¹ See Leopold von, Chlumecky, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen (Berlin, 1929), 93–117, 249–50,253–56,324–26Google Scholar; Theodor von, Sosnosky, Franz Ferdinand. Der Erzherzog-Thronfolger (Munich, 1929), 126–27Google Scholar; and Rudolf, Kiszling, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand von Österreich-Este.Leben, Pläne und Wirken am Schicksalsweg der Donaumonarchie (Graz, 1953), 127–45, 161–677Google Scholar. These three works are the principal biographies of Francis Ferdinand. They are well documented and informative but colored by their author's admiration for him. Chlumecky and Sosnosky were journalists whose writings presented the views of the archduke. Kiszling was an army officer and military historian. There has been no comprehensive, scholarly biography of the archduke since Kiszling's 1953 work. The gap has been partly filled by Kann, Robert A., Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien (Vienna, 1976)Google Scholar. The volume of collected essays covers a wide range of topics related to Francis Ferdinand's personality, imperial reform plans, political circle, relations with prominent figures, and attitude toward various nationalities in the Habsburg Empire. Several biographies in a popular vein appeared around the time of the seventhieth anniversary of the Sarajevo assassination. Gerd, Holler, a medical doctor, stresses the baleful effects of tuberculosis on the archduke's personality in Franz Ferdinand von Österreich-Este (Vienna, 1982)Google Scholar. Friedrich, Weissensteiner, Franz Ferdinand. Der verhinderte Herrscher (Vienna,1983)Google Scholar, which has no footnotes, focuses on hereditary, psychological, and educational factors, and discusses the influence of the heir presumptive's social environment on the development of his character. Max, Polatschek, Franz Ferdinand. Europas verlorene Hoffnung (Vienna, 1989)Google Scholar, is a latter-day expression of the view of the archduke's circle that his assassination robbed the Habsburg monarchy of its savior. The emphasis in Gordon, Brook-Shepherd's Archduke of Sarajevo: The Romance and Tragedy of Francis Ferdinand of Austria (Boston, 1984)Google Scholar is on Francis Ferdinand's marital romance with Countess Sophie Chotek. The royal title archduke of Sarajevo never existed. The author probably intended it to stand for something like the “Man from Sarajevo.”

² The letters of both men are published in Solomon, Wank, ed., Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal. Briefe und Dokumente zur Österreichisch-ungarischen Innen- und Aussenpolitik 1885–1912, 2 pts.Google Scholar, Quellen zur Geschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, ed. Fritz, Fellner, vol. 6 (Graz, 1994)Google Scholar (hereafter Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal followed by the part number and the number of the document). The originals are in the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv and Kriegsarchiv in Vienna (hereafter HHStA and KA, respectively). A citation at the head of each published document gives the exact archival location. There are sixty-eight letters in the correspondence, seventeen from Francis Ferdinand and fifty-one from Aehrenthal. All of the archduke's letters are included in the published correspondence along with twenty-nine of Aehrenthal's letters to him. Those omitted—cover letters for documents transmitted to Francis Ferdinand, dates of royal visits, notices of appointments of court officials, and requests for audiences—have no substantive content. Several of Francis Ferdinand's letters are without dates. Dates were determined by contents and are placed in square brackets. All translations from the German, unless otherwise indicated, are my own.

³ There is no modern critical biography of Aehrenthal. The only extant biography is a short, frankly admiring work written during World War I: Berthold, Molden, Alois Graf Aehrenthal.Sechs Jahre äussere Politik Oesterreich-Ungarns (Stuttgart, 1917). I am currently completing a biography of Aehrenthal.Google Scholar

⁴ See Francis, Zweybrück, “Graf Aehrenthal. Fragmente zu seiner Beurteilung,” in Österreichische Essays, ed. idem (Berlin, 1916), 203–37, reference on 207.Google Scholar

⁵ Aehrenthal first met Archduke Francis Ferdinand during the latter's official visit to Russia in 1891. At that time, the thirty-seven-year-old first secretary and acting head of the embassy at St. Petersburg wrote to his father: ” The contact, however, was strictly formal, and ended with a letter from Aehrenthal informing Francis Ferdinand that the skin of a bear he had shot during the visit had been stuffed and was on its way to Vienna. Aehrenthal's letter to his father, dated Feb. 19, 1891, is in the Aehrenthal family archive in the state archive in Žitenice, Czech Republic. The relevant passage is printed in Ernst, Rutkowski, ed., Briefe und Dokumente zur Geschichte der Österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie unter besonderer Berücksichtung des bÖhmisch-mährischen Raumes. Teil 1, Der Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz (Munich, 1983), 167Google Scholar. Aehrenthal's letter to the archduke, dated May 30, 1891, is in HHStA, Nachlass Franz Ferdinand, carton 16.

⁶ Quoted inCorti, Egon C. and Hans, Sokol, Der alte Kaiser. Franz Joseph I. vom Berliner Kongress bis zu seinen Tod (Graz, 1955), 271Google Scholar. No source is given for the letter, which is dated Apr. 2, 1902; it is not in the Nachlass Aehrenthal in the HHStA.

⁷ See Aehrenthal to Francis Ferdinand, Nov. 23, 1905, and Aug. 28, 1906, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 1, nos. 287, 304.

⁸ On Aehrenthal's social and political outlook, see Solomon, Wank, “Varieties of Political Despair: Three Exchanges between Aehrenthal and Goluchowski, 1898–1906,” in Intellectual and Social Developments in the Habsburg Empire from Maria Theresa to World War I: Essays Dedicated to Robert A. Kann, ed. Winters, Stanley B. and Joseph, Held (Boulder, 1975), 203–39.Google Scholar

⁹ On the archduke's foreign policy ideas, see Georg, Franz, “Der Thronfolger und die Aussenpolitik,” in Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und die Pläne zur Reform der Habsburgermonarchie (Vienna, 1943), 99–115Google Scholar. For Aehrenthal's views, see Wank, , “Varieties of Political Despair,” 206–14, 221–27Google Scholar. On the Three Emperor' Alliance (1881–87), see in general Bridge, F. R., The Habsburg Monarchy among the Great Powers, 1815–1918 (New York, 1990), 141–44,174–75.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For the archduke, see Franz, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und die Pläne zur Reform der Habsburgermonarchie, 45–46Google Scholar. For Aehrenthal, see Solomon, Wank, “Aehrenthal's Programme for the Constitutional Transformation of the Habsburg Monarchy: Three Secret Meacutemoires,” Slavonic and East European Review 41, no. 97 (June 1963): 513–36Google Scholar. The memoires are appended (522–36) and are also printed in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, nos. 335–37.

¹¹ Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 94.Google Scholar

¹² See Bülow's summary of his discussion with Aehrenthal in Berlin on Nov. 14 and 15, 1906, in Die grosse Politik der europäischen Kabinette, 1871–1914, ed. Johannes, Lepsius et al., 53 vols.(Berlin, 1921–27), vol. 22 (1925), no. 7369. The document is dated Nov. 16.Google Scholar

¹³ Quoted in Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 94. The archduke considered Pitreich too friendly to Hungary.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Allmayer-Beck, Johann Christoph, Ministerpräsident Baron Beck. Ein Staatsmann des alten Österreich (Vienna, 1956), 136–37.Google Scholar

¹⁵ For the souring of relations with Beck, see Ibid., 122–25, 238–42. For SchÖnaich and Conrad, see Gunther, Rothenberg, The Army of Francis Joseph (West Lafayette, 1976), 147,161,164.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Kann, Robert A., “Count Ottokar Czernin and Archduke Francis Ferdinand,” Journal of Central European Affairs 16, no. 2 (July 1956): 117–45Google Scholar, here 126. The article is reprinted in Kann, Robert A., Dynasty, Politics and Culture: Selected Essays, ed. Winters, Stanley B. (Boulder, 1991), 105–48Google Scholar. A German translation of the article is in Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 157–205. All further references are to the original publication.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Quoted in Maurice, Muret, Ľarchduke François Ferdinand (Paris, 1932), 172Google Scholar. On Francis Ferdinand's efforts to acquire power and influence in the political process, see Williamson, Samuel R. Jr., “Influence, Power, and the Policy Process: The Case of Francis Ferdinand, 1906–1914,” Historical journal 17, no. 2 (1974): 417–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁸ See Williamson, , “Influence, Power, and the Policy Process,” 420–21.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On the Macedonian question in general, see Bridge, F. R., The Habsburg Monarchy among the Great Powers, 250–51, 258–60, 275–77.Google Scholar

²⁰ Kaiser, Wilhelm's letter to Francis Ferdinand, dated Jan. 18, 1908Google Scholar, is printed in Kann, Robert A., “Emperor William II and Archduke Francis Ferdinand in Their Correspondence,” American Historical Review 57, no. 2 (01 1952): 326–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹ HHStA, Politisches Archiv (hereafter PA) I (Allgemeines), carton 487, fascicle XXX/6, Count Artstetten to Aehrenthal, Jan. 21, 1908. When he traveled incognito, the archduke used the name Artstetten, after one of his castles in lower Austria.

²² Aehrenthal to Count Artstetten [Francis Ferdinand], telegram ]no number], Jan. 22, 1908, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 419.

²³ Ibid. Aehrenthal accused Germany of striving to acquire control of Turkish affairs at the expense of Austria-Hungary and Russia.

²⁴ Aehrenthal to Francis Ferdinand, Jan. 24, 1909, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no.491.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, January 28, 1909, in Ibid., no. 494.

²⁷ In a letter to Aehrenthal, the archduke announced that he had two candidates for ambassadorial posts. Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, Sept. 27, 1909, in Ibid., no. 550. The names of the candidates are not given. The archduke especially sought the appointment of army officers to diplomatic posts. See Godsey, William D.Jr., “Officers vs. Diplomats: Bureaucracy and Foreign Policy in Austria-Hungary 1906–1914,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 46 (1998):43–66Google Scholar. Francis Ferdinand had more success with Count Leopold Berchtold, who succeeded Aehrenthal as foreign minister (Ibid.).

²⁸ Archduke Francis Ferdinand to Kaiser Wilhelm II, Jan. 21, 1908. The letter is appended to Menning, Ralph R., “Origins of a Political Friendship: An Unpublished Letter of Archduke Francis Ferdinand to Kaiser Wilhelm II, 21 January 1908,” Austrian History Yearbook 24 (1993): 186–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹ Allmayer-Beck, , Ministerprasident Baron Beck, 175.Google Scholar

³⁰ Kann, Robert A., “Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und Graf Berchtold als Aussenminister, 1912–1914,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 22 (1969): 246–78, 254 (quote)Google Scholar. Kann's essay charts the rise of the archduke's influence in foreign affairs during the Berchtold years and serves as a sequel of sorts to the present essay. The article is reprinted in Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 206–40Google Scholar. There is an English translation in Kann, , Dynasty, Politics and Culture, 105–48. All further references are to the original publication.Google Scholar

³¹ Josef, Redlich, Schicksalsjahre Österreichs. Das politische Tagebuch Josef Redlichs, ed. Fritz, Fellner,2 vols. (Vienna, 1952–54), vol. 1, diary entry, Feb. 18, 1912Google Scholar. The entry records a discussion with Koerber. Austro-Hungarian general Count Josef Srürgkh detected in the archduke “a not-to-be-denied trait of despotism,” and a German diplomat described him as a “born autocrat.” The quotations are from Friedrich Weissensteiner, “Der Österreichische Thronfolger Franz Ferdinand. Leben-PersÖnlichkeit-Weltbild,” Geschichte 87 (1989): 48, 51.

³² Quoted in Stephan, Verosta, Theorie und Realität von Bündnissen. Heinrich Lammasch und Karl Renner und der Zweibund (1897–1914) (Vienna, 1971), 421.Google Scholar

³³ Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, Sept. 27, 1909, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 494. In the letter, he sharply criticized German chancellor Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg for granting interviews on his first visit to Vienna “to all of the newspaper Jews [Zeitungsjuden].” Many newspaper editors were Jewish and liberal, but why Zeitungsjuden and not simply liberal editors? The archde's collective reference to Jewish journalists as Zeitungsjuden was a code word that was part of a larger anti-Semitic Weltanschauung that falsely attributed to the Jews the decline of a hierarchical society based on medieval Christian roots. Many Austrian conservatives shared the archduke's religiously based anti-Semitism, although not always to the same extreme degree. See Solomon, Wank, “A Case of Aristocratic Antisemitism in Austria: Count Aehrenthal and the Jews, 1878–1907,” Leo Baeck institute Yearbook 30 (1985): 435–56, esp. 435–38Google Scholar. On Jewish journalists and anti-Semitism, see Peter, Pulzer, The Rise of Political Antisemitism in Germany and Austria (New York, 1964), 127–36.Google Scholar

³⁴ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , Jan. 28, 1909, Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 494Google Scholar. The archduke singled out for vilification in this regard the Neue Freie Presse, Die Zeit, the Neue Wiener Tagblatt, and the Fremdenblatt, the semiofficial paper of the Ballhausplatz. All four had Jewish publishers or editors. He pronounced them all as completely in thrall to “the Kossuthist [extreme nationalist] Hungarian standpoint” (Ibid.). These papers did support some of Aehrenthal's concessions to the Hungarians, but they basically advocated a centralized Gesamtmonarchie. On the political tendencies of the newspapers, see Kurt, Paupié, Handbuch der Österreichischen Pressegeschichte 1848–1959, 2vols. (Vienna, 1950,1966), 1:124,144–50,150–51Google Scholar. Aehrenthal's position on concessions to the Hungarians is discussed later in this essay.

³⁵ Hohenlohe, to Aehrenthal, , Berlin, Nov. 13, 1907, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 404Google Scholar.For an earlier, equally gloomy picture of the archduke, see Hohenlohe, to Aehrenthal, , Nov. 11, 1906Google Scholar, Ibid., pt. 1, no. 317.

³⁶ Tsarist power in Russia appeared to have gained the upper hand in its struggle with the Duma, Emperor Francis Joseph emerged victorious from the constitutional struggle with the Hungarian government, and the introduction of universal manhood suffrage in Austria ended mass demonstrations. See Solomon, Wank, “A Case of Aristocratic Antisemitism in Austria,” 435–56, esp. 446–53.Google Scholar

³⁷ von Plener, Baron Ernst, a respected German-Austrian liberal politician, saw Aehrenthal as “abrupt and stubborn.” Ernst von Plener, Erinnerungen, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1911, 1921), 3:392Google Scholar. Count Albert Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian ambassador at London, noted in his diary that “Aehrenthal is stubborn.” Another time, he noted that “Aehrenthal... is pedagogical and dogmatic.” HHStA, Nachlass Mensdorff, carton 1, diary entries of Oct. 11, 1907, and Aug. 15, 1908. Count Leopold Berchtold, Aehrenthal's successor as ambassador to Russia and foreign minister, also described Aehrenthal as “pedantic” his generally calm exterior could not completely conceal an easily aroused “testiness.” Hugo, Hantsch, Leopold Graf Berchtold. Grandseigneur und Staatsmann, 2 vols. (Graz, 1963), 1:32.Google Scholar

³⁸ For a sympathetic but critical assessment of the archduke's character, see Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 15–25, 25 (quote)Google Scholar. In the same vein, see Weissensteiner, , “Der Österreichische Thronfolger Franz Ferdinand,” 45–52Google Scholar. See also Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 315–18Google Scholar; Ottokar, Czernin, In the World War (New York, 1920), 36Google Scholar; and Rudolph, Binion's psychoanalytically oriented investigation of the archduke, “From Mayerling to Sarajevo,” journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 309–16Google Scholar. On Francis Ferdinand's illness, see Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 29–32.Google Scholar

³⁹ On the archduke's activities as an art collector and a historic preservationist, seeRobert, Hoffmann, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und der Fortschritt. Altstadterhaltung und bürgerlicher Modernisierungswille in Salzburg (Vienna, 1994).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Kann, , Franz Ferdinand Studien, 24.Google Scholar

⁴¹ The quoted words are in Ibid., 25.

⁴² “entsetzliche Beck” (Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, [middle of Oct. 1908], in Aus dent Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 472) (this letter, without the part containing the quotation, is in Österreich-Ungams Aussenpolitik von der bosnischen Krise 1908 bis zum Kriegsausbruch 1914 [hereafter ÖUA], ed. Ludwig, Bittner et al., 9 vols. [Vienna, 1930], vol. 1, no. 347a)Google Scholar; “falsche Kriegsminister [Schönaich]” (Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, [beginning of Apr. 1909], in Aus dent Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 506); “dicke Edi” (Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, Oct. 11, 1908, in Ibid., no. 467); and “infamen Kerlen à la Grey [und] Hardinge” (Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, [end of February-beginning of March 1909], Ibid., no. 499). Sir Edward Grey was the British foreign secretary, and Sir Charles Hardinge was permanent undersecretary in the British Foreign Office.

⁴³ A “Schuft und Hochverräter” (Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, [beginning of Apr. 1909], in Ibid., no. 506); a “ganz charakterloser schlechter Kerl” (Ibid.); “mit füsilleren, hängen, etc.” (Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, Oct. 11, 1908, in Ibid., no. 467); and “Schweine” (Kann, ,Google Scholar “Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und Graf Berchtold als Aussenminister,” 271).

⁴⁴ Aehrenthal's strong sense of self-worth and independence, rooted in his parents' trust, approval, and unwavering support, is amply displayed in his exchanges with Goluchowski when he was ambassador to Russia. See Wank, , “Varieties of Political Despair,” 206–27Google Scholar. Aehrenthal's relationship with his parents is the subject of Solomon Wank, “Aehrenthal's ‘Holy Mission’: Some Psychological Notes for a Biography,” in Brennpunkt Mitteleuropa: Festschrift für Helmut Rumplerzum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Ulfried, Burz, Michael, Derndarsky, and Werner, Drobesch (Klagenfurt, 2000), 398–412.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See Brosch to Field Marshal Emil von Woinovich, Oct. 12, 1913. A character sketch of the archduke by Brosch is appended to the letter. Both are printed in Chlumecky, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen, 354–62; references to the archduke's illness and the quoted word are on 359. See also Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 29–31.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Brosch, to Woinovich, , Oct. 12, 1913, in Chlumecky, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen, 355, 357.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ von HÖtzendorf, Franz Conrad, Aus meiner Dienstzeit, 1906–1908, 5 vols. (Vienna, 1921–25), 1: 158.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , [beginning of Apr. 1909 ], in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 506. The emphasis is in the original.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , Sept. 27, 1909Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 550. The substance of the rumor is revealed in Aehrenthal, to Francis, Ferdinand, Sept. 24, 1909Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 549.

⁵⁰ See also the references to Aehrenthal's pedantic trait in n. 37.

⁵¹ See the psychoanalytical reflections on Francis Ferdinand's personality structure in Binion, “From Mayerling to Sarajevo,” 309–16.

⁵² Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 99Google Scholar. While he opposed universal suffrage in Austria, Francis Ferdinand urged its introduction in Hungary, if only as a means of breaking Magyar preponderance there (Ibid., 216, and Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 106–8).Google Scholar

⁵³ See Count (after 1911, Prince) Franz, Thun-Hohenstein to Aehrenthal, , Nov. 30, 1906, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 1, no. 322Google Scholar; and Aehrenthal, to Thun-Hohenstein, , Nov. 26, 1907Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 320. See also Allmayer-Beck, Ministerpräsident Baron Beck, 152. Thun, Statthalter (royal governor) of Bohemia (1899–1906, 1911–13), was a prominent member of the feudal conservative wing of the Large Landowners Party in the Austrian Herrenhaus (House of Lords).

⁵⁴ Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 23–24.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Quoted in Ibid., 114–15.

⁵⁶ See Eduard von, Wertheimer, Graf Julius Andrássy und seine Zeit, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1910–13).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , [beginning of August 1909], in Aus detn Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 539Google Scholar. The emphasis is in the original. According to Francis Ferdinand, the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv “should be a sanctuary of the imperial dynasty, into which only completely reliable people … should be allowed” (Ibid.; the emphasis is in the original).

⁵⁸ Aehrenthal, to Francis, Ferdinand, Sept. 24, 1909Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 549.

⁵⁹ “Promemoria Freiherr von Aehrenthal vor der Ernennung Oct. 23, 1906.” Aehrenthal enclosed a copy of the memorandum in a letter to the archduke. See Aehrenthal to Francis Ferdinand, Oct. 25, 1906, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 1, no. 310. In 1904 Aehrenthal engaged in a sharp exchange of letters with Foreign Minister Goluchowski over the latter's agreeing to changes in the way some international commercial treaties would be signed in the future that would emphasize Hungarian autonomy. See Wank, , “Varieties of Political Despair,” 214–21.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Allmayer-Beck, , Ministerpräsident Baron Beck, 165–66Google Scholar; and Rothenberg, , The Army of Francis Joseph, 146.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Éva, Somogyi, “Aehrenthal's Reformbestrebungen 1906–1907. Die Dualismus—Interpretation des Ministers des Aussern,” Österrreichische Osthefte 30 (1988): 60–75, esp. 63, 69–70, 73Google Scholar. On Aehrenthal's opposition to Hungarian demands for greater economic independence, see also von Geyr, Géza Andreas, Sándor Wekerle 1848–1921. Die politische Biographie ernes ungarischen Staatsmannes der Donaumonarchie (Munich, 1993), 236–37.Google Scholar

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⁶³ Aehrenthal to Francis Ferdinand, May 10, 1907, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 359. The emphasis is in the original.

⁶⁴ Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 106.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Quoted in Jószef, Galántai, Die Österreichisch-ungarische Monarchic und der Weltkrieg (Budapest, 1979), 58Google Scholar. The letter is in HHStA, Nachlass Franz Ferdinand, carton 1, Francis Ferdinand to Francis Joseph, draft letter, Oct. 25, 1895.

⁶⁶ If Hungarian apprehensions about Francis Ferdinand's intentions after ascending the throne were behind the Lex Andrássy, Andrássy was probably also motivated by Emperor Francis Joseph's appointment, in 1905, of a nonparliamentary Hungarian government headed by General Geza Fejérváry. This unconstitutional exercise of royal power sparked a constitutional crisis between Francis Joseph and the independent-minded parliamentary majority, which sought greater autonomy for Hungary and a Hungarian army. The crisis was resolved when the parliamentary majority agreed, in April 1906, to drop its radical demands as a condition for forming a government. See Peter, Sugar, “An Underrated Event: The Hungarian Constitutional Crisis of 1905–1906,” East European Quarterly 15, no. 3 (fall 1981): 281–306.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 107Google Scholar; and Allmayer-Beck, , Ministerpräsident Baron Beck 184.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 107–11; Allmayer-Beck, Ministerpräsident Baron Beck, 184–90Google Scholar; Rudolf, Neck, “Der Protest Franz Ferdinands gegen die ungarischen Verfassungsgaranrien von 1907,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 12 (1959): 433–37Google Scholar; and Geyr, Sändor Wekerle, 276–77.

⁶⁹ See Heinrich Friedjung's summary of his conversation with Aehrenthal (Oct. 24), printed in Friedjung, , Geschichte in Gesprächen. Aufzeichnungen 1898–1919, ed. Franz, Adlgasser, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1997), 2:50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Schonburg, Prince Johann, Habsburg envoy in Bucharest, reported to Aehrenthal that Andrássy took the position that “nothing would be lost if one were prepared to make small concessions (flags etc.)” (Schönburg to Aehrenthal, Mar. 20, 1907, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 346).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ “Vortrag Aehrenthal an Kaiser Franz Joseph,” Oct. 7, 1907, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 401Google Scholar. A memorandum on the Lex Andrássy by Count Friedrich Schönborn, the president of the Austrian administrative court (Verwaltungsgerichtshof), is appended to the “Vortrag.”

⁷¹ Aehrenthal to Francis, Ferdinand, June 23 and 30, 1907, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, nos. 373 and 392.Google Scholar

⁷² Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , [Sept. 1907],Google Scholar in Ibid., no. 393.

⁷³ Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 110.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, July 29 and Aug. 7, 1909, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, nos. 538 and 540, respectively.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ In addition to the complaining letters cited in the previous note, see also Aehrenthal to Francis, Ferdinand, July 25 and Aug. 10, 1909Google Scholar, in Ibid., nos. 537 and 541, respectively.

⁷⁶ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , July 29, 1909Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 538.

⁷⁷ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , Aug. 7, 1909Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 540.

⁷⁸ The first quoted phrase is from Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , [beginning of April 1909]Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 506, and the second is from Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , July 29, 1909Google Scholar, in Ibid., no. 538.

⁷⁹ Quoted in Kiszling, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 145. The emphasis is in the original. “Kossuthism” Suthism” is an allusion to Lajos (Louis) Kossuth, the 1848–49 Hungarian revolutionary hero, and to the Magyar independence strivings associated with his name. At the turn of the century, those strivings were represented by Kossuth's less charismatic and less politically astute son, Ferenc Kossuth, the head of the Hungarian Independence Party (1895–1914) and Hungarian minister of trade (1906–10).

⁸⁰ The Sündenregister is deposited in Kriegsarchiv, Militärkanzlei Franz Ferdinand (hereafter MKFF), Pe/40/1912. The typewritten document is undated. On the first page there is a note dated Mar. 10,1912, stating that Francis Ferdinand had read it. The list was probably drawn up somewhat earlier as part of the campaign of the archduke's circle to discredit Aehrenthal. The Sündenregister is printed in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 591.

⁸¹ “Aehrenthal, Elaborat des Grafen,” secret, Sept. 24, 1907, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 397.Google Scholar

⁸² Allmayer-Beck, , Ministerpräsident Baron Beck, 189Google Scholar; Kiszling, , Ferdinand, Erzherzog Franz, 110. See also Géza, Jeszenskzy, “Hungary through World War I and the End of the Dual Monarchy,” in A History of Hungary, ed. Peter, Sugar et al. (Bloomington, 1990), 282.Google Scholar

⁸³ Allmayer-Beck, , Ministerpräsident Baron Beck, 185Google Scholar; and Kiszling, , Erzherzog Francis Ferdinand, 111.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , [beginning of April 1909], in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 506.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Treichel, James A., “Magyars at the Ballhausplatz: A Study of the Hungarians in the Austro-Hungarian Diplomatic Service” (Ph.D. diss., Georgetown University, 1971), 308Google Scholar. For extended discussions of the alleged existence of a Hungarian “clique,” see Treichel's study, esp. 1–8, 309–15; and William, Godsey, Aristocratic Redoubt: The Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office on the Eve of the First World War (West Lafayette, 1999), 125–50Google Scholar. The Compromise of 1867 obligated the common foreign minister to conduct foreign policy in agreement with the Austrian and Hungarian prime ministers.

⁸⁶ See the memorandum of Foreign Minister Count Gustav Kálnoky, Die Nationalitäten-Frage in Oesterreich-Ungam in ihrer Rückwirkung auf die äussere Politik der Monarchie. The memorandum, composed in the middle of the 1880s, is appended to Barbara, Jelavich, “Foreign Policy and the National Question in the Habsburg Empire: A Memorandum of Kälnoky,” Austrian History Yearbook 6–7 (1970–71): 142–59, appendix, 147–159Google Scholar. For some discussion of key points of Kálnoky's memorandum, see Solomon, Wank, “Foreign Policy and the Nationality Problem in Austria-Hungary, 1867–1914,” Austrian History Yearbook 3, pt. 3 (1967): 37–56, esp. 38–39, 41–42, 45–46.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See Aehrenthal's summary of his discussion with German chancellor Bernhard von Bülow, dated Nov. 15, 1906, in HHStA, PA I (Allgemeines), carton 481, fascicle XXXIV/a; and Bülow's summary in Diegrosse Politik der Europäischen Kabinette, vol. 22 (1925), no. 7369.

⁸⁸ See HHStA, PA XI (Italien), carton 136, Count Heinrich, Lützow (Austro-Hungarian ambassador to Italy) to Aehrenthal, telegram 117, Oct. 25,1906Google Scholar; and Ibid., Report 60D, very confidential, Oct. 30,1906.

⁸⁹ On Francis Ferdinand's attitude toward Italy, see Robert, Kann, “Die Italienpolirik des Thronfolgers Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 31 (1978): 363–71Google Scholar. See also Franz, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und die Pläne zur Reform der Habsburgermonarchie, 103–5Google Scholar; and Theodor von, Sosnosky, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand (Berlin, 1929), 143–55.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Franz Ferdinand's mother was Princess Maria Annunciata of Bourbon and Naples-Sicily (1843–71). See Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 10, 12–13.Google Scholar

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⁹² The problem arose as a consequence of the unreturned visit of King Humbert I to Vienna in 1881. See Pribram, Alfred Francis, The Secret Treaties of Austria-Hungary, 1879–1914, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1920–21), 2:11Google Scholar. Aehrenthal requested Francis Ferdinand not to pass through Italy on his way to and from Switzerland. Through Bülow, he also asked Kaiser Wilhelm to receive Francis Ferdinand in some place other than Berlin since this might offend the Italians and make things difficult for the pro-Triple Alliance foreign minister Tommaso Tittoni. On the request to Bülow, see HHStA, PA I (Allgemeines), carton 610, Cabinett des Ministers II/d–5, private letter, very confidential, Aehrenthal to SzÖgyény, Mar. 6, 1907.

⁹³ Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, Aug. 9, 1907. Quoted in Corti, Egon C., Der Alte Kaiser (Graz 1955), 375.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Baron (later Count) István Buri´n commented in his diary on Aehrenthal's absence as follows: “It was a red-letter day for the archduke.... He spoke very sharply against Aehrenthal because he neither came himself nor sent a representative. He [Francis Ferdinand] used very lively expressions.” Quoted in Galántai, , Die österreichisch-ungarische Monarchie und der Weltkrieg, 95.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ HHStA, Nachlass Sz´p´ry, folder 33/Wehrmacht, Immediat Vortrag Aehrenthal, June 9, 1911.

⁹⁶ Ibid..

⁹⁷ Ibid.. They should avoid “phrases … which would deepen the in any event unavoidable ill feelings.” Aehrenthal requested and received advance copies (Ibid.) through the head of Francis Joseph's military chancellery, Field Marshal Baron Arthur Bolfras. See Ibid., Bolfras to Aehrenthal, June 18, 1911.

⁹⁸ Sündenregister, Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 591. The German original reads “Buhlen um die Gunst Italiens.”

⁹⁹ HHStA, PA XL (Interna), carton 225, Aehrenthal to Beck, Nov. 15,1907. See Erika, Weinzierl, “Aehrenthal and the Italian University Question,” in Intellectual and Social Developments in the Habsburg Empire, ed. Winters, and Held, , 241–69. The Austrian government was never able to clear away the obstacles to an Italian-language law faculty or universityGoogle Scholar. The question was still pending at the outbreak of war in 1914 (Ibid., 264–65).

¹⁰⁰ Archduke Francis Ferdinand to Brosch, Konopischt, Jan. 14, 1910. The letter is printed in Chlumecky, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen, 113. It is not clear why Francis Ferdinand linked Hungary and Italy. The Hungarian government was a strong supporter of the Triple Alliance. Perhaps the archduke saw Aehrenthal's support for the law faculty as in some was another manifestation of Aehrenthal's alleged subservience to the Hungarians.

¹⁰¹ Aehrenthal sarcastically referred to the members of the peace movement as “peace apostles.” On Aehrenthal and the peace movement, see Solomon, Wank, “Diplomacy against the Peace Movement: The Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office and the Second Hague Peace Conference of 1907,” in Doves and Diplomats: Foreign Offices and Peace Movements in Europe and America in the Twentieth Century, ed. Solomon, Wank (Westport, 1978), 55–84, 68 (quot).Google Scholar

¹⁰² HHStA, PA I (Allgemeines), carton 613, Cabinett des Ministers H/f–6/26, Varia Aehrenthal. Aehrenthal to Count Heinrich von Lützow (Austro-Hungarian ambassador to Italy), dispatch 810, Jan. 2,1908; Ibid., Nachlass Aehrenthal, carton 3, Lützow to Aehrenthal, Dec. 27, 1907. Senator Guido Fusinato proposed that Tommaso and Aehrenthal both be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. Fusinato was a prominent jurist, a member of the Interparliamentary Union, and an advocate of international arbitration. See also Bridge, F. R., From Sadowa to Sarajevo: The Foreign Policy of Austria-Hungary, 1866–1914 (Boston, 1972), 291.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Aehrenthal, to Francis, Ferdinand, Apr. 10, 1909, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 512Google Scholar. Aehrenthal thanked him for his warm wishes for the Easter holiday.

¹⁰⁴ Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 127, 130.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , Oct. 11, 1908, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 467. The emphasis is in the original.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, [middle of April 1909], in Ibid., no. 516.

¹⁰⁷ The kaiser's letter was enclosed in Francis Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, [Apr. 11 or 12, 1909], in Ibid., no. 513. Wilhelm's letter to Francis Ferdinand of April 9, 1909, is published in Kann, , “Emperor William II and Archduke Francis Ferdinand in Their Correspondence,” 336–37.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 136.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Francis, Ferdinand to Aehrenthal, , [middle of October 1908], in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 472. Also printed in OUA, ed. Bittner, et al., vol. 1, no. 347a.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Quoted in Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 129–30.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Sündenregister, Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 591.

¹¹² On the archduke's stance with regard to the annexation, see Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 27–31Google Scholar; and Chlumecky, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen, 96, 103.Google Scholar

¹¹³ See Hans, Uebersberger, Österreich-Ungarn zwischen Russland und Serbien (Graz, 1958), 74–78;Google Scholar and Galántai, , Die Österreichisch-ungarische Monarchie und der Weltkrieg, 87Google Scholar. See also Redlich, , Schicksalsjahre Österreichs, vol. 1, diary entry, July 20, 1911. Aehrenthal told Redlich: “I negotiate directly with Petersburg about the Balkans, and we understand each other quite wellGoogle Scholar. There is no entente with Russia, but our relations are comfortable” (Ibid.).

¹¹⁴ See Sündenregister, Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 591. On Aehrenthal's efforts to remain neutral in the Anglo-German conflict in 1910–11, see, in general, Bridge, The Habsburg Monarchy among the Great Powers, 298, 303–4, 308–9.

¹¹⁵ Williamson, , “Influence, Power, and the Policy Process,” 427.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁸ Redlich, , Schicksalsjahre Österreichs, vol. 1, diary entry, Dec. 15, 1911.Google Scholar

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¹²⁰ Redlich, , Schicksalsjahre Österreichs, vol. 1, diary entry, Jan. 13, 1912Google Scholar. See also Alexander von, Spitzmüller, “Und hat auch Ursach, es zu lieben.” (Vienna, 1955), 96–97.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Quoted in Menning, “Origins of a Political Friendship,” 125 n. 25. Fürstenberg's letter to Wilhelm is dated Dec. 6, 1911. The letter is deposited in the German state archive in Merseburg. For the full archival citation, see Menning's article.

¹²² “Gedächtnisprotokolle Aehrenthals von Audienz bei Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand,” [early December 1911], in Aus detn Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 587. The emphasis is in the original.

¹²³ Ottokar, Czernin, In the World War (New York, 1920), 461Google Scholar. See also Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 315–16.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Francis Ferdinand to Berchtold, Mar. 16, 1914. The letter is printed in Kann, “Die Italienpolitik des Thronfolgers Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand,” 370.

¹²⁵ Ibid.

¹²⁶ Kann, , “Count Ottokar Czernin and Archduke Francis Ferdinand,” 127Google Scholar; and Idem, “Emperor William II and Archduke Francis Ferdinand in Their Correspondence,” 315–16.

¹²⁷ Quoted in Verosta, Theorie und Realität von Bündnissen, 423.

¹²⁸ Franci Ferdinand agreed to Conrad's removal as early as June 11, 1911, six months before the vociferous officer was relieved of his post as chief of the General Staff. Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 61.Google Scholar

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¹³⁰ Williamson, Samuel R. Jr., Austria-Hungary and the Origins of the First World War (New York, 1991), 128CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a detailed but somewhat uncritical discussion of Francis Ferdinand's peace policy, see Verosta, Theorie und Realitat von Bundnissen, 419–32.

¹³¹ The quoted words are from a letter of Francis Ferdinand to Berchtold, Feb. 1, 1913, in Kann, “Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und Graf Berchtold als Aussenminister,” 250. In the same letter, the archduke describes his future foreign policy as “forceful” (kräftig). See also Verosta, , Theorie und Realität von Bündnissen, 421–22Google Scholar; and Chlumecky, , Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wolle, 104.Google Scholar

¹³² Rothenberg, , The Army of Francis Joseph, 137–38Google Scholar; Williamson, , “Influence, Power, and the Policy Process,” 426Google Scholar. Sentiment for a preventive war against Serbia in 1909 reached into Francis Ferdinand's military chancellery in the person of its head, Major Alexander Brosch, who tried unsuccessfully to win the archduke over to the idea. Chlumecky, , Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen, 106.Google Scholar

¹³³ Verosta, , Theorie und Realität von Bündnissen, 444.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Even the question of the Hungarian oath, which had to be taken six months after he ascended to the throne, was still unsettled. Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 249–50.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ On the archduke's reform plans, see Ibid, 246–60; Franz, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und die Pläne zur Reform der Habsburgermonarchie, 40–115Google Scholar; Sosnosky, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 66–105Google Scholar; Chlumecky, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen, 166–313Google Scholar; Kann, Robert A., The Multinational Empire: Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 2 vols. (New York, 1950), 2:187–96Google Scholar; and Peter, Broucek, “Reformpläne aus dem Beraterkreis Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands und Kaiser Karls,” in Mitteleuropa-Konzeptionen in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts, ed. Richard, Plaschka et al. (Vienna, 1995), 111–21Google Scholar. The most recent assessment of the reform plans is Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 26–40Google Scholar. See also Günther, Kronenbitter, “Haus ohne Macht? Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand (1863–1914) und die Krise der Habsburgermonarchie,” in Der Fürst. Ideen und Wirklichkeiten der europäischen Geschichte, ed. Wolfgang, Weber (Vienna, 1998), 202–8.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 152–55.Google Scholar

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¹³⁹ Ibid., 122.

¹⁴⁰ Ibid., 153.

¹⁴¹ Allmayer-Beck, , Ministerpräsident Baron Beck, 104.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Ibid.

¹⁴³ Ibid.

¹⁴⁴ Schlitter, to Aehrenthal, , Jan. 4, 1910, in Aus dem Nachlass Aehrenthal, pt. 2, no. 565.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ The quotation is from Kronenbitter, , “Haus Ohne Macht?” 204Google Scholar. See also Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 36–41Google Scholar; Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 252Google Scholar; Broucek, , “Reformpläne aus dem Beraterkreis Erzherzog Franz Ferdinands und Kaiser Karls,” 114Google Scholar; Franz, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und die Pläne zur Reform der Habsburgermonarchie, 77Google Scholar; and Kann, , “Count Ottokar Czernin and Archduke Francis Ferdinand,” 139Google Scholar. Kann's article is based on Czernin's letters to the archduke and reveal some of the more extreme conservative ideas of empire reform bruited about in the Francis Ferdinand circle to which the archduke was receptive. Czernin, a confidant of the heir to the throne, was slated to become foreign minister upon Francis Ferdinand's ascension to the throne (Ibid., 120). He was envoy to Romania (1913–16) and foreign minister (1916–18).

¹⁴⁶ Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 24r–25. Even before attempting to revise the Compromise of 1867, the contemplated immediate imposition by royal decree (Oktroi) and/or military force of universal suffrage, dissolution of the parliament, and new elections would have ignited a revolution in Hungary that in all likelihood would have spread to other parts of the empire and led to the intervention of foreign powers, primarily Russia and Germany, setting in morion the dissolution of the empire. On the immediate measuresGoogle Scholar, see Franz, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und die Pläne zur Reform der Habsburgermonarchie, 82–89;Google Scholar and Verosta, , Theorie und Realitäl von Bündnissen, 259–61Google Scholar. On revolution and intervention, see Kann, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand Studien, 38–41, 112–13, 128Google Scholar; Kiszling, , Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, 252–3Google Scholar; and Verosta, , Theorie und Realität von Bündnissen, 439–42.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁹ See Marga, Lammasch and Hans, Sperl, eds., Heinrich Lammasch. Seine Aufzeichnungen, sein Wirken und seine Politik (Leipzig, 1922), 77–95Google Scholar; and Kann, , “Count Ottokar Czernin and Archduke Francis Ferdinand.”Google Scholar; See also Redlich, , Schicksalsjahre Österreichs, vol. 1, diary entries, Feb. 7, 1912, Sept. 4, 1914.Google Scholar

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