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The Carniolan Society for Agriculture and Useful Arts 1767–87: Promoting Practical and Theoretical Knowledge Based on Cameralist and Physiocratic Ideas
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 May 2018
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The Carniolan Society for Agriculture and Useful Arts, often somewhat loosely called the Carniolan Farming Society, worked between the years 1767 and 1787 in the Habsburg duchy of Carniola on the southern border of Holy Roman Empire, which now forms the central western part of Slovenia with its capital Ljubljana (Laibach), northeastern Italy with the city of Duino, and a part of Croatian Istria with the city of Pazin. The official name of the Society (referred to as Society or Carniolan Society in this article) was Kaiserlich Königliche Gesellschaft des Ackerbaues und nützlicher Künste im Herzogthume Krain. It published two important periodicals: the Sammlung nützlicher Unterrichte (Collection of useful instructions) and a weekly magazine titled Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt des Herzogthum Krain (Weekly news of the Duchy of Carniola). Both publications promoted intellectual and scientific developments of the time and reflected a progressive spirit of Enlightenment and rationalism, characteristic of the eighteenth century in Europe.
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References
1 The Society was reestablished in 1820, when its official name became Kaiserlich Königliche Landwirtschaft Gesellschaft in Krain.
2 See Ekelund, Robert B. Jr. and Hebert, Robert F., A History of Economic Theory and Method (New York, 1975), 41Google Scholar. Eli Heckscher also wrote about the “transition from mercantilism to laissez-faire” and pointed out that mercantilism contained also some liberal aspects, like “the interest in the new entrepreneur” and “the tendency to have private interests serviceable to the community” (emphasis in the original). Heckscher, Eli F., Mercantilism, vol. 2 (London, 1994), 323Google Scholar. In eighteenth century, the importance of these aspects increased.
3 Cameralism (Kameralismus) was the German and Austrian conception of mercantilism. It was a broad term covering the whole body of political and economic practices of absolute monarchies in the states of Germany and Austria, that is, political policies, tax measures, regulatory laws, general economic policies, etc. See Bell, John Fred, A History of Economic Thought (New York, 1967), 87ffGoogle Scholar.
4 Marjanen, Jani, “Economic Societies in the Eighteenth Century: Remarks on the Swedish Case,” Discussions 7 (2012): 9Google Scholar.
5 Many societies, like the ones in Bohemia, Tyrol, and Milan, included the word “patriotic” in their names. Cf. ibid., 4, 5, 8.
6 Ibid., 5.
7 In the multinational monarchy, agricultural societies, as well as other regional scientific and intellectual institutions, also contributed to the rise of national consciousness and to the promotion of local identity, which, according to Rita Krueger, reinforced “provincial, peripheral particularity to the ultimate detriment of the center—the Habsburg state.” In some parts of the monarchy, these (unforeseen) consequences of the societies’ activities turned out to be even more important than those intended (e.g., raising prosperity). See Krueger, Rita A., “Mediating Progress in the Provinces: Central Authority, Local Elites, and Agrarian Societies in Bohemia and Moravia,” Austrian History Yearbook 35 (2004): 51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 The Bohemian Agricultural Society (later called the Patriotic Economic Society) was established in 1769 and the Moravian-Silesian Agricultural Society in 1768. See ibid., 62, 64.
9 Umek, Ema, “Kranjska kmetijska družba 1767–1787” [The Carniolan Agricultural Society 1767–1787], Arhivi [Archives] 29, no. 1 (2006): 1–3Google Scholar. See also Wangermann, Ernst, “An Eighteenth-Century Engine of Reform,” Austrian History Yearbook 37 (2006): 58–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 7. ARS [Archives of the Republic of Slovenia], SI AS 533, KKD/Spisi, statut (writings, statute).
11 Later, the Styrian Agricultural Society also issued Sammlung ökonomischer Schriften, Herausgegeben von der Kaiser Königl. Gesellschaft des Ackerbaues und nützlicher Künste, printed by Widmanstetter in Graz in 1782.
12 Krueger, “Mediating Progress in the Provinces,” 60–61.
13 “Von der Sorgfalt des Grafen von Schaumburg für die Aufnahme des Ackerbaues,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 53–54. See also Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 5.
14 Gruber was the navigational director of all rivers in the Habsburg monarchy, except the Danube. His younger brother Tobias and their stepfather Andreas Schwindel were also members of the Carniolan Society, as well as his assistants J. Kaufmann, F. Millbacher, and J. Maffei.
15 Gruber designed the canal in Ljubljana to prevent recurrent floods, caused by the Ljubljanica River. The construction of the canal (in the years 1772–80) was in its time one of the greatest and most expensive projects in the Habsburg monarchy. Gruber's main opponents in this project came from the old aristocratic high nobility. They were landlords who possessed most of the Carniolan land and looked with suspicion on Gruber's visionary work in fear of losing their lands. The canal, which proved to be an excellent solution, is today known as the Gruber Canal.
16 It is interesting to note that Joseph Brigido succeeded Count Heinrich at his Galician position in 1780 and remained there for almost fifteen years.
17 Despite the fact that Hacquet had good relations with Joseph II, especially after the Imperial visit to Hacquet's collections on 21 Mar. 1784, which continued for an hour and a half. Besides being a surgeon, Hacquet was also doing research in the fields of botany, mineralogy, petrology, and chemistry, and was a fervent collector. In Ljubljana, he established a natural history cabinet, which was visited by many representatives of European nobility including Pope Pius VI and Emperor Joseph II. See Južnič, Stanislav, “Magistrat je osel: K zgodovini prepirov med ljubljansko mestno in njej nadrejeno oblastjo” [City-Hall is a donkey: To the history of quarrels between the Ljubljana City Hall and its superior authorities], Zgodovina za vse [History for everyone] 20, no. 1 (2013): 7Google Scholar.
18 Cf. Hutchison, Terence, Before Adam Smith: The Emergence of Political Economy, 1662–1776 (Oxford, 1988), 56–86Google Scholar; and Oser, Jacob and Brue, Stanley L., The Evolution of Economic Thought, 4th ed. (New York, 1988), 50–52Google Scholar.
19 Cf. Perry, Marvin, Western Civilization, 4th ed. (New York, 2001), 294–95Google Scholar. On the “pillars of liberty,” see Capaldi, Nicholas and Lloyd, Gordon, Liberty and Equality in Political Economy (Cheltenham, 2016), 1–14Google Scholar.
20 Backhouse, Roger E., The Penguin History of Economics (London, 2002), 89Google Scholar. On physiocracy, see also Spiegel, Henry William, The Growth of Economic Thought, 3rd ed. (London, 1991Google Scholar), ch. 8.
21 The Age of Uncertainty, episode 1, “The Prophets and Promise of Classical Capitalism,” created by and featuring John K. Galbraith, aired 1977 on BBC and Andre Deutsch.
22 Thomas Mun (1571–1641), one of the most well-known English mercantilists, was a successful merchant and director of the London East India Company.
23 Khavanova, Olga, “Joseph von Sonnenfels's Courses and the Making of the Habsburg Bureaucracy,” Austrian History Yearbook 48 (2017): 54Google Scholar.
24 Ibid., 55; and Wangermann, “An Eighteenth-Century Engine of Reform,” 58–59. In the years 1770–80, Sonnenfels's lectures in Vienna were attended also by the Carniolan historian Anton Tomaž Linhart.
25 See Bell, A History of Economic Thought, 97–99.
26 Screpanti, Ernesto and Zamagni, Stefano, An Outline of the History of Economic Thought, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 2005), 63CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sonnenfels was familiar with Beccaria's work, including Dei delitti e delle pene, which was translated by one of Sonnenfels's students and criticized torture and death penalty. Sonnenfels also strongly opposed torture in judicial procedures, which led to another enlightened reform in the monarchy: the abolition of torture in 1776. See Wangermann, “An Eighteenth-Century Engine of Reform,” 59–60.
27 This tradition was continued by the German Historical School in the nineteenth century and, with authors such as Gustav von Schmoller (1838–1917), preserved its influence even in the first quarter of the twentieth century. Therefore, explicit liberalist ideas in German economic literature appeared only in the second half of the nineteenth century and in the first half of the twentieth century, thanks to Austrian economists such as Carl Menger, Joseph Schumpeter, and Friedrich von Hayek.
28 ARS, SI AS Dolski arhiv, F. Reigersfeld's writings. See also Šorn, Jože, “Merkantilist Franc Rakovec-Reigersfeld (1697–1760)” [Mercantilist Franc Rakovec-Reigersfeld (1697–1760)], Kronika – časopis za slovensko krajevno zgodovino [Chronicle – Journal for Slovenian Local History] 3, no. 2 (1955): 81–87Google Scholar.
29 More on Slovenian cameralist authors see in Pejić, Lazar, Jugoslovenski merkantilisti [Yugoslavian mercantilists] (Beograd, 1988), 192–99Google Scholar.
30 In Ljubljana, the ex-Jesuits retained their professorships outside theological fields as secular priests even three decades after their suppression, because no other qualified professors were available.
31 Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 22–23.
32 In Ljubljana, the spinning school was organized in 1767 according to the preliminary agreements of Joseph von Desselbruner with the Commercial Council and the Town Hall. By the time the school was established, Desselbruner, in his professional cloth-making manufacture, already worked with twenty-four looms. He was willing to pay the students three kreuzers (copper coins) for each pound of spun wool. In Celje, a similar school was organized in the same year by Joseph, Baron Gallenfels, a member of the Carniolan Society and owner of Medlog manor by Celje, who provided the school attenders with flax. The spinning school in Novo Mesto was founded a year earlier, and a similar institution also worked in Ptuj, connected with the local branch of a cloth-making enterprise from Linz, which was founded already in 1672. Their wool was imported from Bulgaria and transported upstream the navigable rivers.
33 Another example of such practice was in Klagenfurt, where in 1762 Jan Reiner von Thys, later member of the Carniolan Society, with the backing of ministers Gerard van Swieten and the Ljubljana native Johan Karl Philip, Count Kobencl (Cobenzl), established a spinning-mill and textile manufacture K.k. Feintuchfabrik Thys, based on the cheap work of students and orphanage residents. See Šorn, Jože, Začetki industrije na Slovenskem [The beginnings of industry on Slovenian territories] (Maribor, 1984), 114Google Scholar.
34 Another proposed method was using the so-called poudre de la providence (powder of providence), as described in the Society's weekly magazine in 1775. See “Nachricht von einem angestellten Versuche mit dem Pulver: Poudre de la Providence, Geschenk der göttlichen Vorsehung genannt,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 1 (1775): 707–13, 723–28; the article was originally published as “Nachricht von einem angestellten Versuche mit dem Pulver: Geschenk der göttlichen Vorsehung genannt” in Hannoverisches Magazin 13 (1775): 1269–76. Applying this powder on the land, where the seeds had been sown, allegedly significantly increased the yearly produce of corn. The substance of the powder, however, remained a mystery (the producer probably did not want it to be revealed). At the initiative of Schöttl, the Society carried out some experiments with this powder, but the results were below expectations. See Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 11.
35 Jakob Kristijan Schäffer (1718–90), the inventor of the washing machine and researcher of electricity, tried to produce paper from plant fibers already in 1765.
36 ARS, SI AS 533, AS 7, Kmetijske zadeve [Farming topics], Technical unit 204, Lit. B, No. 4, Volume 1. On 8 July 1775, Gallenberg approved, for this same purpose, additional holidays to Hacquet for Sept. and Oct. of 1775.
37 According to German historian and economist Wilhelm Roscher, “Austrian national economy was dominated by Joseph von Sonnenfels” for more than two generations. Roscher, Wilhelm, Geschichte der National-ökonomik in Deutschland (Munich, 1874)Google Scholar, cited in Bell, A History of Economic Thought, 98. Schumpeter, Joseph A., History of Economic Analysis (London, 1954)Google Scholar, 171, 174, 375. See also Pejić, Jugoslovenski merkantilisti, 21. Cf. Khavanova, “Joseph von Sonnenfels's Courses,” 56.
38 The last volume (1779) was titled as Neue Sammlung nützlicher Unterrichte.
39 The full title of the weekly in 1775 was Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt des Herzogthum Krain. In 1776 the title changed slightly, to Des Wöchentlichen Kundschaftsblattes im Herzogthume Krain. (In quoting we use the title Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt for both years.)
40 “Metode einen sehr festen Kitt oder Mörtel zu machen,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 1 (1775): 401–7, 417–22, 433–37.
41 On soil science, see “Von der Wissenschaft des Feldbaues, und zwar von Erkänntniβ des Erdbodens, dessen Eigenschaften, und nützlichen Verbesserung,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 1 (1775): 244–47, 257–61. On proposal, by an anonymous reader, to produce sugar from an unknown plant, see “Nachricht der Herausgeber,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 1 (1775): 268–69.
42 On newly introduced rhubarb, see “Abermalige Nachricht von der Rhabarbar,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 501–4. The “fire patent” issued by Maria Theresa was presented in “Patent,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 1 (1775): 393–97, 410–13, 424–28, 441–45, 456–61, 474–77, 487–91, 505–8. On a new type of saw, see “Neue Sägmaschine,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 197–99.
43 See Hösler, Joachim, Von Krain zu Slowenien: Die Anfänge der nationalen Differenzierungsprozesse in Krain und der Untersteiremark von der Aufklärung bis zur Revolution 1768 bis 1848 (Munich, 2006)Google Scholar.
44 Kalan, Barbara, Profil tedenskega časnika Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt, publikacije Družbe za kmetijstvo in koristne spretnosti na Kranjskem [The profile of the weekly Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt] (Ljubljana, 2001), 47Google Scholar.
45 “An das Publikum,” Wochentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2, no. 52 (28 Dec. 1776): 824–28 (because of the wrong pagination the original was paged as 824–32).
46 See Južnič, “Magistrat je osel,” 12. See also Južnič, Stanislav and Kranjc, Andrej, Bibliography of Balthazar Hacquet (Ljubljana, 2013), 48–49Google Scholar. The Society's proceedings and the weekly were printed by the Saxon Johann Friedrich Eger (c. 1735–99), who was the only printer in Ljubljana until 1782.
47 See Južnič, Stanislav, “Euler and the Jesuits in Russia,” Quaderns d'Historia de l'Enginyeria [Escola Tecnica Superior d'Enginyeria Industrial de Barcelona] 9 (2007): 219–47Google Scholar.
48 “Auszug aus dem ersten Theile der historisch- und physikalischen Nachrichten von der Viehseuche, vom Herrn Paulet, Paris 1775,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 697–702, 761–66.
49 “Praktische, und durch beständige Erfahrung sicher befundene Methode das Getreid wider den Brand zu verwahren,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 702–3.
50 “Oekonomischer Versuch,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 231–33 (because of the wrong pagination the original was paged as 231–34).
51 Ingenhousz married the daughter of the scientifically more important (honorary) member of the Carniolan Society Nikolaus Joseph von Jacquin (1727–1817). He regularly corresponded with his close friend Benjamin Franklin.
52 On the American Revolution, see for example, “Politische Neuigkeiten—England,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 251–52. On Franklin, see “Die Art sich zu bereichern,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 247–49, 263–67.
53 “Von der Wirkung der Luftbegebenheiten auf die Gewächse,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 533–43.
54 Toaldo published, together with Horace Bénédict de Saussure (1740–99), two books that favored the introduction of Franklin's lightning rods, and even reprinted Franklin's letter mailed to Saussure of Geneva on 8 Oct. 1772. Cf. Toaldo, Giuseppe, Della maniera di preservare gli edifici dal fulmine: informazione al populo (Venice, 1772)Google Scholar; Toaldo, Giuseppe, Dell’ uso de’ conduttori metallici a preservazione degli ediz. Contro de’ fulmini, nuova apologia colla descrizione della pubblica specola di Padova. Con una lettera del Sig. Franklin (Venice, 1774)Google Scholar.
55 von Entnersfeld, Friedrich Franz Edler, “Abhandlung von den eigentlichen Ursachen, der Viehseuchen: dann einige Präservatio- und Kuratzions Mittel dagegen,” in Neue (Vierte) Sammlung nützlicher Unterrichte, herausgegeben von der Kaiserlich Königlichen Gesellschaft des Ackerbaues und nützlicher Künste im Herzogthume Krain (Laybach, 1779), 145–46Google Scholar, 150. Later Entnersfeld turned more toward political and economic issues. In 1791, he published an economics textbook, and in 1794 he became an associate professor of economics at the University of Vienna, where Sonnenfels lectured. von Raab, Franz Anton, Unterricht über die Verwandlung der kais. königl. böhmischen Domainen in Bauerngüter (Vienna, 1777)Google Scholar. Franz Raab was also a member of the Styrian Agricultural Society.
56 Henri-Louis Duhamel du Monceau (Du Hamel, 1700–82) wrote extensively on the agriculture, fruits, as well as shipbuilding. In 1738, he was admitted to the Paris Academy, and in 1755 he began to publish an encyclopedic work on forests which interested Entnersfeld. Johann Beckmann (1739–1811) was professor of economics at the University of Göttingen and the author of one of the award-winning essays at the Carniolan Society's competition. He corresponded with Hacquet. Beckmann positively reviewed the Society's Sammlung nützlicher Unterrichte and highly praised Hacquet's book Oryctographia carniolica I–IV (Leipzig, 1778, 1781, 1784, 1789). Johann Andreas Cramer (1710–77) was an expert in metallurgy and chemistry who taught in Leyden. In 1737 among his students in Leyden was Gerard van Swieten (1700–72), who in 1745 arrived in Vienna and soon became a leading reformer of education in Habsburg monarchy.
57 Euler, Johann Albrecht, Nova Acta Academiae Scientiarum Imperialis Petropolitanae 8 (1790): 17–18Google Scholar.
58 Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 24–25.
59 Haymann, Pogrietschnig, and Entnersfeld wrote several treatises on fertilization. The Jewish Johann Joseph Anton Haymann was born in Postojna. He was promoted to the title of doctor of medicine in Vienna with his dissertation Dissertatio physico medica de aere (Viennae, 1758). In that work, he thanked van Swieten, and cited Hippocrates, Daniel Le Clerc's (1652–1728) Histoire de la Medicine, Bernardino Ramazzini's (1633–1714) De Constitutione anni 1691 apud Mutinenses dissertatio, and Boerhaave's Praelectiones academicae in proprias institutiones rei medicae. Haymann was interested in Edme Mariotte's (1620–84) research on air resistance, which was supposed to increase by the square of the projectile velocity. Haymann discussed Johann Christoph Rieger's (d. 1774) Introductio in notitiam rerum naturalium et arte factarum of 1742/43, Swieten's observation of animals in a vacuum, mercury barometer, experiments of Réaumur, Boerhaave's inner heat of air, Stahl's research of burning, and Fahrenheit thermometer. In general, Haymann's thesis provided more physics than medicine. Haymann practiced in Carniola, where he became medical adviser and physician. He took special care on the equipment and operation of pharmacies. He died in Ljubljana in 1799.
60 “An der Herrn Verfasser des in dem diesjährigen Ackerbauesgesellschaftlichen Kundschaftsblatte sub Nro. 4 stehenden zur Begünstigung der Gemeinweyden geschriebenen Stückes,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 437–44, 453–58. See also “Antwort auf die Schrift des Hrn. von B.,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 469–79. Cf. Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 24.
61 In modern economic theory, the solutions to this problem go either in the direction of privatizing the resource or in the direction of state regulation. However, Elinor Olstrom (1933–2012), who won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2009, showed that these are not the only alternatives and that efficient ways of managing the communal property have been preserved in some cultures.
62 Beckmann, Johann, “Welche sind die schicklichsten Nebengewerbe für die Landleute überhaupt, vornehmlich aber im Herzogthum Krain,” in Neue (Vierte) Sammlung nützlicher Unterrichte, herausgegeben von der kaiserl. königl. Gesellschaft des Ackerbaues und nützlicher Künste im Herzogthume Krain (Laybach, 1779)Google Scholar, 83–107. A facsimile was reprinted with comments by Ema Umek and Gerhard Teich (Munich, 1972).
63 The Carniolan Society favored increased domestic production of industrial plants, such as flax and hemp, as well as of wool and silk. This was a typical mercantilist feature. For example, English mercantilist writer Thomas Mun in chapter three of his England's Treasure by Foreign Trade (1630) also advocated for increased domestic production of hemp, flax, cordage, tobacco, etc., which would reduce imports and prevent waste grounds from lying idle. See Spechler, Martin C., Perspectives in Economic Thought (New York, 1990), 16Google Scholar.
64 Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 29–30.
65 Ibid., 24–27.
66 From Dec. 1776 to 19 May 1780, Grisellini was a secretary of the Agricultural Society in Milano, which was supported by Brigido and freemasons of Vienna. Ibid., 7.
67 Kryger, Johann Friedrich, “Wettschrift, welche den 28ten Christmonats 1772. der Preis zuerkannt worden,” in Dritte Sammlung Nützlicher Unterrichte (Laybach, 1776)Google Scholar, 1–40; Franz Grisellini, “Wettschrift, welche den 28ten Christmonats 1772. mit dem Accessit beehret worden,” in Dritte Sammlung Nützlicher Unterrichte (Laybach, 1776), 41–100. See also Vodopivec, Peter, “Švedski merkantilist J. F. Kryger v glasilu Kranjske kmetijske družbe 18. stoletja” [Swedish mercantilist J. F. Kryger in the journal of the eighteenth-century Carniolan Farming Society], Arhivi 22 (1999): 12–27Google Scholar.
68 Cf. Umek, “Kranjska kmetijska družba,” 28.
69 Improving the infrastructure, however, cannot be attributed only to physiocrats; it was the goal of mercantilist policies too.
70 Cf. Gide, Charles and Rist, Charles, A History of Economic Doctrines: From the Time of the Physiocrats to the Present Day (Calcutta, 1973), 35Google Scholar.
71 Cf. Vaggi, Gianni, The Economics of François Quesnay (London, 1987), 129–30Google Scholar.
72 E.g., Lavoie, Marc, Foundations of Post-Keynesian Economic Analysis (Aldershot, 1992), 143Google Scholar; see also Shapiro, Nina, “Pricing and the growth of the firm,” Journal of Post Keynesian Economics 4, no. 1 (1981): 85–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
73 Kryger, Johann Friedrich, “Von dem Verhältnisse der Menge des Geldes in einem Staat, gegen die Menge der Menschen und Waaren,” in Neue (Vierte) Sammlung Nützlicher Unterrichte (Laybach, 1779), 157–74Google Scholar.
74 “Die Erde ist die Quelle aller unserer Erfordernisse, und Bequemlichkeiten, und der enzige Weg die Reichthümer der Staaten zu vergrössern ist dieser, daβ man alle Erdstriche und Grundstücke zur Hervorbringung der gröβten möglichen Menge der Produkten nutze, die daraus gezogen werden können.” “Anzeige an die Liebhaber der Landwirthschaft,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 1 (1775): 819–20.
75 See ibid., 822.
76 See respectively, “Die Oekonomie oder Hauswirtschaft ist eine praktische Wissenschaft, wodurch man sich ein Vermögen ehrlich zu erwerben, und das Erworbene recht zu brauchen weiβ.” “Grundsätze der Oekonomie,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 23; “Die Seele der Oekonomie is der Fleiβ und die kluge Auslage des Geldes.” “Fortsetzung der ökonomischen Grundsätze,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 41; “Das Ziel der Oekonomie ist die Glückseligkeit sowohl der eigenen Person oder Familie, als des ganzen Staats.” “Fortsetzung der ökonomischen Grundsätze,” Wöchentliches Kundschaftsblatt 2 (1776): 40.