¹ von Hammer, Joseph, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, vol. 8, vom Belgrader Frieden bis zum Frieden von Kainardsche, 1739–1774 (Budapest, 1832), 398–39Google Scholar, n. c. A slightly altered version appears in Wurzbach, Constantin, “Reviczky Freiherr von Revisnye Karl Emerich Graf,” in Biographisches Lexikon des Kaisertums Österreich, 60 vols. (Vienna, 1868), vol. 25, 394–95Google Scholar. As Dr. E. Vehse relates, in 1769 Thugut had crossed the Bosphorus in a storm in order to hold “secret meetings with the Turkish ministers”; Dr. Vehse, E., Memoirs of the Court, Aristocracy, and Diplomacy of Austria, 2 vols., trans. Demmler, Franz (London, 1856), vol. 2, 382Google Scholar. Perhaps Thugut believed Reviczky's pathophobia would bar him from undertaking such daring escapades.

² An example of the latter comes from a letter by the British ambassador in Vienna, Viscount Stormont, to David Hume in 1767: “I beg leave to introduce to you Baron Revitsky who is very desirous of being known by you. He is of a considerable Family in Hungary and has Knowledge, Talents and Accomplishments, which you would scarce expect to meet with in a man of that Country.” Viscount Stormont to David Hume, 5 September 1767, National Archives of Scotland, Hume Papers, MS. 23157, Letter No. 56, 355–58.

³ “I believe that one chose him deliberately. He is one of these pedantic scholars, who speaks his Latin and his Greek in perfection, but is by no means made for the affairs of politics and still less for the necessary occasions where a firm and vigorous resolution needs to be taken. Also the others here repeat to me often: ‘Ensure therefore that His Majesty the king of Prussia should make his minister in Vienna act in order that he wakens our Greek, and that he learns to speak our language.’” Baron de Lentulus to Frederick II, 3 April 1773, in Politische Correspondenz Friedrich's des Großen, ed. Droysen, Johann Gustav et al. , (Berlin, 1909), vol. 442–43, n. 1Google Scholar.

⁴ Wurzbach, “Reviczky Freiherr von Revisnye Karl Emerich Graf,” vol. 25, 393; De Luca, Ignaz, Das Gelehrte Oesterreich: Ein Versuch, 2 vols., 4 parts (Vienna, 1776), vol. 1, part 2, 51Google Scholar; Szinnyei, József, “Reviczky Károly Imre,” in Magyar írók: élete és munkái a Magyar tudományos akadémia megbizásából [Hungarian Writers: History and Work of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences], 14 vols. (Budapest, 1906), vol. 11, 908–09Google Scholar.

⁵ These works are Traité de la tactique ou méthode artificielle pour l'ordonnance des troupes, ouvrage publié et imprimé à Constantinople (Vienna, 1769)Google Scholar; Specimen Poeseos Persicæ sive Muhammedis Schems-Eddini notions agnomine Haphyzi ghazalae, sive Odae sexdecim ex initio Divani depromptae: nunc primum latiniatate donatae, cum metaphrasi ligata & soluta, paraphrasi item ac notis [Specimen of Persian Poetry; or the ghazals of Muhammed Schems-Eddin known by the more familiar epithet Haphyz; or sixteen odes having been produced from the beginning of the Divan, now having been given first in Latin, has been bound and unbound with translation, paraphrase, and notes] (Vienna, 1771)Google Scholar.

⁶ Discussions of the correspondence between Jones and Reviczky are standard fare in any work on the former. A more original discussion that also appreciates Reviczky's contributions to popularizing Hafez among East India Company officials is: Datta, Kitty Scoular, “Publishing and Translating Hafez under Empire,” in Books without Borders, ed. Fraser, Robert and Hammond, Mary, 58–70, vol. 2, Perspectives from South Asia (New York, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁷ Deltophilus, Periergus, Bibliotheca graeca et latina, complectens auctores fere omnes Graeciae et Latii veteris, quorum opera, vel fragmenta aetatem tulerunt, exceptis tantum asceticis et theologicis patrum nuncupatorum scriptis; cum delectu editionum tam primariarum, principum et rarissimarum, quam etiam optimarum, splendidissimarum atque nitidissimarum, quas usui meo paravi Periergus Deltophilus (Berlin, 1784)Google Scholar. An “editio altera” was printed in Berlin by Johannes Friederich Unger in 1794.

⁸ The only other study on Reviczky is: Rausch, Wilhelm, “Österreichs erster Geschäftsträger in Warschau nach der 1772 erfolgten ersten Teilung Polens,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 14 (1961): 288–99Google Scholar. A cursory examination of his diplomatic career, it does not discuss Reviczky's orientalist writings or activities as a book collector.

⁹ The other was Miklós Esterházy (1711–1764), who served in Brussels, The Hague, London, Lisbon, Poland, Saxony, Spain, and St. Petersburg. Evans, R. J. W., “Maria Theresa and Hungary,” in Austria, Hungary and the Habsburgs, Central Europe c. 1683–1867 (Oxford, 2006), 29Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Reviczky's elevation to the rank of baron is reported in the following: Khevenhüller-Metsch, 31 December 1773, in Aus der Zeit Maria Theresias: Tagebuch des Fürsten Johann Josef Khevenhüller-Metsch, Kaiserlichen Obersthofmeisters, 1742–1776, ed. Khevenhüller-Metsch, R. Graf and Schlitter, Hanns, 7 vols. (Vienna, 1907–1925), vol. 7, 193Google Scholar. Courier du Bas-Rhin, Du Mercredi, 2 Mars 1774. No. 18, Warsaw, 16 February, 142.

¹¹ There is a rich historiography on the concept of “Joseph(in)ism.” Throughout this work, I have adopted Derek Beales's definition of Josephinism as a movement of reform within the monarchy, deeply associated with the Enlightenment, and championed by bureaucrats, priests, and professors. Josephinism had as its many objects the curtailment of papal authority, the introduction of religious toleration, educational reform, and the relaxation of censorship. Cf. Beales, Derek, Joseph II: In the Shadow of Maria Theresia, 1741–1781, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1987), 8Google Scholar; Trencsényi, Balázs and Kopeček, Michal, eds., Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): Texts and Commentaries, 4 vols. (Budapest, 2006), vol. 1, 128–29Google Scholar; Whaley, Joachim, “The Transformation of the Aufklärung: From the Idea of Power to the Power of Ideas,” in Cultures of Power in Europe during the Long Eighteenth Century, ed. Scott, H. M. and Simms, Brendan, 158–79 (Cambridge, 2007)Google Scholar.

¹² For an excellent introduction on Dombay, see Schmidt, Jan, “Franz von Dombay, Austrian Dragoman at the Bosnian Border 1792–1800,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 90 (2000): 75–168Google Scholar. Discussions of Adam Kollár's multifaceted importance to the reform period can be found in Evans, Austria, Hungary and the Habsburgs. My particular gratitude is reserved for Professor R. J. W. Evans whose comments on this paragraph saved me from a number of factual errors.

¹³ Several sources list Hungary as Reviczky's birthplace. Cf. Wurzbach, “Reviczky, Karl,” vol. 25, 394; József Szinnyei, “Reviczky Károly Imre,” vol. 11, 908. However, Vienna is recorded in Gräffer, Franz and Czikann, Johann J., eds., Oesterreichische National Encyklopädie […] (Vienna, 1836), vol. 4, 382Google Scholar; Strhan, Milan and Daniel, David P., eds., Slovakia and the Slovaks: A Concise Encyclopedia, Encyclopedical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (1994), 507Google Scholar. Strhan and Daniel list Orava, not Žilina, as today's location.

¹⁴ Bél, Mátyás, Notitia Hungariae novae historico geographica divisa in partes quatuor […] elaboravit Mathias Bel accedunt Samuelis Mikovinii Mappae […], 4 vols. (Vienna, 1735), vol. 1, 461Google Scholar; Szinnyei, József, “Reviczky János Ferencz,” in Magyar írók: élete és munkái a Magyar tudományos akadémia megbizásából [Hungarian Writers: History and Works of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences], 14 vols. (Budapest, 1906), vol. 11, 905Google Scholar; Patay, Klára, “Die Entwicklung der Ungarischen Kartographie im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Maria Theresia als Königin von Ungarn, ed. Marz, Gerda, Jahrbuch für Österreichische Kulturgeschichte (Eisenstadt, 1984), vol. 10, 21Google Scholar.

¹⁵ M. L. B. Revický, Ján František. Insig. Civ. Budensis. Et Pesthiensis Tom. III., 431. S. Mikoviny del. I. et A. Schmuzer sc. Vien.; Ex frangmenti Joan. Fr. Reviczky (Vienna, 1713–1750).

¹⁶ Ignácz Horváth, “Revisnyei Reviczky János Ferencz könyvtára 1742–böl [The Library of János Ferencz Reviczky from 1742],” Magyar Könyvszemle új folyam XIII.Kötet, 3. Füzet [Hungarian Book Review New Series, Vol. 13, Issue 3] (July–Sept., 1905): 246–58.

¹⁷ Tóth, István György, “Zwischen Tradition und Aufklärung—adelige Bibliotheken in 18. Jahrhundert in Westungarn,” in Orte des Wissen, ed. Scheutz, Martin, Schmale, Wolfgang, and Stefanova, Dana, vol. 18/19, 293–323 (Bochum, 2004).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Wurzbach, Constantin, “Anton von Reviczky,” Biographisches Lexikon des Kaisertums Österreich, 60 vols. (Vienna, 1868), vol. 25, 393–94Google Scholar; Anton was even more prolific than his younger brother. His works are listed in Wurzbach, though Wurzbach incorrectly records the print date of Votum immaculatum as 1731, instead of 1751; see Backer, Augustin de et al. , eds., Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, (Bruxelles-Paris, 1895), vol. 6, 1664Google Scholar. The announcement in Journal Politique ou Gazette Des Gazettes from 10 April 1778 states: “Their Imperial Majesties have named two ex-Jesuits as superiors of the chaplains of their armies. One is the abbé of Revitzki, of the Hungarian nation, prévôt mitré, and brother of Baron de Revitzki, minister of Their Imperial Majesties in Warsaw: he is destined for the army of Bohemia, which will be commanded by the Emperor.” 23.

¹⁹ Wurzbach, “Reviczky, Karl,” vol. 25, 393.

²⁰ Rausch, “Österreichs erster Geschäftsträger,” 290. For more on the bishoprics of Hungary (including Neutra) and their relationship with Vienna in this period, cf. Bahlcke, Joachim, Ungarischer Episkopat und österreichische Monarchie: Von einer Partnerschaft zur Konfrontation (1686–1790) (Stuttgart, 2005)Google Scholar.

²¹ The MS title is best translated as “In what manner came the current imperial-royal ambassador to Poland Baron v. Rebizky to this greatness.”

²² Balázs, Éva H, Hungary and the Habsburgs, An Experiment in Enlightened Absolutism, 1765–1800 (Budapest, 1997), 292–303Google Scholar. For more on the Hungarian estates, cf. Berenger, Jean, “Die Habsburgermonarchie als Standestaat: Zasur and Kontinuitat zur Zeit Maria Theresias mit besonderer Berucksichtigung Ungarns,” in Österreich im Europa der Aufklärung, ed. Plaschka, Richard G. and Klingenstein, Grete, 437–47 (Vienna, 1985)Google Scholar; Szijártó, István, “The Diet: The Parliament and Estates in Hungary, 1708–1792,” in Bündnispartner und Konkurrenten des Landesfürsten? Die Stände in der Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Ammerer, Gerhard, Godsey, William D. Jr., Scheutz, Martin, Urbanitsch, Peter, and Weiss, Alfred Stefan, 151–71 (Vienna, 2007)Google Scholar.

²³ Marczali, Henry, Hungary in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1910), 333Google Scholar.

²⁴ Ember, Gyózó, “Der Osterreichische Staatsrat und Ungarn in den 1760er Jahren,” in Ungarn und Österreich unter Maria Theresia und Joseph II: neue Aspekte im Verhältnis der beiden Länder, ed. Drabek, Anna Maria et al. , 43–54 (Vienna, 1980), 43–44Google Scholar.

²⁵ Ibid., 50.

²⁶ Evans, R. J. W., “Maria Theresia and Hungary,” in Austria, Hungary and the Habsburgs, Central Europe c. 1683–1867, ed. Evans, R. J. W., 17–35 (Oxford, 2006), 19–24Google Scholar.

²⁷ Szabo, Franz, Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753–1780 (Cambridge, 1994), 315–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³⁰ Gates-Coon, Rebecca, The Landed Estates of the Esterházy Princes, Hungary during the Reforms of Maria Theresia and Joseph II (Baltimore, 1994), xxGoogle Scholar.

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³² In a teleological mode typical of many historians of the Habsburg monarchy, the Hungarian historian Béla Király used 1790 to draw conclusions about the entirety of Hungary's eighteenth-century history. See Király, Béla K, Hungary in the Late Eighteenth Century: The Decline of Enlightened Despotism (New York/London, 1969), 1–4Google Scholar.

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³⁷ Gates-Coon, Esterházy Princes, 33; Kann, Robert A., “Aristocracy in the Eighteenth Century Habsburg Empire,” East European Quarterly 7, no. 1 (1973): 1–13Google Scholar.

³⁸ Balázs, Hungary and the Habsburgs, 320; cf. Csáky, Moritz, “Die Hungarus-Konzeption: Eine ‘Realpolitische’ Alternative zur Magyarischen Nationalstaatsidee?” in Ungarn und Österreich unter Maria Theresia und Joseph II: neue Aspekte im Verhältnis der beiden Länder, ed. Drabek, Anna Maria et al. , 71–89 (Vienna, 1980), 73–75Google Scholar.

³⁹ Reviczki to Jones, Vienna, 16 October 1770, in Lord Teignmouth, ed., Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Correspondence of Sir William Jones (London, 1815), 149–50Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Feichtinger, Johannes, “Habsburg (post)-colonial. Anmerkungen zur Inneren Kolonisierung in Zentraleuropa,” in Habsburg Postcolonial: Matchtstrukturen und kollektives Gedächtnis, ed. Csáky, Moritz, Feichtinger, Johannes, and Prutsch, Ursula, 13–31 (Innsbruck, 2003), 20Google Scholar. For more on ideas of patriotism in the eighteenth-century Habsburg monarchy, cf. Csáky, Moritz and Hagelkrys, Reinhard, eds., Vaterlandsliebe und Gesamtstaatsidee im österreichischen 18. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Viscount Stormont, the British ambassador to Vienna in the 1770s, wrote of Reviczky: “I have long been acquainted with [Reviczky], and must do Him the Justice to say that He is a Man of great Merit and one that is universally, and deservedly esteemed. He has Prudence, Integrity, and Judgement, and to very good Natural Talents joins such an immense variety of acquired knowledge, such skill in languages ancient and modern as would be extraordinary in any Country, but is doubly so in Hungary.” Viscount Stormont to Lord Suffolk, 1 April 1772, TNA SP 80/2011.

⁴² Cannon, Garland, Oriental Jones: A Biography of Sir William Jones, 1746–1794 (London, 1964), 14Google Scholar; as does Javadi, Hasan, Persian Literary Influence on English Literature (Costa Mesa, 2005), 49Google Scholar.

⁴³ Babinger, Franz. “Die türkischen Studien in Europa bis zum Auftreten Josef von Hammer-Purgstalls,” Die Welt des Islams 7, nos. 3–4 (31 Dec. 1919): 103–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 124–26. Curiously, Reviczky's name is not recorded in Father Joseph Franz's 1753 letter to Maria Theresa, wherein he lists the pupils for the introductory class of 1754. Nor is he mentioned among the most prominent orientalists trained at the Academy in von Starkenfels, Victor Weiss, Die kaiserlich-königliche orientalische Akademie zu Wien (Vienna, 1839)Google Scholar. However, the Italian geographer Adrien Balbi states that Reviczky was a pupil of the Academy, along with Jenisch and Thugut. Cf. Balbi, Adrien, Essai Statistique sur les Bibliothèques de Vienne (Vienna, 1835), 89Google Scholar. The German orientalist, Eichhorn, J. G., also records that Reviczky was educated at the Academy. cf. Geschichte der neuern Sprachenkunde, vol. 5, Geschichte der Litteratur von ihrem Anfang bis auf die neuesten Zeiten (Göttingen, 1807), 327Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Roider, Karl, “The Oriental Academy in the Theresienzeit,” Topic: A Journal of the Liberal Arts 34 (Fall 1980): 19–28Google Scholar; Petritsch, Ernst Dieter, “Erziehung in ‘guten Sitten, Andacht und Gehorsam’: Die 1754 gegründete Orientalische Akademie in Wien,” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Kurz, Marlene, Scheutz, Martin, Vocelka, Karl, and Winkelbauer, Thomas, 491–502 (Vienna, 2005)Google Scholar; Khavanova, Olga, “Hungarian Applicants to Noble Academies of the Theresian Age: Background, Motivations, Career Opportunities,” in Das achtzehnte Jahrhundert und Österreich, Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des 18. Jahrhunderts, vol. 16 (Vienna, 2001), 53–59Google Scholar, is an important study on the education of Hungarian nobles in Vienna and elsewhere in this period.

⁴⁵ Fichtner, Paula Sutter, Terror and Toleration: The Habsburg Empire Confronts Islam, 1526–1850 (London, 2009), 117–63Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Hellmuth, Leopold, “Traditions and Major Aspects of Oriental Studies in Austria in the 19th Century,” trans. Obermayer, Erika and Watzek, Susanne, in Orient: Österreichische Malerei zwischen 1848 und 1914, ed. Mayer-Oehring, Erika, 329–45 (Salzburg, 1997), 329–31Google Scholar; quoted in Sensenig-Dabbous, E., “Will the Real Almásy Please Stand Up! Transporting Central European Orientalism via the English Patient,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, and the Middle East (CSSAAME): German Orientalism 24, no. 2 (2004): 163–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 165.

⁴⁷ Unfortunately, I have not been able to consult Katja Maria Knoll, Neue Eliten im Staatsdienst. Die Sprachknaben der Orientalischen Akademie von 1753/54 bis 1777 (Dipl. Arb., Graz University, 1999).

⁴⁸ For more on each of these figures, consult their respective biographical entries in Wurzbach, Biographisches Lexikon, (1865–1891).

⁴⁹ Joan-Pau Rubiés, “Instructions for Travelers: Teaching the Eye to See,” History and Anthropology 9, nos. 2–3 (1996): 139–90, 139–40.

⁵⁰ Robertson, Ritchie, “Joseph Rohrer and the Bureaucratic Enlightenment,” in The Austrian Enlightenment and Its Aftermath, ed. Robertson, Ritchie and Timms, Edward, 22–42 (Edinburgh, 1991)Google Scholar.

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⁵³ Some of the more interesting are Loimeier, Roman, “Edward Said und der Deutschprachige Orientalismus: Eine Kritische Würdigung,” Stichproben: Wiener Zeitschrift für kritische Afrikastudien 2, no. 1 (2001): 63–87Google Scholar; Wilson, Daniel W., “Enlightenment Encounters with the Islamic and Arabic Worlds: The German ‘Missing Link’ in Said's Orientalist Narrative (Meiners and Herder),” in Encounters with Islam in German Literature and Culture, ed. Hodkinson, James R. and Morrison, Jeffrey, 73–88 (New York, 2009)Google Scholar; Arens, Katherine, “Said's Colonial Fantasies: How Orientalism Marginalizes Eighteenth-Century Germans,” in Herder Jahrbuch: Studien zum 18. Jahrhundert, vol. 7 (2004), 11–29Google Scholar; Sensenig-Dabbous, “Will the Real Almásy Please Stand Up!,” 163–80.

⁵⁴ Lemon, Robert, Imperial Messages: Orientalism as Self-Critique in the Habsburg Fin de Siècle (New York, 2011)Google Scholar; Bernard, Veronika, Österreicher im Orient: Eine Bestandsaufnahme österreichischer Reiseliteratur im 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1996)Google Scholar; Gingrich, Andre, “Grenzmythen des Orientalismus: Die islamische Welt in Öffentlichkeit und Volkskultur Mitteleuropas,” in Orientalische Reise: Malerei und Exotik im späten 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Mayr-Oehring, Erika and Doppler, Elke, 110–29 (Vienna, 2003)Google Scholar; Hellmuth, “Traditions and Major Aspects of Oriental Studies in Austria in the 19th Century,” 329–45.

⁵⁵ Fuchs-Sumiyoshi, Andrea, Orientalismus in der deutschen Literatur: Untersuchungen zu Werken des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, von Goethes “West-östlichem Divan” bis Thomas Manns “Joseph”-Tetralogiep (Hildesheim, 1984), 51, 56–57, 59Google Scholar; Slaby, Helmut, Bindenschild und Sonnenlöwe. Die Geschichte der österreichisch-iranischen Beziehungen bis zur Gegenwart (Graz, 1982)Google Scholar; Solbrig, Ingeborg H., Hammer-Purgstall and Goethe: Dem Zaubermeister das Werkzeug (Bern, 1973), 30, 111, 120, 122, 186Google Scholar; Zeman, Herbert, “Österreichische Literatur. Zwei Studien,” Jahrbuch der Grillparzer Gesellschaft (Vienna, 1970), 11–56Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ For example, Aksan, Virginia, “Ottoman Political Writing, 1768–1808,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 25 (1993): 53–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arberry, A. J., “Orient Pearls at Random Strung,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 11 (1946): 699–712CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵⁸ Barany, George, “The Age of Royal Absolutism, 1790–1848,” in A History of Hungary, ed. Sugar, Peter F. and Hanák, Péter, 174–208 (Indiana Univeristy Press, 1994), 180Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Képes, Géza, “Hafiz et Csokonai,” in Littérature hongroise—Littérature européenne: Etudes de littérature comparée, ed. Sötér, I.. and Süpek, O., 287–304 (Budapest, 1964)Google Scholar. This article briefly discusses Reviczky's correspondence with Jones. For more on Képes, cf. András Bodrogligeti, “Géza Képes,” Encyclopaedia Iranica, Online Edition, 7 April 2008, available at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kepes-geza-hungarian-poet-and-translator-of-persian-poetry. Brief remarks on Reviczky's translation of Hafez are found in Staud, Géza, Az orientalizmus a magyar romantikában, (Budapest, 1999), 51–52, 128Google Scholar; Puskás, I., “Indian Studies and the Ramayana in Hungary,” in Indian Epic Values: Ramayana and Its Impact: Proceedings of the 8th International Ramayana Conference, Leuven, 6–8 July 1991, ed. Pollet, Gilbert, 137–54 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta) (Peeters, 1995)Google Scholar is also useful.

⁶⁰ Reychman, Jan, “Une correspondence ‘turque’ entre Reviczky et Adam Casimir Czartoryski,” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (Budapest, 1961), 85–7Google Scholar; Reychman, Jan, “Les notes du prince A.K. Czartoryski concernant ses etudes de la langue turque,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny [Yearbook of Oriental Studies] XXIII, no. 2 (1960): 57–82Google Scholar.

⁶¹ This is the number from 1763. Eight of the twenty-seven delegations were in the Arab lands, with six in greater Syria and two in Egypt. Piskur, Joseph, Oesterreichs Consularwesen (Vienna, 1862), 7Google Scholar; Fischer, Robert-Tarek, Österreich im Nahen Osten: die Grossmachtpolitik der Habsburgermonarchie im Arabischen Orient 1633–1918 (Vienna, 2006), 40Google Scholar.

⁶² Gazette de Vienne. N. 77. Supplement a la Gazette de Vienne, du 25 Sept. “Detail de l'entrée publique que M. le Baron de Penckler Conseiller de Guerre, Internonce, & Ministre plénipotentiare de Leurs Majestes I.& R.A. à la Porte, a faite à Constantionple le 29. Julliet 1762. & des audiences qu'il a eues ensuite du Grand-Sultan & du Grand-Vizir.”

⁶³ On the plague in 1762, cf. “An Account of the Plague at Constantinople. By Dr. Mackenzie,” The Monthly Review, Or, Literary Journal 33 (1765): 450–53Google Scholar. On the fire, cf. Schwachheim to Colloredo, 1 September 1762, quoted in Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 15.

⁶⁴ Letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montague: Written During Her Travels in Europe, Asia, and Africa, to which are Added Poems by the Same Author (Paris, 1822), 162Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ On this subject, he had written to Jones: “you are now spending the summer on the confines of Germany, in a place, which is the general rendezvous of Europe; and where you may see, at a glance, an assemblage of various nations. Is not this delightful? Is not the great advantage of traveling, to explore the characters of different people?” Reviczki to Jones, 9 August 1770, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 104.

⁶⁶ Gazette de Vienne. N. 77. Supplement a la Gazette de Vienne, du 25. Sept. “Detail de l'entrée publique que M. le Baron de Penckler Conseiller de Guerre, Internonce, & Ministre plénipotentiare de Leurs Majestes I.& R.A. à la Porte, a faite à Constantionple le 29. Julliet 1762. & des audiences qu'il a eues ensuite du Grand-Sultan & du Grand-Vizir.”

⁶⁷ von Jenisch, Bernhard, De fatis linguarum orientalium Arabicae nimirum, Persicae, et Turcicae commentatio (Vienna, 1780), clxiGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁸ Viscount Stormont to Lord Suffolk, 1 April 1772, TNA SP 80/2011.

⁶⁹ In December 1779, Reviczky wrote to Kaunitz, describing his first audience with Frederick II: “The King subsequently gave me the most concise assurances of his inalterable friendship towards both Imperial Majesties, enquired after the health of Your Majesties, asked me various things about the trip and return of His Majesty the King and obsessed endlessly over other incurious circumstances, especially regarding my former travels to Turkey, on which point His Majesty delayed himself a long time, so that altogether the entire conversation lasted a good quarter hour.” Reviczky to Kaunitz, 7 December 1779, in Politische Correspondenz Friederich's des Grossen, Vom Bayrischen Erbfolgekriege bis zum Tode Friederich's des Großen, Preussichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin, 1933), 43: 420Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Many other eighteenth-century European travelers to Istanbul had connections with sahhafs, though their transactions were not always successful. Cf. Erünsal, Ismail E., “Osmanlılarda Sahaflık ve Sahaflar: Yeni Bazı Bilgiler ve Belgeler [The Book Trade and Book Sellers in the Ottoman Period: Some New Information and Documents],” Osmanlı Araştırmaları [Ottoman Researches] 29 (2007): 99–135Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Reviczky to Spencer, 29 June 1789, Althorp Papers, BL Add. MS 76016.

⁷² While at the John Rylands University Library (JRUL), I inspected a number of Ottoman library catalogues in manuscript from the eighteenth century, some of which were at one time in the possession of Franz Höck, head of the Oriental Academy from the 1780s to 1830s. Jan Schmidt, who catalogued the Turkish manuscript collection at JRUL, writes that these catalogues were originally owned by personnel from the Austrian embassy in Istanbul. My research suggests that these may be the remnants of Reviczky's collection of oriental manuscripts that made it into the Earl Spencer's library in 1789. All of the catalogues were produced before or during Reviczky's tenure in Constantinople. Cf. MS 24 (Catalogue of Hagia Sophia Library), MS 25 (Library Catalogue of Sultan Osman III), MS 26 (Library Catalogue of Sultan ‘Abdülhamid), MS 27 (Library Catalogue of Sultan Mehmet II), MS 28 (Library Catalogue of Ragib Pasha) in Schmidt, Jan, A Catalogue of the Turkish Manuscripts in the John Rylands University Library at Manchester (Brill, 2010), 14, 67–72Google Scholar.

⁷³ Jones, William, Histoire de Nader Chah, connu sous le nom de Thahmas Kuli Khan, empereur de Perse (London, 1770), 275Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ In fact, in this work, and others, Jones expresses his indebtedness to Reviczky. Cf. Jones, William, “A Prefatory Discourse on the History of the Turks,” in Memoirs of the Life, ed. Teingmouth, (London, 1815), 604Google Scholar. After giving a list of his sources in A Prefatory Discourse, Jones, weary of the charge of plagiarism, writes “I have borrowed freely from them all, yet by making the general acknowledgement of my obligation to them, I obviate, I think, any objection that can be made on that head, and cannot justly be reputed a plagiary, if to the passages taken from others, I add a series of remarks peculiar to myself.” Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 605.

⁷⁵ The heavily annotated copy is now owned by the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas, Austin. Copy of Count Charles Reviczky's Specimen Poeseos Persicae, Harry Ransom Center, University of Texas at Austin.

⁷⁶ Jones, William, Poeseos asiaticæ commentariorum libri sex cum appendice (London, 1774), 104Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Thackston, W. M., The Gulistan (Rose Garden) of Sa'di: Bilingual English and Persian Edition with Vocabulary, (Bethesda, MD, 2008), 1Google Scholar. The original Persian appears in Teignmouth's 1805 edition of Jones's collected works, Memoirs of the Life (London, 1805)Google Scholar, 512.

⁷⁸ von Jenisch, Bernhard cites extensively from this work in his commentary on the Persian language, in De fatis linguarum orientalium Arabicae nimirum, Persicae, et Turcicae (Vienna, 1780)Google Scholar, lxi, lxiii, n. (g).

⁷⁹ Lemon, Imperial Messages, 1; Bernard, Veronika, Österreicher im Orient: Eine Bestandsaufnahme österreichischer Reiseliteratur im 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1996)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ E. Sensenig-Dabbous, “Will the Real Almásy Please Stand Up!,” 169.

⁸¹ Thugut's role in these events is well documented in Sorel, Albert, The Eastern Question in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1898), 252–57Google Scholar; Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 131–50.

⁸² Roider relates that in 1786 Wenzel Brognard, an Academy graduate, traveled from Istanbul to Vienna mapping Turkish military positions. Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 177.

⁸³ von Trzebomislitz, Johann Nepomok Dubsky, Die Kriege in Bosnien, in den Feldzügen 1737, 38 und 39, beschrieben von dem zu Nowi in Bosnien bestellt gewesenen gelehrten Kadi Omer Effendi (Vienna, 1789)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Kurze Anleitung zur Erlernung der türkischen Sprache, für Militär Personen: Sammt einer Sammlung von nützlichen Gesprächen, Ausdrücken und Redensarten u. einem Handlexikon der gebräuchlichsten Wörter (Vienna, 1789)Google Scholar. This work, written by Thomas Chabert, professor of oriental languages at the Oriental Academy, was published during Austria's last war with the Ottomans. For more on Chabert, cf. Starkenfels, Orientalische Akademie, 57.

⁸⁵ Kaunitz to Reviczky, 31 October 1783, in Wolf, Gerson, Österreich und Preussen (1780–1790) (Vienna, 1880), 95–96Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Reviczky to Kaunitz, 8 February 1783, in Wolf, Österreich und Preussen, 58–9.

⁸⁷ Makdisi, Ussama, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon (Berkeley, 2000)Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Bronza, Boro, “The Habsburg Monarchy and the Projects for Division of the Ottoman Balkans, 1771–1788,” in Empires and Peninsulas: Southeastern Europe between Karlowitz and the Peace of Adrianople, 1699–1829, ed. Mitev, Plamen, Parvev, Ivan, Baramova, Maria, and Racheva, Vania, 51–62 (Berlin, 2010)Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Maria Theresa to Comte Mercy-Argenteau, 31 July 1777, quoted in Seton-Watson, R. W., A History of the Roumanians (Cambridge, 1934), 151Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 109–30.

⁹¹ For more on the genre of nasihatname in an Ottoman context, cf. Howard, Douglas A, “Genre and Myth in the Ottoman Advice for King's Literature,” in The Early Modern Ottomans: Remapping the Empire, ed. Aksan, Virginia and Goffmann, Daniel, 137–68 (Cambridge, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁹² van den Boogert, Maurits, “The Sultan's Answer to the Medici Press? Ibrahim Müteferrika's Printing House in Istanbul,” in The Republic of Letters and the Levant, ed. Hamilton, Alastair, van den Boogert, Maurits H., and Westerweel, Bart, 265–92 (Brill, 2005), 266Google Scholar. As Reviczky explains in the preface to his translation: “Müteferrika is an Arabic word, meaning distinguished officer. Sultan Ahmet capped the number of government officials holding this title at 200.” Traité de la tactique, xxii, n. 1. A great deal has been written on the press and therefore only those elements relevant to Reviczky will be addressed here.

⁹³ Traité de la tactique, xxii–xxiii.

⁹⁴ Toderini, Giambattista, Letteratura Turchesca dell'Abate Giambatista Toderini, 3 vols. (Venice, 1787), vol. 3, 11–15Google Scholar; van den Boogert, “The Sultan's Answer,” 267–68.

⁹⁵ Traité de la tactique, xxiii.

⁹⁶ Berkes, Niyazi, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (London, 1998), 42Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ van den Boogert, “The Sultan's Answer to the Medici Press?” 288. The title of Reviczky's translation, Treatise on Tactics, is a far cry from Müteferrika's original, The Principles of the Science of Government. Reviczky himself mentions this point in his preface, and Jones makes a similar remark in a letter to Reviczky from October 1771. Cf. Jones to Reviczki in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 180; Babinger records that Reviczky's work was later translated into German Cf. Babinger, “Die türkischen Studien,” 125. I have never found any other record of this.

⁹⁸ von Mosel, Ignaz, Geschichte der kaiserlich-königlichen Hofbibliothek zu Wien (Vienna, 1852) 152Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Traité de la tactique, vi.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid., vi–vii.

¹⁰¹ Ibid., xiv–xv.

¹⁰² O'Shanahan, William, “Enlightenment and War: Austro-Prussian Military Practices, 1760–1790,” in East Central European Society and War in the Prerevolutionary Eighteenth Century, ed. Rothenberg, Gunther E., Király, Béla K., and Sugar, Peter F., 83–111 (New York, 1982), 86Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Rauchensteiner, Manfed, “The Development of War Theories in Austria at the End of the Eighteenth Century,” in East Central European Society, ed. Rothenberg, Gunther E., Király, Béla K., and Sugar, Peter F., 75–82 (New York, 1982)Google Scholar, at 79.

¹⁰⁴ Generals-Reglement, (Vienna, 1769)Google Scholar; Rauchensteiner, “The Development,” 75–82; Rothenberg, Gunther Erich, The Art of Warfare in the Age of Napoleon (Bloomington, IN, 1980), 167–68Google Scholar; Duffy, Christopher, The Military Experience in the Age of Reason (London, 1987)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Rauchensteiner, “The Development,” 79.

¹⁰⁶ Traité de la tactique, iv.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., xvi–xvi.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., xvii.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., xiv.

¹¹⁰ Traité de la tactique, xx–xxi. In a similar passage, Jones writes “no modern nation was ever more addicted to learning of every kind than the Arabians.” “A Prefatory Discourse,” in Memoirs of the Life, Teignmouth, 607.

¹¹¹ Traité de la tactique, xix.

¹¹² Specimen Poeseos, xii–xiv; Friedel, Johann, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte der Perser, nach dem Lateinischen des Baron Rewitzki von Rewißnie. Kais. königl. Gesandt. in Berlin. Mit Anmerkungen und dem Leben des Persischen Dichters Saadi (Vienna, 1783), 17Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Traité de la tactique, xx.

¹¹⁴ Ibid., xxi.

¹¹⁵ Reviczki to Jones, 19 February 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 57. “[…] I anticipate with satisfaction the mortification of all our European poets, who must blush at the poverty of their prosaic language, when they find that the Oriental dialects […] have true syllabic quantities as well as the Greek, and a great variety of feet, and consequently the true science of metre and prosody.”

¹¹⁶ Traité de la tactique, xx.

¹¹⁷ Reviczki to Jones, 24 February 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 58–59. Reviczky inaccurately believed ghazals were “restricted to thirteen couplets.” The ghazal, a Persian poetic genre with no counterpart in Arabic, emerged some time in the twelfth century. Cf. Meisami, Julie, Medieval Persian Court Poetry (Princeton, 1987), 237–39Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Even so, as Antoine Galland remarked in his edition of Herbelot's Bibliothèque Orientale, Reviczky's work remained little known because “the author did not put it up for sale.” Cf. Bibliothèque Orientale (Haye, 1779), vol. 2, 645Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Richardson, John, A specimen of Persian poetry; or, Odes of Hafez, with an English translation and paraphrase, chiefly from the Specimen poeseos Persicæ of Baron Revizky, with historical and grammatical illustrations and a complete analysis, for the assistance of those who wish to study the Persian language (London, 1774)Google Scholar; Friedel. Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte; Nott, John, Select Odes from the Persian Poet Hafez (London, 1787)Google Scholar, was also heavily indebted to Reviczky.

¹²⁰ Reviczki to Jones, 19 Feb. 1768; Reviczki to Jones, 17 Mar. 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 68. Thomas Hyde (1636–1703), the most important orientalist in seventeenth century England save Edward Pococke, was head of the Bodleian from 1665 until his death. Here, Reviczky is referring to Hyde's Veterum Persarum et Parthorum et Medorum religionis historia, 2nd. ed. (Oxford, 1767)Google Scholar. For more, see Toomer, G. J., Eastern Wisdome and Learning: The Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²¹ The twentieth-century German orientalist Hellmut Ritter wrote extensively on these manuscripts. cf. Schimmel, Annemarie, “Hafiz and His Critics,” Studies in Islam 16(1979): 1–33, 262Google Scholar; Glassen, Erika, “The Reception of Hafiz: Textual Transmission in Historical Perspective,” in Intoxication: Earthly and Heavenly; Seven Studies on the Poet Hafiz of Shiraz, ed. Glünz, Michael et al. , 41–52 (Bern/New York, 1991), 43–44Google Scholar, n. 7.

¹²² Samuel Friedrich Günther Wahl made note of the discrepancies between Reviczky's “Wiener codex” and a codex on Hafez's poetry from the Royal Library in Berlin. Cf. Wahl, S. F. G., “Zur persischen und türkischen Litteratur: (1) Varianten aus einem Codex der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, zu denen von Herrn Grafen Rewiczki herausgegebenen Oden des Dichters Hafyz,” in Magazin für alte, besonders morgenländische und biblische Litteratur, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1790), vol. 3, 72–85Google Scholar.

¹²³ Specimen Poeseos, x–xii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 13.

¹²⁴ Specimen Poeseos, xvii–xviii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 22–23; Reviczky's contention that Persian poetry originated from Arabic literature and the oral traditions of ancient Persia has been corroborated by modern scholars as well. Cf. Lazard, Gilbert, “The Rise of the New Persian Language,” in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 4, From the Arab Invasion to the Saljuqs, ed. Frye, R. N. (Cambridge University Press, 1975), 612Google Scholar; Meisami, Medieval Persian Court Poetry, 10.

¹²⁵ Specimen Poeseos, xviii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 23–24.

¹²⁶ Khan, Gulfishan, “Muslim-Western Cultural Encounter in the Eighteenth Century: The Impact of Hafiz Shirazi's Poetry on Europe,” Islamic Studies 48, no. 1 (Spring 2009), 35–87Google Scholar. On the origin of the name Hafez, Reviczky wrote: “It is generally customary with the orientals, especially among the Mohammadens, to give the mature children something of a surname, which has a relation to a salient characteristic of the same. So Haphiz with the Persians is, like Memnon or rather Mnemon with the Greeks, possessed namely with a good memory. Thus those who are able to recite the entire Koran by heart are called Hafez.” See Specimen Poeseos, xix, 1; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 25.

¹²⁷ The debate over how to best translate Hafez continues today: See Loloi, Parvin, Hafiz, Master of Persian Poetry: A Critical Biography (London, 2004), 22–48Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Hanzeli, Victor E., “Gyarmathi and His Affinitas,” in Grammatical Proof of the Affinity of the Hungarian Language with Languages of Fennic Origin, Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science I (Amsterdam, 1983), xxiGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁹ Traité de la tactique, xxiv. He writes, “Moreover, Turkish and French being both entirely foreign to me, I count on the indulgence of the reader for all the faults that have escaped me.” Ibid., xxv.

¹³⁰ See Specimen Poeseos, xxxviii–xli, xlviii; a fıne summary of these commentators can be found in Schimmel, Annemarie, “Hafiz and His Contemporaries,” in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 6, The Timurid and Safavid Periods, ed. Lockhart, Laurence and Jackson, Peter (Cambridge, 1986), 929–47Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Meninsky, Franciscus, Thesaurus Linguarum Orientalium Turcicae, Arabicae, Persicae, cum Complementum Thesauri Ling. Orient, seu Onomasticon—Latino-Turcico-Arabico-Persicum, et Institutiones seu Grammatica Turcica, 5 vols. (Vienna, 1680–1687)Google Scholar; Bibliothèque orientale ou Dictionnaire universel contenant generalement tout ce qui regarde la connoissance des Peuples de l'Orient [...] par Monsieur d'Herbelot, (Discours par A. Galland) (Paris, 1697)Google Scholar.

¹³² My research suggests that JRUL Persian MS 133, a two-volume, mid-eighteenth-century edition of Sudi's commentary might have originally belonged to Reviczky. For more details on this source, cf. Schmidt, A Catalogue of the Turkish Manuscripts, 302–3.

¹³³ Reviczki to Jones, 24 Feb. 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 62.

¹³⁴ Specimen Poeseos, xvii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 34.

¹³⁵ Larry Wolff, “Poland and the Vatican in the Age of the Partitions: European Enlightenment, Roman Catholicism, and the Development of Polish Nationalism” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 1984), 34–37.

¹³⁶ Specimen Poeseos, xxxi; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 40.

¹³⁷ For a discussion of these difficulties by one of the best translators of Persian literature today, see Davis, Dick, “On Not Translating Hafez,” New England Review 25, nos. 1–2 (2004)Google ScholarPubMed: http://cat.middlebury.edu/~nereview/25-1-2/Davis.html (accessed 1 Oct. 2013).

¹³⁸ Franklin, Michael J., “Orientalist Jones”: Sir William Jones: Poet, Lawyer, and Linguist, 1746–1794 (Oxford, 2011), 72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁹ Specimen Poeseos Persicæ, 5, 61–62; William Jones, A Grammar of the Persian Language, 137. Over this same issue, Reviczky had once remonstrated Jones: “I cannot comprehend how you have discovered an indelicate meaning in these beautiful lines of Mesihi […] unless you annex an idea of obscenity to the expression of embracing a youth; a subject which perpetually occurs not only in Oriental poetry, but in Greek and Latin.” Reviczki to Jones, 24 Feb. 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 62. In fact, Jones's translation represents the beginning of a gradual “feminization” of this ghazal. Cf. Anvar, Chirine, “La féminisation de l’être aimé dans les traductions de Hâfez (1771–1813),” in L'Orient des femmes, ed. Abourachid, Dounia, (ENS Editions, 2002), 123–32Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Specimen Poeseos, xlviii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 52.

¹⁴¹ Specimen Poeseos, xxxi, n. 1. J. P. Sullivan rendered it as: “It's a foul trick to make light verse difficult to appreciate and stupid to waste effort on silly trifles.” Sullivan, J. P., Martial, The Unexpected Classic: A Literary and Historical Study (Cambridge, 2005), 74Google Scholar.

¹⁴² Dr. Reiske to Lessing, 1771, in Gelehrter Briefwechsel zwischen D. Johann Jacob Reiske, Conrad Arnold Schmid, und Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, vol. 2, ed. Schmid, Conrad Anrold, (Frankfurt/Leipzig, 1790), 83Google Scholar. This quote is completely at odds with Reiske's own work on Arabic and medieval Greek that was written almost entirely in Latin. For example, Abulfedae annales Moslemici. Latinos ex arabicis fecit Io. Iacobus Reiske (Leipzig, 1754)Google Scholar; Constantini Porphyrogeniti libri II. de ceremoniis aulae Byzant (Leipzig, 1751–1766)Google Scholar.

¹⁴³ Scott, H. M., The Emergence of the Eastern Powers (Cambridge, 2001), 142Google Scholar; Kaunitz's nomination of Reviczky was probably influenced by other factors as well. Arguably, chief among these was that because Austrian claims on the Polish territories of Galicia and Lodomeria would be made on the basis of the historic rights of the Kingdom of Hungary and at the behest of the Hungarian Diet, a Hungarian would be most suitable for the post. Throughout the reign of Maria Theresa, the Hungarian Diet had demanded that the region of Zips, which had been mortgaged to Poland since 1412, be recovered and added to the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary. A Hungarian with a family history of loyal service both to Vienna and the Hungarian Diet, Reviczky was an ideal candidate for the post. For more on the First Partition of Poland and Hungary, cf. Glassl, Horst, “Der Rechtsstreit um die Zips vor ihrer Rückgliederung an Ungarn,” Ungarn-Jahrbuch I (Frankfurt/Leipzig, 1969), 23–50Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁴ The anecdote appears in Zimmermann, Johann Georg, Fragmente über Friedrich den Grossen zur Geschichte seines Lebens, seiner Regierung, und seines Charakters, 2 vols. (Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1790), vol. I, 142Google Scholar; Reviczky himself refers to this anecdote in a letter to Joseph II from 27 Dec. 1780: “At the end however he turned to me once more and demanded my opinion on a small matter of dispute, which I, as His Majesty graciously deigned to express, would be the best to determine; the question concerned the derivation of a certain Spanish word, which according to the opinion of the King takes its origin from the Saracens, who as is well known, ruled in Spain for a long time.” Cf. Droysen, Johann Gustav et al. , eds., Politische Correspondenz Friedrich's des Großen, vol. 45 (Berlin, 1937), 134–35Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ A decade earlier, Reviczky's renown as an orientalist was widespread enough for Frederick to write to Major Zegelin, the Prussian ambassador in Constantinople, of “a certain Hungarian from the nobility, von Reviczky, who had served in Constantinople for several years and recently translated a treatise on Turkish military tactics” and currently in consideration for the post of Austrian internuntius in Constantinople. Frederick to Major von Zegelin in Constantinople, Potsdam, 19 July 1769, in Politische Correspondenz Friedrich's des Großen, vol. 28, ed. Droysen, Johann Gustav et al. (Berlin, 1903), 444–45Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁶ Czartoryski to Reviczky, undated MS. CML MSS 6050 nr. 50. The contents are not particularly exciting: “mektub dahi yokdur lakin umarım olur aldığım için cenabıñıza gönderim.” Translated as: “There still is no letter, but I hope that I will send (reply) to your answer as soon as I receive it.”

¹⁴⁷ Reviczky to Czartoryski, undated, MS CML nr. 39. With regard for the discrepancies among the three, it might read: “Ever since your glance fell upon my humble self/My compositions are more famous than the sun/That is to say, they have found fame in all the world/And despite the existence of all the faults in this slave/In every defect that the Sultan admires appears an art.”

¹⁴⁸ This translation has been taken from Thackston, The Gulistan of Sa'di, 14. Thackston's Persian manuscript source differs slightly from Reviczky's, as the latter's reads: “ān neman basham ke ruz-e ceng bini posht-e man/ān man kendar miyān khāk va khun bini sarri.” Reviczky to Czartoryski, Warsaw, 31 August 1778. MS CML nr. 41. Reviczky also included a French paraphrase and a “literal” Latin version: “Ille ego non sum, ut die pugnæ videas tergum meum/Ille ego sum cujus inter pulverem et sanguinem videas caput.”

¹⁴⁹ “Pohlnische Grentze, den 18. Jun.” Neue Europäische Zeitung. 103tes Stück. Mit Römisch-Kayserl. Majest. und Hochfürstl. Hessen-Hanuischer/allergnädigst—und gnadigster Freyheit./Hanau, Freytag den 4. Jul. 1777.

¹⁵⁰ Warsaw, 20 June. Journal de Politique et de Littérature […] Numéro Treizième. 5 Mai. Tome Second. (Brussels, 1777), 372.

¹⁵¹ “zira elçi beğ meyhāne gitmez ben cāmi‘ye hiç varmım görüşmek ne mümkün evvela benden bi mikdar;” Reviczky to Czartoryski, Warsaw, 15 September 1777, CML MSS 6050 nr. 40.

¹⁵² Jan Reychman, “Les notes du prince A.K. Czartoryski,” 57; also quoted in Reychman, “Une correspondance,” 85–87.

¹⁵³ Cf. Czartoryski to Jones, 26 November 1778, 204–07; Jones to Czartoryski, 17 February 1779, 207–10; Reviczki to Jones, 17 March 1779, 211–12; Czartoryski to Jones, 20 September 1788, 407–09; in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, (1815).

¹⁵⁴ Ward, Adrienne, “Eastern Others on Western Pages: Eighteenth-Century Literary Orientalism,” Literature Compass 1 (2004): 1–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 1–2.

¹⁵⁵ Richardson, John, A Specimen of Persian Poetry: or odes of Hafez, with an english translation and paraphrase: Chiefly from the specimen poeseos persicae of Baron Revizky, with historical and grammatical illustrations, and a complete analysis, for the assistance of those who wish to study the Persian language (London, 1774)Google Scholar, i.

¹⁵⁶ Ibid., ii–iv.

¹⁵⁷ 6 October 1802 in Thomas Edward Colebrooke, Life of the Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone, 2 vols. (London, 1884), vol. I, 31.

¹⁵⁸ Ouvry, Henry Aimé, Cavalry Experiences and Leaves from My Journal (Lymington, 1892)Google Scholar, 18.

¹⁵⁹ Clarke, Henry Wilberforce, Divan-i Hafez, 2 vols. (Calcutta, 1891), vol. 1, viiGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶⁰ Cochran, Peter, ed., Byron and Orientalism (Cambridge, 2006)Google Scholar, 68, n. 134.

¹⁶¹ Ibrahim Mjuteferrika. Izobrazhenie taktiki, ili iskusnyj obraz vojsk ustanovlenija, obnarodovannoe i napechatannoe v Konstantinopole na tureckom jazyke Ibragim Jefen-diem Mjuteferrikom Porty Osmanskoj v 1144 godu Jegiry, to est' god spustja posle poslednego vozmushhenija i nizverzhenija sultana Ahmeda v 1730 godu prikljuchivshegosja [Treatise on Tactics] (Saint Petersburg, 1777)Google Scholar; Şen, Adil, İbrahim Müteferrika ve Usulü'l-Hikem fi Nizami'l-Ümem [İbrahim Müteferrika and Usulü'l-Hikem fi Nizami'l-Ümem] (Ankara, 1995)Google Scholar, 75.

¹⁶² van der Oye, David Schimmelpennick, Russian Orientalism: Asia in the Russian Mind from Peter the Great to the Emigration (New Haven, CT, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 59.

¹⁶³ On Repnin's role at the peace of Küçük Kainarji, cf. H.M. Scott, The Emergence of the Eastern Powers, 232.

¹⁶⁴ Reviczky to Spencer, 23 July 1791, Althorp Papers, BL Add. MS 760160078.

¹⁶⁵ Schimmel, Annemarie, “The West-Eastern Divan: the Influence of Persian Poetry in East and West,” in The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, ed. Hovannisian, Richard G. and Sabagh, Georges, 147–71 (Cambridge, 1998), 160–61Google Scholar; Herder most likely consulted the edition of Jones's Poeseos asiaticae printed by Eichhorn: Poeseos asiaticae commentariorum libri sex, cum appendice (Leipzig, 1777)Google Scholar; cf. Baildam, John D., Paradisal Love: Johann Gottfried Herder and the Song of Songs (Sheffield, 1999)Google Scholar, 131, n. 11.

¹⁶⁶ Düntzer, Heinrich, Goethes Westöstlicher Divan (Leipzig, 1878), 6–7Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁷ Herder to Johann Gottfried Eichhorn, Weimar, 28 June 1788, in Johann Gottfried Herder Briefe, vol. 9, Nachträge und Ergänzungen: 1763–1803, ed. Arnold, Günter (Weimar, 1988)Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁸ Schimmel, “The West-Eastern Divan,” 160–61.

¹⁶⁹ Goethe, Johann Wolfgang, West-östlicher Divan (Vienna, 1820)Google Scholar praises Jones and Hammer, but makes no mention of Reviczky.

¹⁷⁰ von Hammer, Joseph, Geschichte der schönen Redekünste Persiens: mit einer Blüthenlese aus zweihundert persischen Dichtern (Vienna, 1818), 14Google Scholar; von Hammer, Der Diwan: Aus dem Persischen zum erstenmal ganz übersetzt von Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Erster Theil (Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1812), v–viGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷¹ Képes, Géza. “Hafiz et Csokonai,” 294–95.

¹⁷² “The scholars Hell and Kollár, and the ambassador Revitzki are great ornaments of Hungary.” Farkos, János, Ungarische Grammatik, oder ausführliche Unterweisung wodurch der Ungar die deutsche, und der Deutsche die ungarische Sprache in ihrer Vollkommenheit zu lesen, schreiben und reden in Kürze erlernen kann […] (Vienna, 1791), 181Google Scholar.

¹⁷³ Beales, Derek, Joseph II, vol. 2, Against the World, 1780–1790 (Cambridge, 2009), 676–77Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁴ R. J. W. Evans, “The Politics of Language and the Languages of Politics: Latin and the Vernaculars in Eighteenth-Century Hungary,” in Cultures of Power, ed. Scott and Simms, 216.