaft am 4. April 1883 (Vienna, 1883), 38–39Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ See no. 596 of the Beilagen zu den Stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1882, 1883), vol. 7.

⁹⁷ See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 533–36. The main proponent of accident insurance among the ministers was the minister of justice, Baron Alois von Pražák. He represented the Old Czechs in the government; the return of Czech politicians to the central parliament in 1879 had been crucial for the formation of the Taaffe government and the Iron Ring.

⁹⁸ Ibid., 538 (Minister of Finance Julian Ritter von Dunajewski).

⁹⁹ See ibid., 543–44.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid., 536.

¹⁰¹ In 1883, the emperor refused to sign a government bill that did not heed Falkenhayn's wishes. Afterward the minister of agriculture temporarily seemed willing to include mines in exchange for a reduction of pensions but then managed to exclude them again. Nevertheless, reduced pensions (60 percent instead of 70 percent of average prior annual earnings) became the law for industrial workers. See ibid., 541–54.

¹⁰² See Stenographische Protokolle tiber die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 3:2704Google Scholar. For the dissenting opinion of Czech representatives see, for example, ibid., 2650–55 (Karel Adámek) and 2503 (Josef Bromovský, a Young Czech industrialist!). In the end, the Czech representatives within the Iron Ring did not vote against the exclusion of agricultural enterprises; in exchange, the majority agreed to a resolution, introduced by the opposition, to extend accident insurance to small enterprises and all farms as soon as possible. See ibid., 2708.

¹⁰³ See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 539–40, 544.

¹⁰⁴ See Stenographische Protokolle tiber die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 3:2795Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ No. 1091 of the Beilagen zu den Stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1885), vol. 13; see also Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 546–47.

¹⁰⁶ No. 148 of the Beilagen zu den Stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), vol. 4, minority report.

¹⁰⁷ No. 1091 of the Beilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1885), 13:5Google Scholar. The parliamentary majority also argued that private insurance fared well with a distribution of risk among different kinds of enterprises. Until the end of the Habsburg monarchy, Unfallversicherungsanstalten existed in Lemberg for Galicia and Bukovina; in Brünn for Moravia and Silesia; in Vienna for Lower Austria; in Graz for Styria and Carinthia; in Prague for Bohemia; in Triest for Carniola, Dalmatia, and the Triest area; and in Salzburg for Upper Austria, Salzburg, Tyrol, and Vorarlberg.

¹⁰⁸ See Stenographische Protokolle des Herrenhauses (1886, 1887), 2:246, 248Google Scholar. See also Klopp, , “Briefe,” 254 (Blome to Vogelsang, 10 29, 1886Google Scholar).

¹⁰⁹ This was stressed in the parliamentary debates by the future leader of the Christian Social Party, Karl Lueger; see Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 3:2535Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ See vom, Gesetz 28. 12 1887, RGBl. no. 1 ex 1888Google Scholar, berreffend die Unfallversicherung der Arbeiter, § 12. The minister of the interior frequently appointed directors or other leading personnel from private insurance firms to these posts as state representatives. The first chair of the executive board of the Unfallversicherungsanstalt in Vienna, for example, was Rudolf KlangEgger, director of the Lebensversicherungsanstalt Janus. In 1895 he was succeeded by the general secretary of the Wechselseitige Brandschadenversicherungsanstalt, Rudolf Bayer. See Amtliche Nachrichten des k.k.Ministeriums des Innern betreffend die Unfall- und die Krankenversicherung der Arbeiter, vol. 1–26 (1888/89–1914).

¹¹¹ See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 540, 544.

¹¹² See Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 3:2509Google Scholar (the Liberal member of parliament Joseph Maria Baernreither).

¹¹³ See ibid., 2576–77, quotation at 2577. In the same debate Prince Alois Liechtenstein ex-pressed the fear that workers' representatives would be much more exposed to pressure from their (socialist) electorate and the employers in the smaller Berufsgenossenschaften than in more removed territorial institutions. See ibid., 2610.

¹¹⁴ See RGBl. no. 1 ex 1888, § 46Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ See Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hawses der Abgeordneten (1887, 1888), 6:6485–98Google Scholar. It seems that the votes in favor of the upper house amendment came only from dissenters on both sides; the position of Catholic social reformers in the lower house is unclear. Liechtenstein stressed that the preparatory committee of the lower house had consented to the wish of the upper house only “with great hesitation” (ibid., 6485). In the Herrenhaus, however, the question had been raised by Count Richard Belcredi, Egbert's younger brother and former minister president.

¹¹⁶ This interesting regulation of the Austrian law was part of the original government bill. It vanished during the deliberations of the trade committee of the lower house but was reintroduced finally in the upper house. The motion by Count Richard Belcredi had even envisaged a pension for widowers unconditionally, in order to make it possible for a widower to pay for help in his household. SeeStenographische Protokolle des Herrenhauses des österreichischen Reichsrathes (1886,1887), 2:282Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ The differentiation between legitimate and illegitimate children was the subject of a re-markable squabble in the parliament between Liechtenstein and the Liberal Max Menger on one side, Karl Lueger on the other. Liechtenstein opined that it could give working-class couples an incentive to marry. See Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 3:2735–39Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 543.

¹¹⁹ See Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 3:2731–33Google Scholar (Johann Hochhauser), and RGBl. no. 39 ex 1883, § 114Google Scholar, lit.e. On January 1, 1886, there were 3,810 Genossenschaften, but only 188 had a sickness fund. See no. 185 of theBeilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 4:6Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 548, especially note 312.

¹²¹ See no. 185 of the Beilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 4:9Google Scholar.

¹²² See Klabouch, Jiři, “Die Lokalverwaltung in Cisleithanien,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, vol. 2, ed. Wandruszka, Adam and Urbanitsch, Peter (Vienna, 1975), especially 296–97Google Scholar.

¹²³ See vom, Gesetz 30. März 1888, RGBl. no. 33Google Scholar, betreffend die Krankenversicherung der Arbeiter, § 39.

¹²⁴ See no. 143 of the Beilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen über die Sitzungen des Herrenhauses (1886,1887), 2:7Google Scholar, and no. 431 of theBeilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1887), 6:2Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 565. See also RGBl. no. 33 ex 1888, § 60Google Scholar. The most important of these Vereinskassen was the Allgemeine Arbeiter-Kranken- und Unterstützungskasse in Vienna, which had 58,167 members at the end of 1888. See Festschrift der Allgemeinen Arbeiter-Kranken- und Unterstiitzungskasse in Wien über ihre 25jährige Tätigkeit unter dem Krankenversicherungsgesetze 1889–1913 (Vienna, 1914), 212Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ See Bachmann, Harald, Joseph Maria Baernreither (1845–1925). Der Werdegang eines altösterreichischen Ministers und Sozialpolitikers (Neustadt an der Aisch, 1977), 28–30Google Scholar. Baernreither was strongly influenced by the development of labor unions in England. See his Die englischen Arbeiterverbände und ihr Recht. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der sozialen Bewegung der Gegenwart, vol. 1 (Tubingen, 1886).

¹²⁷ See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 576; and Gesetz, vom 16. Juli 1892, RGBl. no. 202Google Scholar, betreffend die registrierten Hilfskassen.

¹²⁸ See Gesetz, vom 28. Juli 1889, RGBl. no. 127Google Scholar. The law did not work very well and was amended in 1891. SeeGesetz, vom 30. Dezember 1891, RGBl. no. 3 ex 1892Google Scholar. For the development of these laws, see Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 577–88.

¹²⁹ See no. 185 of the Beilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), 4:2–3Google Scholar; and Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 563–64.

¹³⁰ See Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886, 1887), 4:4232–54Google Scholar. Baernreither's main opponent in this question was the Young Czech Josef Kaizl.

¹³¹ RGBl. no. 33 ex 1888, § 7Google Scholar.

¹³² See Amtliche Nachrichten betreffend die Unfall- und die Krankenversicherung.

¹³³ See no. 188 of the Beilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1886), vol. 4. The motion only asked the government to prepare a law; it was not a concrete proposal.

¹³⁴ See Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1894, 1895), 14:17910–11Google Scholar. During the discussions about amending the law pertaining to the right of domicile (Heimatrecht) in 1896, the lower house resolved to demand an old age and disability law, but again there was no response. SeeStenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten (1896), 21:26467 and 26815Google Scholar. Concrete plans for old age and disability insurance for workers were only developed under Minister President Ernst von Koerber. See Hofmeister, “Landesbericht Österreich,” in Ein Jahrhundert, ed. Köhler and Zacher, 590–93.

¹³⁵ See von Stein, Lorenz, Handbuch der Verwaltungslehre. Dritter Theil: Die Verwaltung und das gesellschaftliche Leben, 3rd ed. (Stuttgart, 1888), 3:167–69Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ In 1890,46 percent of the textile workforce was female, and the share grew from 48 percent in 1900 to 54 percent in 1910. See Bolognese-Leuchtenmüller, Birgit, Bevölkerungsentwicklung und Berufsstruktur, Gesundheits- und Fürsorgewesen in Österreich 1750–1918 (Vienna, 1978), 166 (my calculation)Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ For this tendency toward “Verländerung” in the western half of the Habsburg monarchy during the late nineteenth century, see Stourzh, Gerald, “Länderautonomie und Gesamtstaat in Österreich 1848–1918,” in Bericht über den neunzehnten österreichischen Historikertag in Graz 1992 (Vienna, 1993), 38–59Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Richard L. Rudolph, “Quantitative Aspekte der Industrialisierung in Cisleithanien,” in Wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, ed. Brusatti, 241–42; see also 244 (diagram 12).

¹³⁹ See Benedikt, Heinrich, Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der Franz-Joseph-Zeit (Vienna, 1958), 130, 133Google Scholar. Hungary introduced a compulsory sickness insurance in 1891 that resembled the Austrian scheme. Discussions about an obligatory accident insurance in industry dragged on until 1907 because Hungarian industry feared a loss of competitiveness. See Zacher, Georg, Die Arbeiter-Versicherung in Ungarn (Berlin, 1899), 106, 112–13Google Scholar; and Szterényi, J., Die Arbeiterversicherung in Ungarn. 2.Nachtrag zu Heft VLII (Berlin, 1908), 42–47Google Scholar.