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³ Hereafter, “Ukrainian” will be used in place of “Ruthene” and “Ruthenian.”

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⁷ This was the opinion of the noted Polish Galician scholar F. Bujak in his Galicya, vol. 1 (L'viv, 1908), 313Google Scholar. In 1900, peasants owned 88 percent of Bukovina's cattle, with exports going principally to Germany and to Vienna; pigs were exported to Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia: Oesterreichische Statistik, 60Google Scholar, no. 3, part 1: xxviii. In the years prior to 1914, the Austrian government gave subsidies (124,405 kronen in 1912) to improve peasant animals and their pastures in Bukovina, to promote the use of fertilizers, and so on. See Vienna, Austrian State Archives, Allgemeines Ver-waltungsarchiv (hereafter cited as AVA), kk. Ministerial-Kommission für agrarische Operationen, Fase. 9.

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¹⁴ Chernivtsi State Archives, Fond 211, op. 1, files 9082, 9718, 9730, and 10,351. On education in Bukovina, see also Burger, H., “Mehrsprachigkeit und Unterrichtswesen in der Bukowina 1869–1918,” in Die Bukowina: Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, ed. Slawinski, I. and Strelka, J. P. (Bern, 1995), 93–127.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Protocol of the Land School Council, 26 July 1893; Instruction to Kimpolung, 14 June 1912, Chernivtsi State Archives, Fond 211, op. 1, files 3599 and 5808. See also Report No. 377 of 1904 of the Landtag's education commitee, Fond 2, op. 1, file 405.

¹⁸ See Pihuliak, H., “Beitrag zur kirchlichen Frage in der Bukowina” (1906)Google Scholar, reprinted in Der Parlamentarismus und nationale Ausgleich in der ehemals österreichischen Bukowina, ed. Wagner, R. (Munich, 1984), 66–73Google Scholar; “Der rumänisch-ukrainische Konflikt innerhalb der griechisch-orthodoxen Theologie,” in Das multinationale österreichische Schulwesen in der Bukowina, ed. Wagner, R., vol. 2 (Munich, 1986), 150–69Google Scholar; Draczynskyj, T., “Der Kirchenstreit in der Bukowina,” Ukrainischer Rundschau 11, no. 10/11 (1913): 231–36Google Scholar; Kwitkowsky, D. et al. , eds., Bukovyna ii mynule i suchasne (Bukovina: Its past and present) (Paris, 1956), 277, 284–86Google Scholar; Dobrzhans'kyi, , National'nyi rukh, 354–83.Google Scholar

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²⁴ Thus, the head of the railway administration in Czernowitz was usually a German, with a Romanian and a Pole as his two deputies. Railway tickets and all announcements were trilingual (German, Romanian, and Ukrainian). Mechtler, P., “Streiflichter auf das Nationalitätenproblem bei den österreichischen Eisenbahnen,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchiv 15 (1962): 432, 444Google Scholar; Wagner, , ed., Der Parlamentarismus, 146Google Scholar. When three taxpayers complained that they had been insulted by tax officials in Zastawna because they had written their names in Ukrainian (that is, in the Cyrillic alphabet), the governor at once undertook to investigate: ibid., 126–27.

²⁵ Turczynski, , “Die Bukowina,” 294.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ As at Sereth at the one-hundredth anniversary celebration of the establishment of the Orthodox diocese; see Czernowitzer Zeitung, 5 05 1886.Google Scholar

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⁴² Czernowitzer Zeitung, 10–14 06 1908.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ Ibid., 24 November 1888.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 13 October 1888, 28 February 1889.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 28 August 1890.

⁵¹ Ibid., 19 December 1891, 19 April 1896.

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⁵⁷ For example (in English translation), “We defend before his enemies/His ancestral crown,/Austria's fate is tightly knit/With the Habsburg throne.”

⁵⁸ Ehrlich, C., “Zur Charakteristik der zionistischen Bewegung in der Bukowina,”Google Scholar in Gold, , ed., Geschichte der Juden, 2:133.Google Scholar

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⁶² Wagner, , ed., Vom Moldauwappen, 1:190, 197, 229.Google Scholar The last Landeshauptmann of Bukovina, Alexander Freiherr von Hormuzaki, refused to serve the new Romanian administration because, having taken an oath to the emperor, he could not in honor serve another master.

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⁶⁵ For example, Batkivshchyna, 12 04 and 7 August 1891Google Scholar; Svoboda, 28 06 1897Google Scholar, and 13 and 20 October 1898.

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⁶⁸ Ibid., 8 March 1896; Dobrzhans'kyi, , National'nyi rukh, 237–41.Google Scholar On loyalty to Austria, see also ibid., 233, 250, 257.

⁶⁹ Wagner, , ed., Vom Moldauwappen, 518.Google Scholar Other estimates are higher; see Dobrzans'kyi, , National'nyi rukh, 244.Google Scholar On the Russophile movement in Bukovina, see ibid., 176–83, 191, 206–9, 220–31, passim, and also the 1913 document partially reproduced on 40. See also Kwitkowsky, et al. , eds., Bukovyna, 255, 264, 270, 276, 278, 280.Google Scholar

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⁸³ Plaschka, R. G., “Die revolutionäre Herausforderung im Endkampf der Donaumonarchie,” in Die AuflösungGoogle Scholar, ed. Plaschka, and Mack, , 23.Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ The nostalgia of the Buchenland Germans for their erstwhile homeland comes out clearly, for example, in the work of their historians and memoirists, and in the activities of the Bukovina Society and its branches in the United States.

⁸⁶ Diaspora nationalism has been described as “a Jewish selfhood that did not require return to Zion.” Frieden, K., Classic Yiddish Fiction (Albany, 1995), 314.Google Scholar See also Rachaminov, A., “Diaspora Nationalism's Pyrrhic Victory: The Controversy Regarding the Electoral Reform of 1909 in Bukovina,” in State and Nation Building in East Central Europe, ed. Micgiel, J. S. (New York, 1996), 8–9.Google Scholar The much-cited article by Broszat, M., “Von der Kulturnation,”Google Scholar does not make a sufficient differentiation between Diaspora Nationalism and Zionism.

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⁹⁴ Ibid., 43, 78, 75, n. 118.

⁹⁵ Nationalist historians might deny the validity of the question. They knew the answer. Thus, with the assurance of a nineteenth century historian, Curticǎpeanu, V. has written, “[To establish] the national state was the supreme aspiration of the Romanian people in the second half of the nineteenth century, in the service of which all the Romanian people henceforth threw all their forces into the battle.” Le mouvement culturel pour le parachévement de l'etat national roumain (1918) (Bucharest, 1973), 251.Google Scholar The context makes clear that Curticǎpeanu was referring to the Romanian people within and outside the kingdom.

⁹⁶ Sondhaus, , In the Service, vi.Google Scholar Sondhaus's further conclusion is quoted at the end of note 82.

⁹⁷ Hausleitner, , Die Rumänisierung, 59.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ Czernowitzer Zeitung, 1 and 3 04 1908.Google Scholar

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¹⁰¹ See the speech of a German deputy in the Landtag, as printed in Wagner, , ed., Der Parlamentarismus, 181Google Scholar; see also Biedrzycki, , Historia, 90.Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ The text of the resolution is in Wagner, , ed., Der Parlamentarismus, 241–42.Google Scholar Even earlier, in municipal elections in Czernowitz, the various national groups agreed among themselves on a common list that was to be elected, and the Jews were included as a Volksstamm. Stourzh, G., Die Gleichberechtigung der Nationalitäten in der Verfassung und Verwaltung Österreichs 1848–1918 (Vienna, 1985), 233–38, n. 126.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ Stourzh, , Die Gleichberechtigung, 237.Google Scholar

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