No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
During the course of the eighteenth century, Vienna, like many other European capitals, grew significantly in terms of population and economic activity. While not as large as the two urban behemoths of Paris and London, Vienna was the largest of the central European cities; including the suburbs, its population had nearly tripled since 1700 and approached 300,000 inhabitants by 1800.1 This rapid growth, spurred on by the presence of the imperial court, steadily expanded Vienna's market, but the increased number of customers did not necessarily translate into increased prosperity for Viennese artisans. A shift in economic regulations at midcentury that favored increased competition over corporate privileges upset the careful balance between political and economic interests. The Viennese pastry bakers, like many other artisans, faced growing ranks of competitors battling for position within the market. The pastry market, well known and much valued in Vienna then, as now, rested as much on the public's tastes as on legal and economic privileges. Guild pastry bakers struggled to maintain their hold on the market, while nonguild bakers introduced new types of pastries that lured away guild customers and transsformed the pastry
1 According to the official census of 1754, the population of Vienna stood at 175,403. Estimates of the number of inhabitants at the end of the century place the city population at around 210,000 and closer to 300,000 including the suburbs. The 1754 census is cited in Spielman, John P., The City and the Crown: Vienna and the Imperial Court, 1600–1740 (West Lafayette, Ind., 1993), 31.Google Scholar Michael Wagner estimates that the population of the city stood at 210,000 in 1785; see Günther, Chaloupek, Peter, Eigner, and Michael, Wagner, Wien. Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Teil 1: Industrie (Vienna, 1991), 140.Google Scholar Charles Ingrao estimates the population of the city and the suburbs at close to 300,000 during the reigns of Maria Theresa and Joseph II; see Charles, Ingrao, The Habsburg Monarchy, 1618–1815 (Cambridge, 1994), 214.Google Scholar
2 Several historians have evaluated both the short- and long-term benefits stemming from Maria Theresa's reforms James Van Horn Melton makes a favorable comparison between the educational reforms in the Habsburg Empire and those in Prussia, suggesting that fundamental change resulted from seemingly more moderate reforms, and John Komlos's work on the economic growth within the Habsburg lands suggests that by the early nineteenth century the Habsburg lands were poised for significant economic growth, rebutting the traditional view that the monarchy was economically backward. See James Van Horn, Melton, Absolutism and the Eighteenth Century Origins of Compulsory Schooling in Prussia and Austria (Cambridge, 1988);Google Scholar and John, Komlos, Nutrition and Economic Development in the Eighteenth-Century Habsburg Monarchy: An Anthropometric History (Princeton, N.J., 1989).Google Scholar
3 Rudolf, Vierhaus, Germany in the Age of Absolutism, trans. Knudsen, Jonathan B. (Cambridge, 1988), 29.Google Scholar See also Louise, Sommer, Die Österreichischen Kameralisten in Dogmengeschichtlicher Darstellung, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1920–25).Google Scholar The general outline of guild reform in the Habsburg lands was modeled after Colbert's guild policy in France; see Michael, Stürmer, “The Kings' Arcadia: Guilds, Court Artisans, and Interior Decoration in the Eighteenth Century,” in Two Lectures in Modern German History, by Hans-Jürgen, Puhle and Michael, Stürmer (New York, 1978), 32.Google Scholar For French mercantilist policies under Colbert, see Charles Woolsey, Cole, Colbert and a Century of French Mercantilism, 2 vols. (Hamden, Conn., 1964).Google Scholar
4 The reevaluation of the responsive relationship between the guild artisans and the market has already occurred for the history of the French and Parisian corporations during the eighteenth century, led by the work of Michael Sonenscher and Cynthia Truant; see Michael, Sonenscher, The Hatters of Eighteenth-Century France (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1987) and Work and Wages (Cambridge, 1989),Google Scholar Cynthia, Truant, The Rites of Labor: Brotherhoods of Compagnonnage in Old and New Regime France (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994).Google Scholar Steven Kaplan's comprehensive work on the bakers in Paris examines the competition between guild and nonguild artisans as well as the cautious position of the police and the municipal government in administering one of the city's most important trades; see Kaplan, Steven L., The Bakers of Paris and the Bread Question, 1700–1775 (Durham, N.C., 1996).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 Forty-eight guilds were designated as commercial guilds in 1755 and placed under the administration of the Lower Austrian Commercial Council. The Commercial Council controlled the granting of citizenship and masters' rights (Bürger- and Meisterrecht) in place of the mayor and the city council. In the 1770s all commercial guilds were given new standardized articles, forbidding streamlined admission and requirements for citizens' sons (Bürgersöhne) and outlawing guild expenditures for feasts for masters and journeymen. For an example of the revised articles, see Artikel für Büchsenmachergesellen, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, Staatrat Patente, 1778. By restricting the number of guild masters, these guild practices did not reduce the number of artisans working in a craft, but forced artisans that did not meet guild requirements to leave the city or operate illegally at the fringe of the market. The Habsburg reforms standardized craft regulation for most artisans by bringing more artisans under looser regulations. See Josef, Ehmer, “Worlds of Mobility: Migration Patterns of Viennese Artisans in the Eighteenth Century,” in The Artisan and the European Town, 1500–1900, ed. Geoffrey, Crossick (Aldershot, England, 1997), 177–78.Google Scholar
6 Maria Theresa first considered the abolition of guild privileges in the 1740s before the plan was deemed impractical. See Chaloupek, Eigner, and Wagner, Wien. Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 56, and Gustav, Otruba, Die Wirtschaftspolitik Maria Theresias (Vienna, 1963), 96.Google Scholar
7 This was a common conflict with the commercial guilds, especially those in the textile trade, such as the dyers and the trimmings makers. See chap. 5 in Goedde, Celia J., “The Artisans' Approach to Modernity: The Political Culture of the German Artisans in Vienna and Augsburg, 1760–1795” (Ph.D. diss., Georgetown University, 1998).Google Scholar
8 Because of the importance of maintaining a stable source of bread for the city's inhabitants, bakers were required to follow a complex set of regulations that covered the ingredients, weight, and price of bread, the days on which artisans could bake and market their goods, and the location of bakery shops. Unlike the regulations in other guilds, the baking regulations were not relaxed during the late eighteenth century. See Archiv für Bäckerlnnung, Vienna, carton 3.
9 In a 1736 survey of the city's artisans, an average of one-third of the city's craftsmen belonged to a guild. The other two-thirds were spread among the court, the privileged, and illegal artisans. See Spielman, , The City and the Crown, 199–201,Google Scholar and Heinz, Zatschek, Handwerk und Gewerbe in Wen (Vienna, 1949), 39.Google Scholar
10 Viktor, Theil, “Gewerbe und Industrie,” in Geschichte der Stadt Wien (Vienna, 1911), 4:434.Google Scholar
11 “daß ihm Stambole die Zuckerbacherey Lebens Länglich auf seine Handt zu Ververtigen, und in einen Ständl in der Stadt zu Verkaufen /: welches ein Stadt = Raths aufeinem Gangbahren orth alβ gleich anzuweisen hätten :/ gegen dem erlaubet werde, daß sich selber von alien Haußeren, und herumb Tragen seiner Verfertigten zucker = Bacherey in dem Hausern, enthalten soil”; Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv (WStuLA), Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 3, 11–12- 1771. The decree states that the city council acted at the direction of the Lower Austrian government, indicating that Stambole had petitioned either the imperial court or the Lower Austrian government to grant him the license to sell pastries in Vienna.
12 “und sich in ihr Vaterland, woher sie gekommen seynd begeben.” The guild's petition also refers to Stambole as “der aus fremden Landen anhero gekommen Martin Stambole”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 3, undated. The city council's decision states “seinem Gesuch ein fur allemal abgewiesen, und ihm die Verfertigung des Zucker= Gebäcks, und dessen Verkauf nimmermehr gestattet werden soil”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 3, 26–9–1772.
13 “Es habe eine hochlol Regg auf bitten der Zuckerbäker, um Erlaubniβ der vortin Stambole einen Störer die vorfindige Zuckerbakerey abnehmen… des sich der Martin Stambole in Folge der allerhöchsten Resolutionen… von Vertertigung und verkaufung alles Zukergebak bey schärfester Bestraffung zu enthalten schüldig seyn soil”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 3, 23–3–1774.
14 The guild artisans and the state used the term “foreigner,” either Ausländer or Fremde, in different capacities. The state wanted to attract artisans from outside the Habsburg lands and used the term Ausländer to mean someone from outside Crown territories. Guild artisans used the term Fremde more frequently than Ausländer. The use of Fremde, usually to describe a “foreign” journeyman, drew on an older meaning: someone not from the local territory, in this case the jurisdiction of Vienna. Only in the petitions written in the 1790s did the pastry bakers' guild switch to the term Ausländer in their attacks on the almond bakers. WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 3–4. Guild membership reduced or eliminated the stigma attached to being a foreigner; the majority of guild masters were not Viennese natives. Of the sixteen guild masters in the pastry bakers' guild in 1742, only five were natives of Vienna. Five masters came from Niederösterreich and six were Ausländer. See Theil, “Gewerbe und Industrie,” 434.
15 The almond bakers were permitted to produce all forms of prepared cakes and Swiss breads from sugar, flour, eggs, and almonds. In the mid-1780s the pastry bakers' guild challenged the almond bakers' right to make biscotti, zweiback, and pastries with preserved fruit. Although not mentioned in any of the original privileges, by 1790 the almond bakers' goods were confiscated because the bakers had produced biscotti and zweiback, but they were permitted to sell pastries with preserved fruit. WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, Innungsbuch 2, 8–4–1790.
16 “naml allerhand Sorten Backwerk nach französisch und wälscher Art in geringen Preise zu 1. und 2. X. verfertigen und verkaufen zu därfen”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 3, 28–11–1782.
17 Privileged pastry bakers outside of the guild were not as fortunate as Sütt was. In 1782 Fridrich Schroxlöb, the confectioner for the imperial theater, petitioned to be allowed to sell his wares to the general public from a shop, but this petition was denied. WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, Innungsbuch 2, 1782. Producing foreign goods in the local market was a central component of cameralist economic practice. The most influential of the cameralist writers, Philipp Wilhelm von Hörnigk, devoted several chapters of his tract Österreich über Alles, wann es nur will to describing specific ways that the government could encourage new forms of domestic production. An integral component of Hörnigk's plan was to reduce the guilds' power to control production and encourage new products and producers. Hörnigk points to the silk industry as a prime example of the opportunity to develop Austrian industry and reduce dependence on imports. Philipp Wilhelm, Hörnigk, Österreich über Alles, wann es nur will, ed. Horst, Knapp (Vienna, 1983), 45–47, 123–24.Google Scholar
18 Sütt was permitted to sell door to door as long as it did not lead to other abuses: “so bald es zu keinen anderen Misbrauch führet, nicht verbothen werden solle”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 3,12–1–1784. De Kasparis and Schmid's decision read “die Zukerbakerey gattungen in der Art, wie solche die Gebrüder Gritty führen”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, Innungsbuch 2,2–11–1784. The almond bakers were almost exclusively of foreign origin. The guild artisans referred to them as Fremde, and Gasparo Sutti used the term Auslünder when describing the state's willingness to admit foreign craftsmen. Sutti, born in Graubinden, is the only member whose specific place of origin is known. A territorial and city decree in 1793 referred to Dominck Butti as the only nonforeign almond baker: “er unter den übrigen Mandletibäkern der einige Innländen ist.” It is likely that the other almond bakers came to Vienna from locations outside the Habsburg territories. WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, 26–4–1788,15–1–1793.
19 According to the 1736 artisanal census, only 14 of 30 pastry bakers and sugar handlers (Zuckerbäcker und Zuckerhandler) belonged to the guild. See Theil, , “Gewerbe und Industrie,” 434.Google Scholar The number of pastry baker masters held steady at 16 from 1786 through 1790, but dropped to 14 after 1791 and remained at that level through 1796. One master died in 1791 and another was dropped from the list, but neither was replaced, as had been the practice earlier (WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A43, Nr. 15). There was additional competition from some small shopkeepers who carried similar goods, such as gingerbread (Lebkuchen) from Nürnberg, that attracted the pastry bakers' customers.
20 “des gebrannten Zuckers, der gerösten Mandeln, Bißquitten, des Zwibacks, weissen Konfeckts, und der eingesottenen Fruchten als blossen Zuckerbäckereiwaaren”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 4, 19–9–1786. The city council's decision is dated 9–10–1786 and amended to the guild's petition of 19–9–1786.
21 The almond bakers petitioned the Lower Austrian government two times, in 1788 and 1790, and the emperor twice. The confectioners petitioned the city council ten times between 1786 and 1792, with three petitions to the emperor. The Commercial Council first began to administer dispensations and extension of guild articles in 1748, and the commercial activities of the territorial government were brought under the control of the imperial Commercial Council at the same time. Karl, Pribram, Geschichte der österreichischen Gewerbepolitik von 1740 bis 1860. AufGrund der Akten. Erster Band 1740 bis 1789 (Leipzig, 1907), 29, 34.Google Scholar
22 “4tens Unterzeichneter bei den seit einigen Jahren, neu erbaut so vielen Käusere, die bereits schon alle bewohnt sind, nicht erst die Vermehrung der Bevölkerung in der Stadt erweisen därfen, es ist demnach offenbar daß nur der Brodneid die Ursach an den Beschwerde der burgl Zuckerbäkern sey; damit sie bey ihren geringen Anzahl daß so stark vermehrte Publikum mach Belieben in dem Preise ihrer Waaren überhalten können.” In the next point the petition refers to his “wohl zufriedene Kundschaften”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, 7–10–1786.
23 The term Brodneid can be translated literally as bread envy, which the confectioners certainly did suffer from in this case. This term is frequently used by guild and nonguild artisans in Vienna to accuse their opponents of mere economic jealousy about their success, rather than legal or moral motives. Adelung defined the term as “derjenige Neid, da man einem andern seine Nahrung beneidet”; Johann Christoph, Adelung, Grammatisch-kritisches Wörterbuch der Hochdeutschen Mundart (Leipzig, 1798; reprint, New York, 1970), 1:120.Google Scholar
24 “So bittet Unterzeichneter Eure Majtt. geruhen den bürgerl. Zuckerbäkern durch den Stadtmagistrat befehlen zu lassen, daß sie denselben entweder in Ihre Innung aufnehmen, und er hiezu das Bürgerrecht erhalte, oder aber ihm bey seiner in Verfertigung und Verkaufung alles Zukerbäkwerks nach fränzosisch und welscher Art bisher ausbeübten Befugniß zu schützen mithin die Reggierungs Verordnung aufzuheben und den Nahrungsstand zu beförderen”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, 7–10–1786.
25 Franz Szabo argues that most cameralists were socially conservative in their approach to corporate society to such an extent that it could undermine the economic development they sought (Szabo, Franz A. J., Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753–1780 [Cambridge, 1994], 113–15, 147–48).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a discussion of cameralist influences in Vienna and the imperial government, see Charles, Ingrao, The Habsburg Monarchy, 169–70, 182,Google Scholar and Mack, Walker, Johann Jakob Moser, and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1981), 203–17.Google Scholar On the philosophy of Justi, see Keith, Tribe, Governing Economy: The Reformation of German Economic Discourse, 1750–1840 (Cambridge, 1988), 64–75.Google Scholar
26 “daß er sich mit den ihm ertheilten Befugnis 1 X und 2 Kreützerweis Zukerback werb zu verfertigen, und zu verkaufen begnüngen solle”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, Innungsbuch 2, 12–3–1787.Google Scholar
27 “1o Er wird sich andurch allheir seßalft machen und seine Familie aus Graubinden kommen lassen. 2do Sein Vermögen von mehr als 3000 fl. wird er in dieses Gewerb Verwenden solglich das Geld auf allzeit in Lande bleiben. 3tio Mit diesem Vermögen ist er im Stand sein Gewerb auf ein Art zu betreiben, daß er dem Publikum gute ächte Waare urn billigen Prieß Verschaffen wird. 4to geschähe durch Ertheilung dieser Freyheit kein Eintrag, oder Schaden, denen übrügen Mandolettibäckern, wiel diese Gewerbe mit den Consumenten noch in keinem Verhältniß stehen”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 4, 26–4–1788.Google Scholar Despite the similarity of family name and their earlier partnership, there is no. firm evidence that Sütt and Sutti were related. If they were related, they never used their kinship to support their arguments to extend their businesses. Additionally, in the extensive documentation that resulted from the guild's attack on their businesses the guild never referred to them other than as business partners.
28 “Gerröstet sich also der hohen Gnade, jedem Ausländer eine freye, und ehrliche Nahrungs Art zu versicheren”; Ibid..
29 “die ursprungliche befugniß der Mandolettibacker in aller Gattung der aus Zucker, Mehl, Eyern und Mandeln verfertigenden Kuchen und Schweizer Gebäcke in den Maße diese von dem in Italien sogenannten Offellari erzeugt werden,… auf welchen feste Hand zu halten sey, auch in Hinkunft urn so mehr zu verbleiben, als dadurch sowohl die gehörigen Schranken der Mandollettibäcker bey ihren eigentlichen Gewerbsartickeln hinlanglich geschüzt werden, mithin ihnen zu klagen keine gegründete Ursache mehr übrig bleibe. All = und jede Mandollettibäcker, ihre Befugniße mögen mehr oder weniger ausgedehet seyn, seyen zu verhalten, daß sie sich genau nach dem Büchstaben ihrer Gewerbs Concession achten, und aller eigenmächtigen Eingriffe in die bürgerl. Zuckrbäckerey Befugniße bei unnachsichtlichen Verlust ihrer Gewerbe sichenthälten sollen, denen aber, welche gar keine Befugniße für ihre eigenen Versohn zur Mandellettibäckerey aufzuweisen vermögen, sey die Anmassung des dießfalligen Gewerbs Betriebes ohne wietern bei gemeßenster Straffe abzustellen”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, Innungsbuch 2, 8–4–1790.
30 WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 4, 5–6–1790.
31 Ibid., 14–10–1790.
32 “In der Stadt Wien, deren Inwohner sich tägliche vermehren, und wo von Zeit zu Zeit mittelst Erweiterung der Industrie neue Gewerbsarten entstehen, die auf das gemeine Wesen in der Folge den nemlich wohlthätigen Einfluß habe, als andere längst vorhandene Gewerbe, haben, sich Unverzeichnete bereits seit mehrere Jahren auf die ihnen ertheilte Befugniß alle Gattungen Bäckereyen aus Zucker, Mehl, Eyern, und Mandeln bestehend, baken, und verkaufen zu därfen, ordnungsmässig etablirt”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A43, Nr. 13, 7–12–1790.
33 “Der günstige Anstand, daß das Publikum an dem ihm vorher unbekanten Bäkereyarten Geschmak fand, verursachte, daß eine ziemliche Anzahl Menschen, die sich mit dem Verkaufe derselben ausser ihren Gewölbrn beschäftigten, sich davon ernährte, die vieleicht ausserdenme hätte darben mussen”; Ibid..
34 “wenn es der Nutzen und die Versehung des Publikums erfordern”; Hofdekret, 10–5–1784, in Handbuch alter unter der Regierung des Kaisers Joseph des II für die K K. Erbländer ergangenen Verordnungen und Gesetze, ed. Kropatschek, J. (Vienna, 1789), 7:522.Google Scholar
35 “daß hin und da einer derselben, um seine Kundschaften nicht zu verlieren, eben das verfertigte, was bey andern zu haben war”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A43, Nr. 13, 7–12–1790.
36 “daß bios die ungleiche Befugniß-Ertheilung in Ansehung der sogenannten Mandolettibäckerey bis her die Quelle so vieler Streitigkeiten war”; Ibid.
37 Steven Kaplan has uncovered similar tendencies to unite market-oriented and corporate arguments among the forain bakers in opposition to the Paris bakers' guild in the eighteenth century. Kaplan, , Bakers of Paris, 133.Google Scholar
38 “weil sie bei mehrerer Einschränkung ihrer Bäckereyen auf einzelne Sorten, unmöglich ihren täglichen Aufwand zu bestreiten im Stande seyn würden”; “den Unterzeichneten, welche bereits seit einer Reiche von Jahren sich hier etablirt, und von ihren, für den allgemeinen Nahrungsverkehr vortheilhaften Industrie die thäthigsten Beweise gegeben haben, das Burgerrecht ebenfalls zu verleihen und aus ihnen forthin ein eigenes Mittel zu bilden”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A43, Nr. 13, 7–12–1790.
39 The state's predominantly economic measure of the guilds' purpose can be traced back to the 1731 General Guild Ordinance and the reduction of their political and social power. The establishment of the commercial guilds in 1755 reinforced the state's view of the guilds as mere economic bodies.
40 “die bereits bestehenden Mandolleti Bäcker auf ihre Ursprüngliche Befugniβe in dem Verkauffe bey Verlust derselben nicht mehr zugestatten, sondern die existirenden nach und nach absterben zu laßen”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 4, 30–12–1790.
41 “Um dieses zu bewerkstättigen, kömmt es hauptsächlich durauf an daß zwischen uns und den Mandolletti Bäckern zustehenden Verkauf Artickeln eine genaue Grännzlinie gezogen, und von Behörde die genaueste Obsorge getragen werde, daß bey der geringsten übertrettung des Befugnißes der Übertrettende ohne weiteren seiner Befugnißes verlustiget würde, weil die Mandolletti Bäcker, wie es die Erfahrung lehrete, weder Verweise, noch Confiscazion noch andere gelindere Strafen achten, sondern über alle Verordnungen mit Verwegenheit ausgehen”; Ibid.
42 “mehr schädlich, als nüzlich”; “weil wir als Privat Bürger den allgemeinen Besten eine Aufopferung zu machen schuldig wäre”; “wo doch die Erfahrung gelehret hat, daß selbe weder Geld noch Familie hieher gebracht haben, sondern vielmehr den Gewinn, welchen sie bey ihrer enträglich Gewerbern meistentheils in Gesehlschaft bezogen, nach dem Austrit aus der Socität mit sich in ihr Vaterland hinausnehmen, und auf solche Art start Geld ins Land hereinzubringen, Capitallie hinauszuschleppen, und dadurch dem Stadte schädlich werden”; Ibid.
43 Ibid.
44 “Solte den Publikum, welches daher der Fall nicht ist, zur gester Bedienung mehreren Zuckerbäcker zu erhalten wunschen, so haben wir ja Kinder, Verdiensttolle Gesellen, und Gehilsten, welche alle Landes Kinder sind, und gewiβ vor verdienstlieb Ausländern den Vorzug verdienen, und als ordentliche erlernte GewerbeLeuth das Publikum hinlänglich und wohlfeil genug bedienen werden—Wir därfen nach dem Auswanderungs Patent unsere Kinder und Leute nicht ins Ausland schicken, damit sie sich allda etabiren und Geld verdienen, es ist daher auch entgegen unbillig, daß Ausländer sich ungehindert allheir etabliren und aus unsern weniger Verdienst entziehen dürfen”; Ibid. The state's desire to keep artisans in the country prompted a series of measures to restrict emigration, including restrictions against wandering to non-Habsburg lands that were instituted in the commercial guilds in 1779 and gradually extended to the policed guilds beginning in 1780 (Kropatschek, J., Sammlung aller k. K. Verordnungen und Gesetze [Vienna, 1787], 8:407, 473).Google Scholar For the economic motivation of Joseph's emigration prohibition, see Padover, Saul K., The Revolutionary Emperor: Joseph II of Austria (London, 1934), 203.Google Scholar
45 “Endlich läßt es die bekannte Gerechtigkeit Euer Majestät nicht zu, daß einer schon seit uralten Zeiten bestehende Bürgerklaße, welche allzeit an den gemeinschaftl. Besten des Stadtes mit Berreitweilligkeit mitgetragen hat, von ausLändern welche sich gar keine Verdienste um den Stadt erworben haben, ja denselben vielmehr oben erwiesenermaßen schädlich sind, dergestalt unterdrückt werde solte, daß sie gleichsam ein Opfer dieser Ausländer werde”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 4, 30–12–1790.
46 “WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, Nr. 4,4–7–1791. The state's caution in this case may have been designed to follow Leopold II's retreat from the most radical and unpopular of Joseph II's reforms. In 1790 Leopold reinstated guild privileges after a ten-year hiatus during Joseph's personal rule, but his preference lay in opening the market to competition, as evidenced by his reforms as grand duke of Tuscany in 1771. Adam, Wandruszka, Leopold II (Vienna, 1965), 1:270–71.Google Scholar
47 “durch die Ertheillung oben gebettener Erlaubnis sowohl Bittsteller noch ferners in Contributionsfähigen Stand erhalten als auch hierdurch für das Publikum alda der vortheil erwachsen wird, nach ihnen beständigen verlangen befriediget zu werden”; WStuLA, Zuckerbäcker, A42, 27–9–1791.
48 Sütt's renegade position within the pastry trade was perpetuated by Maria Anna Leiglin, who took over his business license and his shop on Singerstraße when he relocated to Leopoldstadt. She continued his practice of baking popular goods over the guild's objections and despite the restrictions on the types of baked goods permitted under Sütt's business license. WStuLA,Zuckerbäcker, A42,19–3–1790, 28–11–1791,16–1–1792.
49 This occurred in other guilds as well, such as the grinders' guild. The grinders were a policed guild, under the supervision of the city council, but they consistently petitioned the Lower Austrian Commercial Council, following the form of the metalworking guilds they served and worked with. See Goedde, , “Artisans' Approach,” chap. 5.Google Scholar
50 Guild dyers and trimmings makers repeatedly complained to the city and the territorial and imperial governments about the encroachment of nonguild competitors, particularly the largescale manufactory organizations that they could not hope to imitate WStuLA, Posamentirer, A14, 26–8–1784, and Färber, A82, Nr. 2, 31–3–1795; A82, Nr. 2,1792.