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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
1 Éva, Forgács, “Van-e kelet-europai müvészet? Passúth Krisztina: Avantgarde kapcsolatok Prágától Bukarestig 1907–1930Google Scholar, Mansbach, Steven A.: Modern Art in Eastern Europe from the Baltic to the Balkans, ca. 1890–1939” (Is there an Eastern European art? [Review essay of] Krisztina Passúth, Avant-Garde Links from Prague to Bucharest, 1907–1930Google Scholar, [and] Mansbach, Steven A., Modern Art in Eastern Europe from the Baltic to the Balkans, ca. 1890–1939), Buksz (fall 1999): 240.Google Scholar
2 Ibid., 241.
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8 I am deliberately using “modernism” in the broadest definition of the term, to refer to the project of radical aesthetic autonomy that first made its appearance in Hungary in the first decade of the twentieth century. This is essentially a cultural category, which makes no attempt to differentiate between different moments of artistic innovation at the turn of the nineteenth century, often referred to under the rubric of decadence, high modernism, and avant-gardism. In the context of the argument of this paper, I felt that it was unnecessary to categorize Ady's relationship to these phenomena, since, in a sense, he both incorporated and transcended them all. For a detailed discussion of the line of demarcation between Hungarian modernism and avant-gardism, see Mary, Gluck, “Toward a Historical Definition of Modernism: Georg Lukács and the Avant-Garde,” Journal of Modern History 58 (12 1986).Google Scholar
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20 In the case of Bartók, it is evident that his primitivism transcended the ethnographic boundaries of the Hungarian people. Even in Ady's case, his identification with historic Hungary coexisted with a deep empathy with the oppressed peoples of East Central Europe and, after the outbreak of World War I, with the fate of humankind in general.
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22 Ady learned about the Hotel Pimodan through Theophile Gautier's 1867 preface to Baudelaire's Les Fleurs du mal. The preface, it seems, made a deep impression on him, for as late as 1917, he wrote, “I have once again been reading Theophile Gautier's prologue to Baudelaire's poems, for the hundredth time, perhaps.” Ady Endre összes prózai müvei, ed. Földessy and Király, 9:456.
23 One of Ady's biographers rightfully identified Ady's preference for the Három Holló in opposition to a more conventional coffeehouse as a symbol of Ady's alienation from the progressive literary elite of the time: “This was Ady's revolt against the literary monopoly of Budapest; the conflict of the city and Ady's apparently rural roots… It seemed as if Ady's tavern was pitted against the coffeehouse of Budapest; his glass of wine against the afternoon espresso.” György, Bölöni, Az igazi Ady (The real Ady) (Budapest, 1932), 210.Google Scholar
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