¹ By the Ottoman law of war, Suleiman's defeat of Louis II in open battle at Mohács made him king of Hungary: Fodor, Pál, “Ungarn und Wien in der osmanischen Eröberungsideologie (im Spiegel der Tarih-i Bec krali, 17en Jahrhundert),” in his In Quest of the Golden Apple. Imperial Ideology, Politics, and Military Administration in the Ottoman Empire (Istanbul, 2000), 45–70 Google Scholar, here 56–57.

² Ferdinand based his claim not on the Habsburg-Jagellonian marriage treaties of 1506 and 1515, but on his election by a Hungarian Diet: Pálffy, Géza, The Kingdom of Hungary and the Habsburg Monarchy in the 16th Century, trans. , Thomas J. and DeKornfeld, Helen D. (Boulder, 2009), 31–50 Google Scholar; Winkelbauer, Thomas, Österreichische Geschichte 1522–1699. Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses Habsburgs im Konfessionellen Zeitalter (2 vols., Vienna, 2003), IGoogle Scholar, 123–27.

³ The diet that elected Szapolyai (Székesféhervár, Oct. 1526) was better attended than the diet that elected Ferdinand (Pozsony [Posonia], Dec. 1526).

⁴ The term used by Austrian historians. Hungarian scholars, dating the conflict from 1591, call it the Fifteen Years' War. The term used by Turkish historians, the “Long War,” does not betray a particular vantage point, but it also conveys less information.

⁵ There were subsequent treaties in 1562, 1568, 1592, and 1591. Ernst Dieter Petritsch, “Die Ungarnpolitik Kaiser Ferdinands I bis zur Zeit seiner Tributpflichtigkeit an der hohen Pforte,” (PhD diss. University of Vienna, 1979); Müller, Ralf. C., “Der umworbene ‘Erbfeind’: Habsburgische Diplomatie an der hohen Pforte vom Regieriungsantritt Maximilians I bis zum ‘Langen Türkenkrieg,’” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburger Monarchie, ed. Kurz, Marlene, Vocelka, Karl, and Winkelbauer, Thomas (Vienna/Munich, 2005), 252–79Google Scholar; and Işikel, Günes, “Ottoman-Habsburg Relations in the Second Half of the 16th Century: The Ottoman Standpoint,” in Frieden und Konfliktmanagement in interkulturellen Räumen. Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie in der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Strohmeyer, Arno, Spannenberger, Norbert, and Pech, Robert (Wiesbaden, 2013), 51–62 Google Scholar.

⁶ Tracy, James D., Emperor Charles V, Impresario of War. Campaign Strategy, International Finance, and Domestic Politics (Berkeley, 2002)Google Scholar, chap. 10; Allouche, Adel, The Origin and Development of the Ottoman-Safavid Conflict, 900–962 / 1500–1555 (Berlin, 1983)Google Scholar.

⁷ For the 1541 campaign, when Suleiman made Buda the capital of an Ottoman paşaluk: Pál Fodor, “Ottoman Policy towards Hungary, 1520–1541,” in In quest of the Golden Apple, 105–69, here 147–59.

⁸ E.g., Koehbach, Markus, Die Eroberung von Fülek durch die Osmanen 1554. Eine historisch-quellenkritische Studie zur osmanischen Expansion im östlichen Europa (Vienna, 1994)Google Scholar.

⁹ The sultan himself led his army against Vienna in 1529, toward Vienna in 1532, to Buda in 1541, and to Szigetvár in 1566. Other campaigns resulted in the capture of major towns in southwestern Hungary (1533), the defense of Pest against the Habsburgs (1542), and the capture of Temesvár (1552). See the references in: Imber, Colin, The Ottoman Empire, 1300–1600 (London, 2002)Google Scholar; and Finkel, Caroline, Osman's Dream. The Story of the Ottoman Empire from 1300 to 1923 (New York, 2005)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Esztergom was recaptured by Habsburg forces in 1532 but soon lost again. For Hans Katzianer's 1537 campaign, see below, note 76. Habsburg and imperial troops failed at Buda in 1541 and at Pest in 1542.

¹¹ Niederkorn, Jan Paul, Die europäische Mächte und der “Lange Türkenkrieg” Kaiser Rudolfs II (1593–1606) (Vienna, 1993), 19–25 Google Scholar.

¹² Stein, Mark L., Guarding the Frontier: Ottoman Border Fortresses in Hungary (New York, 2007)Google Scholar.

¹³ Wheatcroft, Andrew, The Enemy at the Gate: Habsburgs, Ottomans and the Battle for Europe (New York, 2008)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Loebl, Alfred, Zur Geschichte des Türkenkriegs 1593–1606 = Prager Studien aus der Gebiet der Geschichte, vols. 6, 10 (Prague: 1899, 1904)Google Scholar, sometimes cited in this connection, deals only with the years 1591–1593. The most useful special studies are: Niederkorn, Die Europäische Mächte und der “Lange Türkenkrieg,” and Finkel, Caroline, The Administration of Warfare. The Ottoman Military Campaigns in Hungary 1593–1606 = Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Beihefte, 14 (Vienna, 1988)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ The sultan was advised by a divan made up of four to six veziers presided over by a Grand Vezier. Responsibility for military affairs was vested in two beglerbegs, one for Rumelia (the European part of the empire) and one for Anatolia.

¹⁶ A term I borrow from Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, e.g., 18.

¹⁷ E.g., estates of this period not only consented to taxation, but also took responsibility for the ruler's debts: James Tracy, “Taxation and State Debt,” forthcoming in The Oxford World History, ed. Hamish Scott, vol. V.

¹⁸ For comparison among the Ottoman Empire, the Safavid Empire, and India's Mughal Empire: Hodgson, Marshall, The Venture of Islam (3 vols., Chicago, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, vol. III, The Gunpowder Empires.

¹⁹ See the later chapters of: Pryor, John, Geography, Technology and War: Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean, 649–1571 (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar; and Capponi, Niccoló, Victory of the West. The Great Christian-Muslim Clash at the Battle of Lepanto (Cambridge, 2006)Google Scholar.

²⁰ The best study of what religion meant for fighting men relates to the Thirty Years' War: Chaline, Olivier, La bataille de la Montagne Blanche: 8 novembre 1620: un mystique chez les guerriers (Paris, 1999)Google Scholar. For the Long Turkish War, support for the Habsburgs from Catholic states is discussed by: Niederkorn, Die europäische Mächte und der “Langen Türkenkrieg.” On the Ottoman side, soldiers attributed the great victory at Mezőkeresztes (1596) to the fact that Sultan Mehmed III carried the Sançak-i Şerif, the standard believed to have been borne into battle by the Prophet: von Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, 2nd ed., 4 vols. (Pest, 1834–1836), IIGoogle Scholar, 585–89, 604–5, 620–21.

²¹ Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York, 1996)Google Scholar. Although it deals with other questions as well: Cook, Michael, Ancient Religions, Modern Politics (Princeton, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, offers an extended commentary on Huntington's argument about Islam's “bloody borders.”

²² See: Goldstein, Ivo, et al. , eds., Sisačka Bitka 1593 [The Battle of Sisak] (Zagreb, 1994)Google Scholar, esp. Milan Kruhek, “Rat za Opstojnost Hrvatskoga Kraljestva na Kupskoj Granice [War on the Kupa Frontier, for the Survival of the Kingdom of Croatia],” 32–66, and Maja Serčer, “Vojna oprema i naoružanje u vrijeme bojeva kod Sisak [Weapons and Military Equipment at the Time of the Battle of Sisak],” 243–54.

²³ Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 615; Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 67–68.

²⁴ Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, 35–37; other scholars have given higher numbers for the Ottoman army.

²⁵ Pálffy, Géza, “The Origins and Development of the Border Defence System against the Ottoman Empire in Hungary (Up to the Eighteenth Century),” in Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe, ed. Pálffy, Géza, Fodor, Pál (Leiden, 2000), 3–70 Google Scholar.

²⁶ Ferdinand's response to the Diet of Pozsony, 9 Oct. 1543, Vilmos, Fraknoí, Magyar Országgyülési Emlékek = Monumenta Comitalia Regnio Hungariae [Documents of the Estates of the Kingdom of Hungary], vols. 1–3 (Budapest, 1874–1876)Google Scholar, hereafter abbreviated MOE, II, 529–34; counting the nasadisten who manned the fleet, there were “more than 16,000 men” in all.

²⁷ Inalcik, Halil, An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, vol. I, 1300–1600 (Cambridge, 1994), 88–93 Google Scholar.

²⁸ Kruhek, Milan, Krsajiske Utvrde i Obrama Hrvatskog Kraljestva tijekom 16. Stoljeca [Royal Fortresses and the Defense of the Croatian Kingdom during the Sixteenth Century] (Zagreb, 1995), 265Google Scholar; “Grenitzen Haubtberatschlagung zu Wien anni 1577,” Arhiv Republike Slovenije, Ljubljana, Dezelni Stanovi za Kranjsko, hereafter abbreviated DSK, I Zaporeda Stanovi 171, 1st folder, “Verzaichnus der Tuerggischen Reuter,” f. 601–19, here f. 601–9.

²⁹ Kruhek, Krsajiske Utvrde, 298 (Karlovac); In his report on the Ottoman defeat at Sisak, Andreas von Auersperg gives a figure of 4,000 men for the Hofgesindt (retinue) of the slain. Hasan Paşa: to Archduke Ernst, Sisak, 24 June 1593, in Spomenici Hrvatske Krajine [Memorials of the Land of Croatia], ed. Lopašić, Radoslav, 3 vols. (Zagreb, 1884–1889), IGoogle Scholar, Letter cxxvii, 184–85.

³⁰ Spomenici Hrvastske Krajine, letter xvi, 22–28, “Auszug der furnembsten schaden, 1575–1582.”

³¹ Ágoston, Gábor, Guns for the Sultan. Military Power and the Weapons Industry in the Ottoman Empire (Cambridge, 2005), 12Google Scholar; Murphey, Rhoads, Ottoman Warfare, 1500–1700 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 5. For development of the commissariat in the Inner Austrian lands, Štefanec, Nataša, Država ili Ne. Ustroj Vojna Krajine 1578. Godine i Hrvatsko-Slavonskoj Staleži in regionalnoj obrani i politici [A State or Not? Organization of the Military Frontier in 1578 and the Croatian Estates in Regional Defense and Politics] (Zagreb, 2011), 237–47Google Scholar.

³² Lazarus Schwendi's recapture of Szátmar in 1567, presumably starting from Győr. The impressive 80,000-man war flotilla that moved 240 miles down the Danube from Regensburg to meet an anticipated Ottoman siege of Vienna (1532) was funded by the Imperial Diet and by Charles V: Tracy, Emperor Charles V, chap. 7. Prior to the Habsburg era, Matthias Corvinus led some 60,000 men in conquering the Bosnian fortress of Jajce, 350 miles south of Budapest, in 1464: Engel, Pál, The Realm of St. Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary, 889–1526 (London, 2001)Google Scholar, chap. 18.

³³ Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 609–11.

³⁴ Kurat, A. N., “The Turkish Expedition to Astrakhan in 1569 and the Problem of the Don-Volga Canal,” The Slavic and East European Review 40 (1961): 7–23 Google Scholar.

³⁵ Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II 602–7.

³⁶ In 1527, he was elected king by Bohemia's estates, in succession to his brother-in-law, Louis II Jagellio.

³⁷ Winkelbauer, Österreichische Geschichte, I, 13–14; Inalcik, An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 28–29.

³⁸ Winkelbauer, Österreichische Geschichte, I, 488–490 (2,150,000 Rhine gulden). For a gulden-ducat ratio of 4 to 5, Ferdinand to Ban Hieronim Łaski, 13 July 1540, in Comitalia Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Hrvatski Saborski Spisi [Documents of the Croatian Estates], ed. Šišić, Ferdo, 3 vols. (Zagreb, 1912–1916)Google Scholar, hereafter abbreviated HSS, II, 298, Letter 196.

³⁹ Inalcik, Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 82. (537,900,000 silver akçe); Darling, Linda T., Revenue Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Financial Administration in the Ottoman Empire, 1560–1660 (Leiden, 1996), 239: 183Google Scholar,000,000 akçe in cash income for 1560. In Venetian sources of these years, the reported ducat to akçe ratio is 1 to 50.

⁴⁰ Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 446; Pezzolo, Luciano, Societá, finanza, e fisco nella Repubblica Veneta del secondo ‘500 (Treviso, 1990), 96Google Scholar (2,230,000 ducats of income for 1578).

⁴¹ As noted by Finkel, The Administration of Warfare, 239–40, source references to sums paid out by “the treasury” often do not make it clear whether the state treasury or the sultan's private treasury is meant.

⁴² Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 624–25.

⁴³ Inalcik, Halil, “Ottoman Methods of Conquest,” Studia Islamica 2 (1954): 103–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Pryor, Geography, Technology and War; Brummett, Palmira, Ottoman Seapower and Levantine Diplomacy in the Age of Discovery (Albany, 1994)Google Scholar; Capponi, Victory of the West, chap. 1.

⁴⁵ For Ghazi Husrev Beg (1521–1540) Zlatar, Behija, Ghazi Husrev Beg (Sarajevo, 2009)Google Scholar; for his campaigns, Biščević, Vedad, Bosanski Namjesniki Osmanskog Doba (1463–1878) [Governors of Bosnia during the Ottoman Era (1463–1878)] (Sarajevo, 2006)Google Scholar, no. 34.

⁴⁶ Mažuran, Ive, Hrvati i Osmansko Carstvo [Croatians and the Ottoman Empire] (Zagreb, 1998), 104–7Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Muradžević, Dino, “Osmanska osvajana u Slavoniji 1552, u svjetlu osmanskih arhivskih izvora [The Ottoman Attack in Slavonia in 1552 in the Light of Ottoman Archival Documents],” Povjesni prilozi [Historical Studies] 36 (2009): 89–108 Google Scholar; Mažuran, Hrvati i Osmansko Carstvo, 127–33, 178–79.

⁴⁸ Mažuran, Hrvati i Osmansko Carstvo , 143–48, 153–57.

⁴⁹ “Two opposing principles were in struggle:” the “absolute independence of supreme authority,” represented by the sultan, and “objective rules,” which placed limits and guided the ruler: Inalcik, Halil, “Decision-Making in the Ottoman State,” in Decision-Making and Change in the Ottoman Empire, ed. Farah, Caesar (Kirksville, 1993), 9–18 Google Scholar (the quotes, 15). The ruler known in the West as “Suleiman the Magnificent” was “Suleiman the Lawgiver” to his own subjects.

⁵⁰ For an interesting exception: Roberts, Elizabeth, Realm of the Black Mountain: A History of Montenegro (Ithaca, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Moačanin, Nenad, Turksa Hrvatska. Hrvati pod Vlašču Osmanskogsa Carstvo do 1719 [Turkish Croatia. Croatians under the Rule of the Ottoman Empire until 1719] (Zagreb, 1999), 139Google Scholar.

⁵² [Michael Černović] to Ferdinand, Edirne, 5 Jan. 1557, Haus-Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, “Turcica,” hereafter abbreviated as HHST, I 13 Konvolut 1, f. 1–2 (a conversation with the “procurator” of the sandçakbeg of Bosnia); David Ungnad to Maximilian II, Constantinople, 5 May 1575, HHST I 31 Konvolut 4, f. 13–14 (a conversation with Achmat, the secretary of the paşa of Buda).

⁵³ Inalcik, “Decision-Making in the Ottoman Empire,” 10. The various corps of French officials acted in a corporate capacity when, for example, they brokered loans to the Crown: Potter, Mark, Corps and Clienteles. Public Finance and Political Change in France, 1688–1715 (Aldershot, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Judges (kadis) and customs-collectors (emins) were appointed by the Porte, not by the governors.

⁵⁵ E.g., Busbecq to Ferdinand, Buda, 12 Dec. 1554, HHST I 11 Konvolut 1, f. 201–204, describing the paşa of Buda as sensitive to the “murmur” of his “military prefects” [vojvods?]. Hasan Paşa Predojeviç, as sandçakbeg of Szeged in Hungary (to 1591), had a room in his palace for taking coffee with his officers: Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki, nos. 70, 72–75; Pečevija, Ibrahim Alajbegović, Historija 1520–1640 [History 1520–1640], with an Introduction by Nemetak, Fehjim, 2 vols. (Sarajevo, 2000), IIGoogle Scholar, 105–6.

⁵⁶ The fortress was Jajce in northern Bosnia (above, note 32), a target of previous Ottoman sieges. For the relief of Jajce in June 1525: Krsto Frankapan to Zuane Dandolo, 25 June 1525, in [Marin Sanudo], “Marino Sanuda Odnošaji skupnovlade Mletačke prama Južnim Slavenom [“Relations of the Venetian Republic with the South Slavs, from Marin Sanudo”],” Arhiv za Povjesticu Jugoslavensko [Archive for the History of Jugloslavia], VI (1860): 162-371, VIII (1862): 1–2555, VIII, 202–10. Ghazi Husrev Beg was relieved of his post in the second half of 1525 and reappointed early in 1526: Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki, no. 34.

⁵⁷ Faroghi, Surayija, The Ottoman Empire and the World Around It (New York, 2007), 44–49 Google Scholar. For a dissenting view: Palmira Brummett, “Subordination and Its Discontents: The Ottoman Campaign, 1578–1580,” in Farah, Decision-Making and Change in the Ottoman Empire, 101–10.

⁵⁸ Charles to Ferdinand, Valladolid, 6 Mar. 1527 and 29 Apr. 1527, Die Korrespondenz Ferdinands I. Familienkorrespondenz: vol. I, Bis 1526, ed. Bauer, Wilhelm (Vienna, 1912)Google Scholar; vol. II, 1527/1528, ed. Bauer, Wilhelm, Lacroix, Robert (Vienna, 1937)Google Scholar; vol. III, 1529/1530, ed. Bauer, Wilhelm, Lacroix, Robert (Vienna, 1938)Google Scholar; vol. IV, 1531/1532, ed. Wolfram, Herwig, Thomas, Christiane (Vienna, 1973)Google Scholar. Hereafter abbreviated as Familienkorrespondenz, II.1, Letter 20, pp. 26–28, and Letter 48, pp. 61–62.

⁵⁹ Ferdinand to Charles, Linz, 17 Feb. 1531, and Cešké Budějoviče, 17 Mar. 1531, Familienkorrespondenz, IV, Letters 459, 445–48, and 470, 70–80.

⁶⁰ Petritsch, “Die Ungarnpolitik Ferdinands I,” iii.

⁶¹ Alexius Thurzo to Ferdinand, Schempte, 5 Dec. 1531, in Monumenta Habsburgica Croatiae [Habsburg Documents Concerning Croatia], ed. Laszowski, Emilije, 2 vols. (Zagreb, 1914–1916)Google Scholar, hereafter abbreviated as MH, II, Letter 110, 93–94.

⁶² Ferdinand to Mary, Prague, 31 May 1528, Familienkorrespondenz, II, Letter 190, 228–30: for troops who served him the previous year, he owes 90,000 Rhine gulden in back wages.

⁶³ See the references to Tirol and Neusohl (Banská Bistrica) in: von Pölnitz, Götz Freiherr, Anton Fugger, 5 vols. (Tübingen, 1958–1986)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ The fullest study is: Mensi, Franz, Geschichte der direkten Steuern in Steiermark bis zum Regierungsantritt Maria Theresiens = Forschunen zur Verfassungs- und Verwaltungsgeschiuchte der Steiermark, vols. 7, 9, 10 (Graz, 1910, 1911, 1921)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ E.g., Tracy, James, A Financial Revolution in the Habsburg Netherlands: Renten and Renteniers in the County of Holland, 1515–1565 (Berkeley, 1985)Google Scholar, chap. II.

⁶⁶ See: DSK Stanovi I, Zaporeda St. 169, Fascicule 101b, first folder, document 34, a list of 500 cavalry and 600 infantry paid by Styria: most are stationed along the Styrian border.

⁶⁷ Batthyány to Ferdinand, Nemethwywar, 21 Dec. 1526, HSS I, Letter 38, 40–42; Gaspar Pastor to Francesco di Zuane, Zagreb, 8 Jan. 1527, HSS I, Letter 52, 77; Jurečić to Ferdinand, Tschernembl, 22 Jan. 1527, HSS I, Letter 53, 78–80; and a report from Udine, 6 May 1527, MS Rački, 181.

⁶⁸ Universitas of nobles (the sabor) to Ferdinand, s.l., 24 Feb. 1530, MOE I, 302–6; Jurečić, Katzianer, et al. to Ferdinand, Cetina, 1 Jan. 1527, MOE I, 86–88, and Cetina, 3 Jan. 1527, HSS I, Letter 47, 57–64.

⁶⁹ For Varaždin: Ferdinand to Lukas Zeckel, Regensburg, 5 July 1541, MH III, Letter 82, 79, and to the Hungarian Chamber of Accounts, Pozsony, 9 Oct. 1543, MH III, Letter 165, 157–58; for Susjed and Stubica: Łaski to Ferdinand, Sempthe, 28 Sept. 1541, MH III, Letter 90, 86, and Ferdinand, letter patent of 18 Dec. 1542, MH III, Letter 126, 120–22.

⁷⁰ Agreement with Zrinski, 18 Aug. 1544; Carniola to the Chapter, Ljubljana, 17 Aug. 1544; Ferdinand, letter patent, Worms, 26 Mar. 1545: MH III, Letters 191 (186–87), 187 (182–83), 206 (237).

⁷¹ Jurečić to Ferdinand, Zagreb, 20 Oct. 1527, HSS I, Letter 90, 137–40.

⁷² Jurečić to Ferdinand, Tschernembl, 22 Jan. 1537, HSS I, Letter 53, 78–80; Christoph Reuber et al. to the council of Lower Austria, Pozsony, 5 Mar. 1527, HSS I, Letter 58, 91.

⁷³ The question as to whether Habsburg dynastic interests were compatible with Hungary's national interest has been a major theme in Hungarian historiography: Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, chap. 1.

⁷⁴ E.g., comments on Count Nikolas IV Zrinski in A. von Hollneckh to Katzianer, Graz, 21 Sept. 1530, MH I, Letter 452, 426–27; Hans Pühler to Ferdinand, Mihovljan, 5 June 1532, MH II, Letter 128, 112–13.

⁷⁵ Ferdinand to the nobles of Slavonia, Prague, 11 Mar. 1537, HSS II, Letter 19, 26–27; Maschke, Klaus Peter, Das Kreuz und der Halbmond. Die Geschichte der Türkenkriege (Düsseldorf/Zurich, 2004), 262Google Scholar. Klaić, Vjekoslav, Povijest Hrvata od najstarijih vremena do svršetka XIX stoljeca [History of Croatia from Earliest Times to the End of the Nineteenth Century], 5 vols. (reprint, Zagreb, 1984), V, 120Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ For Katzianer's undated missive: von Valvasor, Johann Weichard, Die Ehre des Herzogthums Krain, 4 vols. (Rudolfswerth, 1877–1879), IIIGoogle Scholar, 31-41; Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 121.

⁷⁷ Brady, Thomas A. Jr., German Histories in the Age of Reformation, 1400–1650 (Cambridge, 2009), 21–22 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ Rauscher, Peter, Zwischen Ständen und Gläubigern. Die kaiserlichen Finanzen unter Ferdinand I und Maximilian II (1556–1576) (Munich, 2004), 81–97 Google Scholar. The Common Penny Tax approved in 1495 brought in barely enough to pay the salaries of a small number of imperial officials.

⁷⁹ Bisanz, Hans, “Wien 1529–Vom Ereignis zum Mythos,” in Wien 1529. Die Erste Türkenbelagerung, ed. Düreigl, Günter (Vienna, 1979)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Rauscher, Zwischen Ständen und Gläubigern, 78–94; Tracy, Emperor Charles V, 138–39.

⁸¹ Ferdinand was elected King of the Romans, heir-apparent to the imperial throne, in 1531: Kohler, Alfred, Ferdinand I, 1503–1564 (Munich, 2003), 199–206 Google Scholar, 258–64.

⁸² Fekete, Lájos, Buda and Pest under Turkish Rule (Budapest, 1976), 17–18 Google Scholar; Pál Fodor, “Ottoman Policy towards Hungary, 1520–1541,” in his In Quest of the Golden Apple, 105–69, here 144–57.

⁸³ Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, 47–48; Buchman, Bertrand Michael, Österreich und die Osmanen. Eine Bilaterale Geschichte (Vienna, 1999), 98Google Scholar; Ungnad to Charles V, 9 Oct. 1542, in Lanz, Friedrich Wilhelm, ed., Korrespondenz des Kaisers Karl V, 3 vols. (reprint, Frankfurt/M, 1966)Google Scholar, hereafter abbreviated as Lanz, Korrespondenz, Letter 501, II, 374–77.

⁸⁴ Gábor Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan, 192–95. Ottoman fortified positions defended successfully included Prevesa in Greece, Obrovac in Dalmatia, and Osijek in Slavonia.

⁸⁵ Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, 48; Ferdinand to Charles V, Prague, 12 Aug. 1543, Simancas, Archivo de Simancas, Estado, 639, 47; and s.l., 18 Oct. 1543, Lanz, Korrespondenz, II, Letter 509, 396–97.

⁸⁶ Response of the Diet to Ferdinand's legatio, end Nov. 1543, MOE, II, 529–34, here 533.

⁸⁷ Tracy, Emperor Charles V, chap. 10.

⁸⁸ Schulze, Winfried, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16en Jahrhundert (Munich, 1978), 88Google Scholar; for the rest of the century, Türkenhilfen were usually allocated to defense of the frontier.

⁸⁹ van den Boogert, Maurits, Fleet, Kate, The Ottoman Capitulations. Text and Context (Rome, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Ernst Dieter Petritsch, “Die Ungarnpolitik Ferdinands I.”

⁹¹ E.g., instructions for Vrančić and Zay, Vienna, 13 June 1553, HHST I 10 Konvolut 1, 49–65, here f.53v–54; instructions for Malvezzi, Vienna, 20 May 1554, HHST I 10 Konvolut 3, 173–86, here 178v–79; instructions for Busbecq, Vrančić, and Zay, Vienna, 14 Nov. 1555, HHSA I 12 Konvolut 1, f. 153–61, here f. 155v–57.

⁹² Ungnad to Nádasdy, in camp near Györ, 10 Oct. 1552, in Pray, Georgius, Epistolae Procerum Regni Hungariae [Letters of the Leading Men of the Kingdom of Hungary], 3 vols. (Pozsony, 1806)Google Scholar, Letter 137, II, 331–33. For events in Transylvania, Béla Makkai, Köpeczi László, Móczy, András, Szas, Zoltáán, eds., History of Transylvania., trans. Kopvrig, Bennett (Highland Lakes, NJ, 2010), 619–30Google ScholarPubMed.

⁹³ Rauscher, “Kaiser und Reich,” 50.

⁹⁴ Brady, German Histories, 231–37; Tracy, Emperor Charles V, chap. 11.

⁹⁵ The electors of the Rhineland Palatinate, Brandenburg, and Saxony were Protestant. The other electoral princes were the prince-archbishops of Cologne, Mainz, and Trier and the king of Bohemia (Ferdinand himself).

⁹⁶ In March 1558, he was “proclaimed” emperor in Frankfurt, after swearing to uphold the Peace of Augsburg: Kohler, Ferdinand I, 258–71. Never crowned by the pope, Ferdinand styled himself “elected emperor.”

⁹⁷ E.g., subsidies with a nominal value of over 100,000 Rhine gulden a month for 1557–1559: Schulze, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16en Jahrhundert, 78; Rauscher, Zwischen Ständen und Gläubigern, 96.

⁹⁸ For this paragraph and the next, save as noted: Tracy, James, “The Road to Szigetvár. Ferdinand I's Defense of His Hungarian Frontier, 1548–1566,” AHY XLIV (2013): 17–36 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁹ Busbecq, Vrančić and Zay to Ferdinand, Constantinople, 8 July and 4 Aug. 1557, HHST I 13, Konvolut 2, f. 3–4, 19–23; cf. the undated relatio of Vrančić and Zay [1557], MHHS V, Letter LXXXVI, 300–344, here 336: when the Porte dragoman suggested that a gift of 20,000 florins might suffice, in lieu of Szigetvár, ‘Ali Paşa Semiz, now the Second Vezier, objected: “No, it must be Szigetvár, this is the will of our prince.”

¹⁰⁰ Above, note 16.

¹⁰¹ Wagner, Georg,“Maximilian II, der Wiener Hof, und die Belagerung von Sziget,” in Szigetvári Emlékkőnyv [Essays on Szigetvár], ed. Rúzsás, Lajos (Budapest, 1966), 237–68Google Scholar.

¹⁰² E.g., Archduke Karl to Maximilian II, Graz, 19 Nov. 1567, in Bibl, Viktor, Die Korrespondenz Maximilians II, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1916), IIGoogle Scholar, Letter 252, 259–61: having seen the diplomatic correspondence, Karl wishes that His Majesty's ambassadors at the Porte had not been so weak.

¹⁰³ Maximilian II to his ambassador, Karel Rijm, Vienna, 12 Apr. 1572, HHST, I, 28, Konvolut 4, f. 45.

¹⁰⁴ Mathee, Rudi, “Anti-Ottoman Concerns and Caucasian Interests: Diplomatic Relations between Safavid Iran and Russia, 1587–1639,” in Safavid Iran and Her Neighbors, ed. Mazzaoui, Michael (Salt Lake City, 2003), 101–28Google Scholar, here 105–10.

¹⁰⁵ Gömöry, G., “Türkennoth und Grenzwesen in Ungarn und Croatien während der Sieben ‘Friedensjahren’ von 1575 bis 1582,” Mitteilungen des Kriegsarchivs zu Wien 9 (1985): 155–78Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Mažuran, Hrvati i Osmansko Carstvo, 143–57. On Ferhat Beg, who was sandçakbeg and then paşa of Bosnia (1574–1588), Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki, nos. 68, 70, 71.

¹⁰⁷ Šercer, “Vojna oprema i naroužanje u vrijeme bojeva kod Siska 1591–1593;” Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki, nos. 70, 72–74. Above, note 4.

¹⁰⁸ The copy at the Arhiv Republike Slavonija in Ljiubljana is cited above, note 26; there is also a copy at the Kriegsarchiv in Vienna.

¹⁰⁹ Schulze, Winfried, Landesdefension und Staatsbildung. Studien zum Kriegswesen des Innerösterreichischen Territorialstaates (1564–1619) (Vienna, 1973)Google Scholar; Štefanec, Drzahva ili ne.

¹¹⁰ An August 1577 proposal to the estates of Inner Austria envisions troop numbers rising from 5,123 to 7,338, and the annual cost rising from 250,000 to 405,000 Rhine gulden: Spomenici Hrvatske Krajine [Memorials of the Croatian Land], doc. XXV, 33–40. Cf. figures from a war-budget summary, Vienna, Dec. 1577, ibid., doc. XXXI, 54–55.

¹¹¹ Loserth, Johann, Die steierische Religions-Pacifikation von 1572–1578 (Graz, 1896)Google Scholar; Pörtner, The Counter-Reformation in Central Europe, 66–70. Štefanec, Država ili Ne, 205.

¹¹² Based on figures in Rauscher, Zwischen Ständen und Gläubigern, 81–89, 93–96, 316–19.

¹¹³ Memorandum from Styria, 3 June 1577, DSK 170, 3rd folder, 6th document; Cerwinka, Günther, “Die Eroberung der Festung Kanisza durch die Türken im Jahre 1600,” in Novotny, Alexander, Sutter, Berthold, Innerösterreich 1564–1619 (Graz, 1967), 409–511 Google Scholar, here 414–15, 423.

¹¹⁴ Bracewell, Wendy Catherine, The Uskoks of Senj: Piracy, Banditry, and Holy War in the Early Modern Adriatic (Ithaca, 1992)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Loserth, Innerösterreich und die militärischen Massnahmen, 137–38; Loebl, Zur Geschichte des Türkenkrieges, I, 36, II, 15–25; Kenyeres, “Die Kriegesausgaben der Habsburgermonarchie,” 73–75; Winkelbauer, Österreichische Geschichte 1522–1699, 515–16; Wilson, Peter H., The Thirty Years' War: Europe's Tragedy (Cambridge, 2009), 105Google Scholar, 294–95.

¹¹⁶ Kaser, Karl, Freier Bauer und Soldat. Die Militarisierung der agrarischen Gesellschaft in der krowatisch-slawonischen Militärgrenze (1535–1881) (Graz, 1986), 81–110 Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Pörtner, The Counter-Reformation in Central Europe, 112–30; Franzl, Ferdinand II, 83–88; Rudolf Leeb, “Der Streit um den wahren Glauben,” 224, 227, 253–56.

¹¹⁸ Martyn Rady, “Bocskai, Rebellion, and Resistance in Early Modern Hungary”; www.academia.edu/3037539/Bocskai_Rebellion_and_Resistance_in_Early_Modern_Hungary

¹¹⁹ Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan, 25; Kelenik, Jóseph, “The Military Revolution in Hungary,” in Ottomans, Hungarians and Habsburgs in Central Europe, ed. David, Géza and Fodor, Pál (Leiden, 2000), 117–59Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ “Grenitzen Hauptberatschlagung,” 113–17, 131–37.

¹²¹ For Habsburg campaigns, see: the Regni Hungarici historia…libris XXXIV exacte descripta [History of the Kingdom of Hungary, Carefully Described in 34 Books] (Cologne, 1685)Google Scholar of Miklos Istvánffy (d. 1615), an adviser to Archduke Ernst. For Ottoman campaigns in the Balkans: Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki.

¹²² Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 71–72; Niederkorn, Die europäische Mächte,” 499–502.

¹²³ From 134,000 gulden to 405,000. DSK I, Zaporeda St. 169, Fascicule 101b, folder 1, document 31 (summary for Styria, July 1548), and documents 36 and 34.

¹²⁴ Darling, Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy, 237–40.

¹²⁵ Quoted by Martin Daunton, “The Politics of British Taxation from the Glorious Revolution to the Great War,” in Yun-Casalilla, Rise of Fiscal States, as cited in note 132, 111–44, here 111.

¹²⁶ On an Ottoman deficit, Ottaviano Bon to the Senate, 30 Mar. 1605. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Venice, “Dispacci dalli Ambasciatori da Cosztasntinopoli,” Filza 61, f. 54–60v.

¹²⁷ Darling, Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy, 46; Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 612

¹²⁸ Finkel, The Administration of Warfare, 68–69, 261–64, 260 (the quote).

¹²⁹ For such a loan in 1593: Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 589; cf. II, 609–11.

¹³⁰ Finkel, The Administration of Warfare, 239–40.

¹³¹ Tracy, “Taxation and State Debt,” forthcoming in The Oxford World History, ed. Hamish Scott, vol. 5.

¹³² Pamuk, Şevket, “The Evolution of Fiscal Institutions in the Ottoman Empire, 1500–1914,” in The Rise of Fiscal States: A Global History, ed. Casalilla, Bartolomé Yun and O'Brien, Patrick K. (Cambridge, 2012), 304–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³³ Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the New World Order (New York, 1997)Google Scholar. For a careful historical examination of Huntington's argument about Islam's “bloody borders,” albeit without reference to Europe: Cook, Michael, Ancient Religions, Modern Politics: The Islamic Case in Comparative Perspective (Princeton, 2014).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³⁴ Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations, 43.

¹³⁵ It is, for example, hard to find in the sixteenth century a real clash between the Latin-Christian West and the Orthodox East. Cf. Wolff, Larry, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment (Stanford, 1994)Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ E.g., Bohnstedt, John, The Infidel Scourge of God: the Turkish Menace as Seen by German Pamphleteers of the Reformation Era (Philadelphia, 1968)Google Scholar; Heath, Michael, Crusading Commonplaces: La Noue, Lucinge, and Rhetoric against the Turks (Geneva, 1986)Google Scholar; Setton, Kenneth M., Western Hostility to Islam and the Prophecies of Turkish Doom (Philadelphia, 1992)Google Scholar; Hölfert, Almut, Den Feind beschreiben: ‘Türkengefähr’ und europäisches Wissen über das Osmanische Reich (Frankfurt, 2003)Google Scholar; Kaufmann, Thomas, “Türkenbüchlein.” Zur christlichen Wahrnehmung “türkischer Religion” im Spätmittelalter und Reformations (Göttoingen, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁷ On the 1514 rebellion in Hungary: Engel, The Realm of St. Stephen, 362–64; for the Croatian peasants' revolt of 1573: Adamček, Josip, Seljačke Buna 1573 [The Peasants' Revolt of 1573] (Zagreb: Vjesnik, 1968), 44Google Scholar, 104–5, 184–85.

¹³⁸ Housley, Norman J., The Later Crusades, from Lyons to Alcazar, 1274–1580 (Oxford, 1992)Google Scholar; Niederkorn, Die europäische Mächte, 71–102.

¹³⁹ Ehemann, Johannes, Luther, Türken, und Islam. Eine Untersuchung zum Türken- uynd Islambild Luthers (1515–1546) (Gütersloh, 2008), 268–90Google Scholar; Schulze, Winfried, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16en Jahrhundert (Munich, 1978), 33–50 Google Scholar. For a Lutheran meditation on the war against the Turks, see: Ambassador David Ungnad's circular letter to the Austrian estates, dated Istanbul, 1 Oct. 1576: DSK Stanovi I, Zaporeda Stanovi 210, Fasc. 126, 2nd subfolder. Ungnad, a friend of Philip Melanchthon, had once been rector of the University of Wittenberg.

¹⁴⁰ Tracy, James, “Reformed Perspectives on the Habsburg-Ottoman Conflict: Notes on the Correspondence of Beza, Bullinger, and Gwalther,” in Politics, Gender, and Belief. The Long-Term Impact of the Reformation, ed. Burnett, Amy Nelson, Comerford, Kathleen M., and Maag, Karin (Geneva, 2014), 73–92 Google Scholar; Jankovics, József, “The Image of the Turk in Hungarian Renaissance Literature,” in Europa und die Türken in der Renaissance, ed. Guthmüller, Bodo, Kühlmann, Wilhelm (Tübingen, 2000), 267–74Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ Neumann, Iver B., Uses of the Other: “The East” in European Identity Formation (Minneapolis, 1999), 39–43 Google Scholar. The first quote (p. 39) is from Thomas Naff.

¹⁴² A point raised by a reader of this essay for the AHY, whom I thank for his or her comments.

¹⁴³ Poumarède, Géraud, Pour en finir avec la Croisade. Mythes et réalités de la lutte contre les Turcs aux XVIe et XVII siècles (Paris, 2004), 34Google Scholar. I thank Prof. Poumarède for sending me a copy of his book.

¹⁴⁴ Engel, the Realm of St. Stephen, chap. 18.

¹⁴⁵ Ágoston, Gabor, “Information, Ideology, and the Limits of Imperial Policy: Ottoman Grand Strategy in the Context of Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry,” in The Early Modern Ottomans. Remapping the Empire, ed. Aksan, Virginia H. and Goffman, Daniel (Cambridge, 2007), 75–103 Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁶ Murphey, Rhoads, “Sultan Süleyman and the Conquest of Hungary: Ottoman Manifest Destiny or a Delayed Reaction to Charles V's Imperialist Vision,” Journal of Early Modern History 5 (2001): 196–221 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ E.g., Jan Łaski (Johannes a Lasco) to Erasmus, [Cracow, 23 Aug. 1533], in Allen, P. S., Opus Epistolarum D. Erasmi Roterodami [The Epistolary Writings of D. Erasmus of Rotterdam], 12 vols. (Oxford, 1906–1958)Google Scholar, Letter 2862, X, 295:61–82. Jan's brother, Hieronim Łaski, had served as Szapolyai's ambassador to the Porte.

¹⁴⁸ Perjés, Géza, The Fall of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary: Mohács 1526–Buda 1541 (Boulder, 1989)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Ágoston, “Information, Ideology, and the Limits of Imperial Policy,” 92–100.

¹⁵⁰ Eberhard, Osmanische Polemik gegen die Safawiden, as cited in note 194.

¹⁵¹ Fodor, “Ottoman Policy towards Hungary, 1520–1541,” 120–21; cf. Finkel, Osman's Dream, 118; Uyvar and Erickson, Military History of the Ottomans, 73. Selim I defeated the Iranians in 1514, and in 1515–1517, he conquered the Mamluk Empire based in Cairo.

¹⁵² On the code of jhad among akinci raiders of the fifteenth century: Teply, Karl, “Das Österreichische Türkenzeitalter,” in Abramowicz, Zygmunt et al. , Die Türkenkriege in der historischen Forschung (Vienna, 1983), 5–52 Google Scholar, here 10.

¹⁵³ Heywood, Colin, “The Frontier in Ottoman History: Old Ideas and New Myths,” in Frontiers in Question: Eurasian Borderlands, 700–1700, ed. Power, Daniel and Standen, Naomi (Basingstoke, 1999), 228–59Google Scholar. For strands of legitimation: Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 115–27.

¹⁵⁴ Colin Heywood (n. 153) believes that the aim of advancing Islam's frontiers ceased only with the fixation of borders by the 1699 Treaty of Karlovac.

¹⁵⁵ E.g., Pühringer, Andrea, “‘Christen contra Heiden?’ Die Darstellung von Gewalt in den Türkenkriegen,” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Kurz, Marlene et al. (Vienna/Munich, 2005), 97–117 Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁶ One gets a sense of Ottoman grievances from the correspondence of Ottoman officials that has been translated into European languages: e.g. Prochazka-Eisl, Gizela, Römer, Claudia, Osmanische Beamtenschriften und Privabriefe der Zeit Süleymans des Prächtigen aus dem Haus-Hof- und Staatsarchiv zu Wien (Vienna, 2007)Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁷ Fekete, Buda and Pest under Ottoman Rule, 17–19; Dávid, Géza, “Incomes and Possessions of the Beglerbegis of Buda in the 16th century,” in Soliman le Magnifique et son temps, ed. Veinstein, Gilles (Paris, 1992), 385–98Google Scholar; Nicholas Salm and Sigmund von Herberstein to Ferdinand, the sultan's camp before Buda, 16 Sept. 1541, Austro-Turcica, 2, 5–17, here 15.

¹⁵⁸ Birken, Andreas, Die Provinzen des osmanischen Reiches (Stuttgart, 1976), 28–31 Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁹ Busbecq, Antun Vrančić and Ferenc Zay to Ferdinand, Constantinople, 4 Oct. 1556, HHST I 12, Konvolut 4, 199–201.

¹⁶⁰ Osmanische Beamtenschreiben, 22 Dec. 1552 (the quote), 67–68.

¹⁶¹ Tracy, Emperor Charles V, chap. 7.

¹⁶² Ibid., 305–7.

¹⁶³ James Tracy, “Wars of the European Continent, 1500–1650,” forthcoming in The Cambridge History of War, ed. David Potter and Arthur Waldron, vol. 3.

¹⁶⁴ For Venice's reluctant acceptance of its status in an Italy dominated by Charles V: Gleason, Elizabeth, “Confronting New Realities: Venice and the Peace of Bologna, 1530,” in Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-State, ed. Martin, John and Romano, Dennis (Baltimore, 2000), 168–84Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁵ Kolodziejczyk, Dariusz, ed., Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations (15th–18^th Century): An Annotated Edition of “Ahdnames” and Other Documents (Leiden, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁶ Wiesflecker, Hermann, Kaiser Maximilian I. Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an der Wende zur Neuzeit, 5 vols. (Munich, 1971–1986), IVGoogle Scholar, 225.

¹⁶⁷ Skilliter, S. A., William Harborne and the Trade with Turkey, 1578–1582 (Oxford, 1977)Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁸ French and Ottoman warships collaborated in an attack on Corfu (1543), in raids along the coast of Sicily and Naples (1543), and in an assault on Corsica (1553). Berenger, Jean, “Les vicissitudes de l'alliance militaire Franco-Turque (1520–1800),” Revue internationale de l'histoire militaire 68 (1987): 7–50 Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁹ Holger Graef, “‘Erbfeind der Christenheit’ oder potentieller Bündnispartner? Das Osmanenreich in dem europäischen Machtssystem des 16en und 17en Jahrhunbdert,” in Osmanische Reich und Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Kurz et al., 37–51, here 39; Rodinson, Maxime, Europe and the Mystique of Islam (London, 1987), 32–33 Google Scholar, as cited by Neumann, Uses of the Other, 46.

¹⁷⁰ Goffman, “Daniel, “Negotiating with the Renaissance State: The Ottoman Empire and the New Diplomacy,” in The Early Modern Ottomans: Remapping the Empire, ed. Aksan, Virginia H. and Goffman, Daniel (Cambridge, 2007), 61–74 Google Scholar.

¹⁷¹ Arno Strohmayer, “Das osmanische Reich—ein Teil des europäischen Staatensystems der frühen Neuzeit?” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Kurz, 149–64.

¹⁷² Lancosme to Henri IV, Istanbul, 15 Oct. 1586, in Charrière, E., Négotiations de la France dans le Levant, 4 vols. (Paris, 1844–1860), IVGoogle Scholar, 565–66.

¹⁷³ Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 625–27.

¹⁷⁴ The Clash of Civilizations, 45.

¹⁷⁵ Neumann, Uses of the Other, 44, suggests that while the Saracen was the Other for medieval Christendom, the Ottoman was the Other for a subsequent Europe.

¹⁷⁶ E.g., on Venice's role in the Fourth Crusade: Madden, Thomas F., ed., The Fourth Crusade: Event, Aftermath, and Perceptions (Aldershot, 2008)Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ Klaus Malettke, “Die Vorstösse des Osmanen im 16en Jahrhundert aus französischer Sicht,” in Europa und die Türken, ed. Guthmüller, 395–409, here 393; Capponi, Victory of the West, 296.

¹⁷⁸ Taylor, Charles, A Secular Age (Cambridge, 2007)Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁹ Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 619, referring back to Part I of his book.

¹⁸⁰ Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 397–403, 620; cf. Eric Dursteler, “Revolt and Religion in Early Modern Dalmatia,” paper read at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, New Orleans, Oct. 2014. I thank Prof. Dursteler for a copy of his paper.

¹⁸¹ Meserve, Margaret, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 2; Bisaha, Nancy, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the quote, 62.

¹⁸² Wolfgang Neuber, “Grade der Fremdheit. Alteritätskonstruktion in der deutschen Turcica der Renaissance,” in Guthmüller, Europa und die Türken, 249–66, here 255.

¹⁸³ Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 69–73.

¹⁸⁴ Rudolf Willem Maria Zweder van Martels, Augerius Busbecquius. Leven en Werk van het Keizerlijke Gezant aan het Hof van Suleyman de Grote [Augerius Busbecquius. Life and Works of the Imperial Ambassador to the Court of Suleyman the Magnificent] (PhD diss., University of Groningen, 1989).

¹⁸⁵ Tracy, James, “The Ambassador as Third Party: Busbecq's Summary Account for the Year 1559,” Acta Histriae, 22 (2014): 1–12 Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁶ Busbequius, Aurelius Gislenius, Legationis Tucicae epistolae quatuor [Four Letters on His Legation to Turkey], notes by van Martels, Zweder, Dutch trans. by Goldsteen, Michel (Hilversum, 1994), 86–88 Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁷ Quoted by Malettke, “Die Vorstösse des Osmanen im 16en Jahrhundert aus französischer Sicht,” 390.

¹⁸⁸ Winkelbauer, Österreichische Geschichte 1522–1699, I, 424.

¹⁸⁹ A process better studied for Bavaria: Dollinger, Heinz, Studien zu den Finanzreform Maximilians I von Bayern in den Jahren 1598–1618. Ein Beitrag zur geschichte des Frühabsolutismus (Göttingen, 1968)Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁰ Pörtner, The Counter-Reformation in Central Europe.

¹⁹¹ Tezcan, Baki, The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern World (Cambridge, 2010), 50–56 Google Scholar, 96–107; Peirce, Leslie P., The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹⁹² Kunt, Metin, The Sultan's Servants. The Transformation of Ottoman Provincial Government, 1550–1650 (New York, 1983)Google Scholar.

¹⁹³ Kunt, The Sultan's Servants, 85–98. For the devaluation of the 1580s: Pamuk, Şevket, A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire (Cambridge, 2000)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 8, dealing with the deposition of Sultan Omar II in 1622.

¹⁹⁴ Eberhard, Elke, Osmanische Polemik gegen die Safawiden im 16en Jahrhundert nach arabischen Handschriften (Freiburg/Breisgau, 1983)Google Scholar; Caesar Farah, “Introduction,” in Farah, Decision-Making and Change, 1–8; Tezcan, The Second Ottoman Empire, chap. 5.

¹⁹⁵ The estates still played an important role in the eighteenth century: Dixon, P. G. M., Finance and Government under Maria Theresia, 1740–1780, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1987), IIGoogle Scholar, 3–33.

¹⁹⁶ For examples of cross-border cooperation during this period: Stein, Guarding the Frontier.

¹⁹⁷ A view advocated in the popular account by: Feigl, Erich, Halbmond und Kreuz. Marco d'Aviano und die Rettung Europas (Vienna/Munich, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁸ Tracy, James, “Asian Despotism? Mughal Government as Seen from the Dutch East India Company Factory in Surat,” Journal of Early Modern History, 3 (1999): 256–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹⁹ For example, on how the Ottomans adapted European gunpowder technology: Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan, 195–98.

²⁰⁰ Marlene Kurz, “Österreich in der osmanischen Historiographie,” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Kurz et al., 53–65 (the quote, in my translation, 59).

²⁰¹ Finkel, Osman's Dream, chap. 13.

²⁰² Exclamatio sive de re militari [A Declamation on Warfare], in A. Gislenii Busbequii Omnia quae extunt [All Extant Works of A. Ghislain de Busbecq] (Leiden, 1633), 393–448 Google Scholar.

²⁰³ Hahlweg, Werner, Die Heeresreform der Oranier und die Antike (reprint of 1941 edition with a new preface by the author, Osnabrück, 1987)Google Scholar.

²⁰⁴ Above, note 170.

²⁰⁵ Preto, Paolo, Venezia e i Turchi (Florence, 1975), 155–58Google Scholar, quoting Meinecke, and citing H[ans] Sturmberger. “Das Problem der Vorbildhaftigkeit des türkischen Staatswesens im 16en und 17en Jahrhundert und sein Einfluss auf den europäischen Absolutismus,” Comité Internationale des Sciences Historiques, Rapports (Vienna, 1965), IVGoogle Scholar, 201–9.

²⁰⁶ Ocker, “Medieval Reforms that Matter,” paper read at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, New Orleans, Oct. 2014. I thank Prof. Ocker for a copy of his paper.