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² Ernest, Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, 1983)Google Scholar; Benedict, Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983)Google Scholar; John, Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Chicago, 1994)Google Scholar; Deutsch, Karl W., Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, 1966).Google Scholar

³ Max, Engman, ed., Ethnic Identity in Urban Europe: Comparative Studies on Governments and Non-Dominant Ethnic Groups in Europe, 1850–1914 (Aldershot, 1991)Google Scholar; Jacek, Purchla, ed., Mayors and City Halls: Local Government and the Cultural Space in the Late Habsburg Monarchy (Cracow, 1998)Google Scholar; Gary, Cohen, The Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague, 1861–1914 (Princeton, 1981).Google Scholar

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⁵ The main exceptions are Henryka, Kramarz, Samorzad Lwowa w czasie pierwszej wojny światowej i jego rola w życiu miasta (The self-governance of Lwów during World War I and its role in the life of the city) (Cracow, 1994)Google Scholar; Urszula, Jakubowska, Lwów na przeivmie XIX i XX wieku. Przeglad środowisk prasotwórcych (Lwów at the turn of the nineteenth century. A survey of the press milieu) (Warsaw, 1991).Google Scholar

⁶ Keely, Stauter-Halsted, The Nation in the Village: The Genesis of Peasant National Identity in Austrian Poland, 1848–1914 (Ithaca, 2001).Google Scholar

⁷ A number of Polish scholars have studied Galician Intelligencja as a social stratum and as a creative force of political thinking. See, for example, Irena, Homola, “Inteligencja galicyjska w poowie XIX wieku. Próba charakterystyki” (Galician Intelligencja in the middle of the nineteenth century: An attempt at characterization), in Spofeczeństwo polskie XVIII i XIX wieku, T. 5.: Studia o uwarstwieniu i ruchliwości społecznej (Polish society in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, vol. 5, Studies on social formation and mobilization), ed. J.Leskiewiczowa, W. Kula i (Warsaw, 1972)Google Scholar; Maciej, Janowski, Inteligencja wobec wyzwań nowoczesności. Dylematy ideowe polskiej demokracji liberalnej w Galicji w latach 1889–1914 (The Intelligencja and the challenge of modernity: Ideological dilemmas of the Polish liberal democrats in Galicia in the years 1889–1914) (Warsaw, 1996).Google Scholar

⁸ Among others, see the recent collected volumes of Gillis, John R., ed., Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton, 1994)Google Scholar; and Maria, Bucur and Nancy, Wingfield, eds., The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present (West Lafayette, 2001)Google Scholar. On commemorations in partitioned Poland, see Dabrowski, Patricia M., “Reinventing Poland: Commemorations and the Shaping of the Modern Nation, 1879–1914” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1999).Google Scholar

⁹ Vivid accounts of the March events in Lemberg are to be found in Aleksander, Batowski, Diariusz wypadków 1848 roku (Diary on the events of 1848), ed. Marian, Tyrowicz (Wrocraw, 1976)Google Scholar; Florian, Ziemiałkowski, Pamiętniki (Memoirs), vol. 2 (Ľviv, 1904)Google Scholar; Stanisław, Schnür-Pepłowski, Z przeszłości Galicyi 1772–1862 (From Galicia's past) (Ľviv, 1894). See also the first editions of the newspaper Dziennik Narodoivy, founded in Lemberg on March 23, 1848.Google Scholar

¹⁰ On the changing concepts of Polish nationalism, see the numerous studies by Andrzej, Walicki, recently summarized in “Intellectual Elites and the Vicissitudes of ‘Imagined Nation’ in Poland,” in Intellectuals and the Articulation of the Nation, ed. Suny, Ronald G. and Kennedy, Michael D. (Ann Arbor, 1999), 259–87.Google Scholar

¹¹ The first newly founded newspaper in Galicia greeted the new era with the words, “Finally we are no longer compelled to say Kraj. We may say Ojczyzna.” Jutrzenka, May 21, 1848, p. 1.

¹² See, for instance, Dziennik Narodowy, Aug. 21, and Aug. 22, 1848.

¹³ Helmut, Rumpler, Eine Chance für Mitteleuropa. Bürgerliche Emanzipation und Staatsverfall in der Habsburgermonarchie, Österreichische Geschichte (Vienna, 1997), 309.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Jiˇí, Klabouch, Die Cemeindeselbstverwaltung in Österreich 1848–1918 (Vienna, 1968), 29. Stadion was to become the creator of the communal law (Reichsgemeindegesetz) of 1849. The National Council denounced Stadion's draft for a municipal law as not in accordance with the March 19 petition.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Władysław, Zawadzki, “Dziennikarstwo w Galicji w roku 1848” (Journalism in Galicia in 1848), in Pamiętniki życia literackiego w Galicji (Reminiscences of literary life in Galicia), ed. Antoni, Knot (Cracow, 1961)Google Scholar. On this period, see also Isabel, Röskau-Rydel, Die Kultur an der Peripherie des Habsburger Reiches. Die Geschichte des Bildungswesens und der kulturellen Einrichtungen in Lemberg von 1772 bis 1848 (Wiesbaden, 1993).Google Scholar

¹⁶ On the evaluation of urbanity in literature, compare Stefan, Tomaszewski, “Miasto” (The city), in Stownik literatury polskiej XIX wieku (Encyclopedia of Polish literature in the nineteenth century) (Wroclaw, 1991), 543–46.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Józef, Dzierzkowski, Salon i ulica (Salon and street) (Ľviv, 1847). Its great success is described in Zawadzki, “Dziennikarstwo,” 153 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁸ On Dzierzkowski, see Kazimierz, Chruściński, Dzierzkowski 1831–1861. Pisarz i dziatacz polityczny okresu międzypowstaniowego (Dzierzkowski, 1831–1861: Writer and political activist in the time between the uprisings) (Gdańsk, 1970)Google Scholar; and Janina, Rosnowska, Dzierzkowski (Cracow, 1971).Google Scholar

¹⁹ On the literary life in Galicia in this period, see also Krystyna, Poklewska, “Życie literackie Galicji i Rzeczypospolitej Krakowskiej w latach 1830–1848” (Literary life of Galicia and the Republic of Cracow in the years 1830 to 1848), in Obraz literatury polskiej XIX i XX wieku, T. 1: Literatura krajowa w okresie romantyzmu 1831–1863 (The image of Polish literature in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, vol.1, Domestic literature in the era of Romanticism) (Cracow, 1975), 347–87, especially 382.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ignacy, Chodynicki, Historya stotecznego królestw Caliq/i i Lodomeryi Miasta Lwowa od zatvzenia jego aż do czasów terazniejszych (History of the city of Lwów, capital of the Crownland of Galicia and Lodomeria, from its foundation to our times) (Ľviv, 1829).Google Scholar

²¹ Dionizy, Zubrzycki, Kronika miasta Lwowa (Chronicle of the city of Lwów) (Ľviv, 1844).Google Scholar

²² Zubrzycki, , Kronika, 488.Google Scholar

²³ For a survey of the historiography on Lwów, see Lucja, Charewiczowa, Historiografia i mitośnictwo Lwowa (Historiography of Lwów), Biblioteka Lwowska, 6 (1938, reprint Warsaw, 1990), especially 35–79.Google Scholar Compare the recent essay by Iryna, Orlevyč, “Denys Zubryc'kyj. Štrychy do portreta istoryka i hromads'koho dijača” (Denys Zubryts'kyj: Portrait sketches of a historian and civil activist), in Ukraina. Kul'turna spadščyna, natsional'a svidomist, derzhavnist'. Zbirnyk naukovych prats' 9. Yubilejuyj Zbirnyk na pošanu F. Steblija (Ukraine: Cultural heritage, national identity, statehood, vol. 9, Festschrift in honor of F. Steblija) (Ľviv, 2001), 281–99.Google Scholar

²⁴ Around 50 percent were Roman Catholics, 40 percent Jews. These numbers emerge from two independent censuses, 1840 and 1851. Michat, Wiesiotowski, Rys statystyczno-jeograficzny Galicyi Austriackiej (Poznań, 1842), 75 f.Google Scholar; Die ruthenische Sprach- und Schriftfrage in Galizien (Ľviv, 1861), 246.Google Scholar

²⁵ In fact, one of Lemberg's leading “Polish” activists in 1848, the writer, journalist, and politician Jan Dobrzański, was himself a Greek Catholic.

²⁶ Strongholds were the Greek Catholic St. George Cathedral and the seminary, located in the suburb of Halicz, and the Church of Assumption, together with the Stauropygian Institute situated in the medieval Ruthenian quarter.

²⁷ Dziennik narodowy, Mar. 25,1848, p. 1.Google Scholar See also the description in Jan, Kozik, The Ukrainian National Movement in Galicia, 1815–1849 (Edmonton, 1986), 178. We do not know precisely how many listeners were convinced by this rather bland speech delivered by a provincial bureaucrat while such dramatic events were taking place outside.Google Scholar

²⁸ The political debates cannot be treated here in detail. On the complexity of Ruthenian national identity, see the recent article by John-Paul, Himka, “The Construction of Nationality in Galician Rus': Icarian Flights in Almost All Directions,” in Intellectuals, ed. Suny, and Kennedy, , 109–64. On 1848, see 120–24.Google Scholar

²⁹ Stefan, Kieniewicz, “Galicja w latach 1846–1848” (Galicia in the years 1846–1848), in W stulecie Wiosny Ludów (100 years Spring of the Peoples) (Warsaw, 1948), 269–346Google Scholar; see also: Hans Henning, Hahn, “Die polnische Nation in den Revolutionen von 1846–49,” in Europa 1848. Revolution und Reform, ed. Dieter, Dowe et al. (Bonn, 1998), 231–52Google Scholar. This view has recently been criticized by Michat, Śliwa, “Rok 1846 w Galicji i pózniejsza Rewolucja 1848” (The year 1846 and the subsequent revolution of 1848), in Rok 1848. Wiosna Ludow w Galicji. Zbidr studiów (The year 1848: The Spring of the Peoples in Galicia), ed. Wtadysław, Wic (Cracow, 1999), 7–20.Google Scholar

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³¹ Dziennik Narodowy, Mar. 24, 1848, p. 4.

³² For example, Przegląd Powszechny, Sept. 14, and Sept. 26, 1861, both p. 1.

³³ Bolesław, Limanowski, Pamiętniki (Memoirs), vol. 2, 1870–1907 (Warsaw, 1958), 19–20.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ignacy, Weinfeld, Ludność miejska w Galicji ijej skład wyznaniowy, 1881–1910 (Urban population in Galicia and its confessional composition), part 3, Wiadomości statystyczne o stosunkach krajowych, Vol. 24/1912 (Lwów, 1912), 8.Google Scholar

³⁵ Halina, Kozłowska-Sabatowska, Między konspiracją a pracą organiczną. Młodość Tadeusza Romanowicza (Between conspiration and organic work. The youth of Tadeusz Romanowicz) (Cracow, 1986).Google Scholar

³⁶ Statut królowej stolicy miasta Lwowa. Ustawa z dnia 14. pazdziernika 1870 nadany (The statute of the royal capital Lwów) (Ľviv, 1871)Google Scholar. Vasyľ, Kiselyčnyk, “Rozrobka i nadannja Ľvovu u 1870 r. statutu na miške samovrjaduvannja” (The preparation and granting of the municipal statute of self-governance to Ľviv in 1870), in Lwów. Miasto, spałeczeństwo, cultura (Lwów: City, society, culture), ed. Zalinski, Henryk W. and Kazimierz, Karolczak, vol. 2 (Cracow, 1998), 125–31.Google Scholar

³⁷ See the report in Gazeta Narodowa, Nov. 19, 1878, pp. 1–3.

³⁸ See Gazeta Narodowa, May 31, 1904, p. 2.

³⁹ For a survey of the renamings, see the brochure: “Skorowidz nowych i dawnych numerów realnośći, tudzież nazw ulic i placów król. Stoł. Miasta Lwowa wedłig uchwał Rady miejskiej z r. 1871“ (List of the new and old names of estates and names of streets and squares in the royal city of Lwów according to the resolution of the city council in 1871) (Ľviv, 1872). See also the map, “Plan król stoł miasta Lwowa ze skorowidzem dawnych i nowych nazw placów i ulic” (Map of the royal capital city of Lwów with a list of the old and new names of squares and streets) (Ľviv, 1872). A survey of the first act of renaming in December 1869 can be found in Gazeta Narodowa Jan. 1, p. 2; Jan. 4, pp. 2–3; and Jan. 5, 1870, p. 3.

⁴⁰ The “de-austrianization” was not very conspicuous, as there were not many Austriandefined names. “Ferdinandsplatz” was turned into “plac Mariacki” (after a statue of St. Mary erected in 1862), and Fresnel Straße into ulica Kościuszko. The main promenade kept its Austrian name honoring Karl Ludwig, as did the hill with the old castle, which was named for the reigning emperor, Francis Joseph.

⁴¹ The relevant state of affairs can be conveniently traced by the growing number of urban maps, especially the most splendid one, issued by the city council in 1890: “Plan królewskiego stołecznego miasta Lwowa (z enklava Jalowiec) wydany staraniem i nakładem Rady miejskiej /Plan der k. Residenzstadt Lemberg und der Enclave Jalowiec, hgg. v. Stadtrat,” then in the immediate prewar years, “Lwów—Lemberg—Ľviv—Léopol“ (Ľviv, ca. 1912).

⁴² Gazeta Narodowa, Dec. 21, 1869; Slovo Jan. 5, 1870, p. 4Google Scholar. On the bilingual street signs, see also the complaints by Jan Lam in Józef, Rogosz, ed., Jana Lama Kroniki Lwowskie, umieszczane w “Gazecie Narodowej“ w 1868 i 1869 jako przyczynek do historii Galicji (Jan Lam's chronicle on Lwów, published in Gazeta Narodowa 1868/1869, as a contribution to the history of Galicia) (Ľviv, 1874), 125.Google Scholar

⁴³ Kramarz, , Samorząd Lwowa, 20.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ On the 1869 celebration, see Harald, Binder, “Politische Öffentlichkeit in Galizien—Lemberg und Krakau im Vergleich,” in Stadt und Öffentlichkeit in Ostmitteleuropa 1900–1939, ed. Hofmann, Andreas R. and Anna Veronika, Wendland, Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa (Stuttgart, 2002), 259–80.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ The events of 1891 and 1894 are discussed by Dabrowski, , “Reinventing Poland,” 276–81, 316–28. The author also cites the relevant older publications.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Miasto Lwów w okresie samorządu 1870–1895 (The city of Lwów in the time of self-governance, 1870–1895) (Ľviv, 1896).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Fryderyk, Papée, Historia miasta Lwowa w zarysie (An overview of the history of Lwów) (Ľviv, 1894), 3.Google Scholar In 1886 Papée had been one of the cofounders of the Historical Society (Towarzystwo Historyzne) in Lwów. The Cracow Historical School, not uncontested in Lwów, had largely neglected the urban sphere. Lwów produced its own historical school, which focused on medieval history and the editing of sources. The only urban historian worth mentioning is Władysław łoziński, who wrote several treatises on the history of the town in the 1860s and 1870s. Grabski, Andrzej F., Zaiys historii historiografii polskiej (An overview of the history of Polish historiography) (Poznań, 2000), 134–36Google Scholar; Charewiczowa, , Historiografia, 110–19.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ On Sienkiewicz as the leading figure of “popular nationalism,“ see Stanislaw, Eile, Literature and Nationalism in Partitioned Poland, 1795–1918 (Basingstoke, 2000), 111-19.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Polonia: Obraz Jana Styki zakupiony dla gminy miasta Lwowa ku uczczeniu setniej rocznicy ogłvszenia konstytucyi Trzeciego Maja 1791 (The canvas by Jan Styka bought by the city council of Lwów in honor of the 100th anniversary of the May 3, 1791 Constitution) (Ľviv, 1891)Google Scholar; Stanisław, Schnür-Pepłowski, Racławice. Pierwsza Panorama Polska (Racrawice: The first Polish panorama) (Ľviv, 1895).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ For a survey of historiography, see Stephen, Velychenko, National History as Cultural Process (Edmonton, 1992).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Only in 1892 did an independent Ruthenian list participate for the first time, winning 100 out of 4,622 votes. Dilo, Jan. 27, p. 3; and Jan. 29, 1892, p. 2.

⁵² Gazeta Narodowa, Jan. 5,1870, pp. 2–3Google Scholar. Wladimir, Kuschnir, “Die nationalen Verhältnisse in Lemberg und anderen ostgalizischen Städten,” Ukrainische Revue 6 (1908): 476.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ The National Home, founded in 1864, was controlled by the older generation of conservatives of Russophile (Old Ruthenian) orientation. At the same time, the building hosted all-Ruthenian representative events such as the emperor's visit in September 1880 and the first all-Ruthenian political meeting held in November of the same year. See Unowsky, Daniel L., “Our gratitude has no limit: Polish Nationalism, Dynastic Patriotism, and the 1880 Imperial Inspection Tour of Galicia,” Austrian History Yearbook 34 (2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the National Home in general, see Anna Veronika, Wendland, Die Russophilen in Galizien. Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Russland, 1848–1915 (Vienna, 2001), 82–87.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The only newly constructed large ecclesiastical building was the Transfiguration Church (completed 1898), which was erected beside the National Home.

⁵⁶ Dilo, Jan. 21, 1888, p. 1. Mařjan, Mudryj: “Ukrainški narodni vicha u Ľviv 1880 i 1883 rokiv. Misto na shljachu do masovoji polityky” (The Ukrainian National Gathering in Ľviv in 1880 and 1883: The city on the way to mass politics), in Ľviv. Misto, Suspiľstvo, kuľtura (Ľviv: City, society, culture), vol. 3 (Ľviv, 1999), 333–47.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Slovo, Aug. 14, 1869, p. 4. Protest der ruthenischen Nationalen gegen die allfällige Deutung der sogenannten Lubliner Union als eines rechtlich zu Stande gekommenen Akts (Ľviv, 1869).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ On the Shashkevych funeral, see the detailed description in Dilo, Nov. 2 through Nov. 4, 1893.

⁵⁹ Yevhen, Olesnytsky, Storinky z moho zhyttja (Pages from my life) (Ľviv, 1935), 127.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Kurjer Lwowski, Feb. 28, 1896, p. 5.

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⁶² On this period, see the overview by Christoph, Mick, “Nationalisierung in einer multiethnischen Stadt. Innerethnische Konflikte in Lemberg 1890–1920,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 40 (2000): 113–46.Google Scholar

⁶³ On the Marienburg speech and its consequences, see also Dabrowski, “Reinventing Poland,” chapter 8. On the Grunwald celebrations, see Jürgen, Vietig, “Die polnischen Grunwaldfeiern der Jahre 1902 und 1910,” Germania Slavica 2 (1981): 237–62.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The speech was printed in Nowa Reforma June 3, 1903, p. 1. This was Romanowicz's last major appearance on the political scene, as he died in the following year. The municipality honored him with a publicly financed burial and funeral procession as well as with a street in an area already inscribed with very respectable names.

⁶⁵ Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka (Ľviv, 1903). In the course of only thre years, two further editions were to follow. On the ideology of the National Democrats, see Brian, Porter, When Nationalism Began to Hate: Imagining Modern Politics in Nineteenth-Century Poland (New York, 2000).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Nowa Reforma, June 4,1903, p. 1. Pamiwtnik 1. wiecu narodowego odbytego we Lwowie w dniach 30. maja i 1. czerwca 1903 r. (Reminiscences of the first National Rally in Lwów from May 30 to June 1) (Ľviv, 1903). See also Adam, Wator, “Wiec narodowy we Lwowie 1903 roku” (The National Rally in Lwów in 1903), Szczecińskie Studia historyczne 7 (1993): 57–75.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Dziennik Polski, June 12, 1911, p. 1.

⁶⁸ The Jewish national movement was the most recent of the three “sources of threat.” Oriented toward urbanity and embracing Galuth nationalism, the Lwów-centered Jewish national movement also represented a third idea of Lwów as a capital of a constructed Jewish nationality in the Habsburg Empire. This topic would deserve further study. An overview of the Jewish history of the town is given by Vladimir, Melamed, Evrei vo Lvove: XIII—pervaia polovina XX veka (The Jews of Ľvov from the thirteenth to the middle of the nineteenth century) (Ľviv, 1994).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Weinfeld, , Ludność miejska, 8.Google Scholar More detailed statistical information on this later period can be found in the annual publication, Wiadomości statystyczne o mieście Lwowie, ed. Tadeusz, Dyszkiewicz (Ľviv, 1899-1914).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ In 1905, the insurance company Dnister had erected a “Ruthenian” building on “Ruska street,” of which the facade had been decorated in a mixed style of art nouveau and Ruthenian folk art. In 1895, the Enlightment society Prosvita, a core institution for the Ukrainophiles, had aquired the former Lubomirski palace on the comer of the market square. The building offered space for political and cultural gatherings and harbored Ukrainophile societies, newspaper offices, and a bookshop. Other important new buildings were those for the Shevchenko and Pedagogical societies, the National Hotel (Narodna Hostynnytsja, 1906), which hosted a “Ruthenian” restaurant and coffee shop, and finally the National Museum (Narodnyj Muzej, 1913).

⁷¹ The account is in Dilo, July 2, 1912, p. 2. The day ended in heavy clashes between students and acts of vandalism against Ukrainian institutions. Dilo, July 3, 1912, p. 4. Gazeta Narodowa, July 3, 1912, p. 2.

⁷² On the Shashkevych festivity, see Dilo, Nov. 3-Nov. 6, 1911 (Nr. 245–47). Two other major commemorations in the prewar years were held for Shevchenko in March 1911 and in 1914.

⁷³ Słvwo Polskie, May 6, 1912, p. 1.

⁷⁴ Charewiczowa, , Historiografia, 125–32.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Franciszek, Jaworski, Obrona Lwowa (The Defense of Lwów) (Ľviv, 1905).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Franciszek, Jaworski, Pamiętnik Uroczystości 250ego Rocznica Uniwersytetu Lwowskiego (Reminiscence of the 250th anniversary of Lwów University) (Ľviv, 1912);Google Scholar and the description of the celebration in Słvwo Polskie from May 29 to May 30,1912. For further details on this and the university affair in general, see Victor Hugo, Lane, “State Culture and National Identity in a Multiethnic Context: Lemberg 1772–1914” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1999).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ The Hajdamak movement was responsible for a series of guerrilla attacks on Polish manors in the eighteenth century, and later was glorified by Taras Shevchenko in his famous poem, “Hajdamaky.” See Magocsi, Paul R., A History of Ukraine (Toronto, 1996), 294–300.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Słvwo Polskie, May 4, 1912, p. 1.