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From Blümchenkaffee to Wiener Melange: Schools, Identity, and the Birth of the “Austria-as-Victim” Myth, 1945–55

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 February 2009

Extract

When the last Allied soldier left Austria in the fall of 1955, Austrians could look back on ten years of profound change. Austria had been reborn in the spring of 1945 with the provisional government's declaration of independence, but from the beginning, Austria was faced with a material crisis and a crisis of identity. In those lean years following the war Austrians drank Blümchenkaffee, coffee so weak that one could see through it to the floral designs on the bottom of coffee cups. By 1955, the physical rebuilding of Austria, greatly assisted by Marshall Plan aid, was largely complete and the shortages of food and fuel were mostly a memory.1 Simultaneously, Austrian political leaders and educators had laid the groundwork for a new Austrian identity based on a mixture of tradition, Austrian uniqueness vis-à-vis Germany, democratic values, and the myth of “Austria-as-victim.” The time of Blümchenkaffee was coming to an end. Austrian coffee was now richly brewed, and more and more Austrians could afford to drink Wiener Melange—strong coffee mixed with steamed milk and often served with sugar and a small glass of water on the side.

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Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 1999

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References

1 Ultimately Austria received aid of US. $137 per capita, compared with $19 per capita in the western zones, which became the Federal Republic of Germany; see Ernst, Hanisch, Der Lange Schatten des Staates. Österreichische Gesellschaftsgeschichte im 20. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1994), 413.Google Scholar For important articles on the Marshall Plan in Austria, see Günter, Bischof, “Der Marshallplan und Osterreich,” Zeitgeschichte 17, no. 11/12 (1990): 463474;Google ScholarWilfried, Mähr, “Der Marshall-Plan in Österreich: Wirtschaftspolitischer Nachhilfeunterricht?Zeitgeschichte 15, no. 3 (1987): 91111;Google Scholar and Michael, Wala, “Die innenpolitische Durchsetzung des Marshall-Planes: Eliten und öffentliche Meinung,” Zeitgeschichte 15, no. 3 (1987): 112–32.Google ScholarAlso see Wilfried, Mähr, “Der Marshallplan in Österreich: Tanz nach einer ausländischen Pfeife?” and Oliver, Rathkolb, “Von der Besatzung zur Neutralität.Google Scholar Österreich in den außenpolitischen Strategien des Nationalen Sicherheitsrates unter Truman und Eisenhower,” both in Die bevormundete Nation. Österreich und die Alliierten, 1945–1949, ed. Günter, Bischof and Josef, Leidenfrost, Innsbrucker Forschungen zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 4 (Innsbruck, 1988), 245272, 371405.Google Scholar

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19 Peter, Malina and Gustav, Spann write accurately of “die Gemeinsamkeit des Leidens,” or “the unity of suffering”;Google Scholar see Peter, Malina and Gustav, Spann, “Der Nationalsozialmus im Österreichischen Geschichtslehrbuch,” in NS-Herrschaft in Österreich, 1938–1945, ed. Tálos, , Hanisch, , and Neugebauer, , 594.Google Scholar

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24 However, it should be added that outside the sphere of compromise, Austrian political parties had, and continue to have, their own views of Austria's past, which are in sharp contrast with one another. The Verein für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung serves as guardian of Socialist history, while the Karl von Vogelsang-Institut represents the historical views of the Austrian People's Party.Google Scholar

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28 Ibid., 405, 409–10. It is interesting to note that both offerings of and enrollment in French and Russian decreased dramatically when the occupation ended in 1955; see ibid., 409.

29 Ibid., 397. I use the terms “education ministry” and “education minister” throughout this paper. The exact title of the ministry and duties of the minister have changed a number of times since 1945, but education and teaching (Unterricht) have remained a constant at the ministry, which at times has simultaneously been the ministry for sports, art, and cultural affairs.Google Scholar

30 Bluhm, William T., Building an Austrian Nation: The Political Integration of a Western State (New Haven, Conn., 1973), 131–32. Fischer later left the Communist Party after disappointment over the policies and actions of the Soviet Union;Google Scholar see Ernst, Fischer, Das Ende einer Illusion. Erinnerungen 1945–1955 (Vienna, 1973).Google Scholar

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32 Verordnungsblatt für den Dienstbereich des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht, 1946, issue 1/2, 1.Google Scholar

33 Lehrpläne für die Hauptschulen, mit einem Vorwort von Viktor Fadrus (Vienna: Verlag für Jugend und Volk, 1947), xiv-xx.Google ScholarAlso see Provisorische Lehrpläne für die Mittelschulen (Vienna, 1946).Google Scholar

34 Bluhm, , Building an Austrian Nation, 134–35.Google Scholar

35 Verordnungsblatt für den Dienstbereich des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht, 1946, issue 3, no. 42, 69; Verordnungsblatt für den Dienstbereich des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht, 1946, no. 66, 97.Google Scholar

36 Bluhm, , Building an Austrian Nation, 133.Google Scholar

37 Verordnungsblatt für den Dienstbereich des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht, 1952, issue 10, no. 110, 215.Google Scholar

38 Ibid., 1955, issue 10, no. 84, 218.

39 A11 textbooks in Austria must cover required themes in the official lesson plans and must be approved by special committees working with the Education Ministry before they can be used in the schools. Because the process of approving texts and developing the national lesson plans is influenced by Proporz politics, school materials typically reflect a consensus and official view of history. It is not possible to determine to what degree political considerations play a role in the approval or rejection of history textbooks, since the files containing the comments of textbook approval committee members are not open to the public. But there is concrete evidence that the personal political positions of approval-committee members play a role in the acceptance or rejection of a work. Christian Sitte, who coauthored a geography textbook, experienced the approval process and also gathered several files on textbook approval through personal connections. Among Sitte's conclusions are that the personal and political beliefs of committee members do play a significant role in whether a book will or will not be accepted for use in an Austrian classroom;Google Scholar see Christian, Sitte, “Entwicklung des UnterrichtsgegenstandesGeographie, Erdkunde, Geographie und Wirtschaftskunde an den Allgemeinbildenden Schulen (APS u. AHS) in Österreich nach 1945” (Ph.D. diss., University of Vienna, 1989), 413–29 passim.Google Scholar

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41 Verordnungsblatt für das Schulxvesen in Steiermark, Mar. 15, 1947, issue 1–3; and “Eine neue Bundeshymne für Österreich?;” Die Furche, Apr. 17, 1946.Google ScholarBoth are quoted from Dirk, Lyon et al. , eds., Österreich-‘bewuβt’sein—bewuβt Österreicher sein? Materialien zur Entivicklung des Österreichbewuβtseins seit 1945 (Vienna, 1985), 5862.Google Scholar

42 Ibid., 60. There is no official translation of the Austrian national anthem. The translation cited is provided by the Austrian Press and Information Service.

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44 The best-known tribute to Andreas Hofer is Julius Mosen's “Andreas Hofer Lied,” which appeared in several reading books: “Dort soil er niederknien;/der sprach: ‘Das tu’ ich nit/Will sterben, wie ich steh‘,/will sterben, wie ich stritt,/so wie ich steh’ auf dieser Schanz‘;/es leb’ mein guter Kaiser Franz, mit ihm das Land Tirol!' ” (There he was supposed to kneel down;/ he said: /I want to die, as I stand,/I want to die, as I fought,/as I stand on this entrenchment;/long live my good Emperor Francis,/and with him Tyrol!”);Google ScholarHeinrich, Kotz, Junge Saat. Lesebuch für Tiroler Volksschulen, vol. 3 (Innsbruck, 1953), 619–20.Google Scholar

45 Friedrich, Korger and Josef, Lehrl, eds., Lesebuch für Mittelschulen, vol. 3 (Vienna, 1954), 155–56.Google Scholar

46 Friedrich, Korger and Josef, Lehrl, eds., Lesebuch für Mittelschulen, vol. 4 (Vienna, 1952), 298303.Google Scholar

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50 Karl, Gutkas, Die Zweite Republik Österreich, 1945–1985 (Munich, 1985), 55.Google Scholar

51 Verordnungsblatt für den Dienstbereich des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht, 1948, issue 3, no. 14, 25–26.Google Scholar

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53 Hauptschule für Knaben und Mädchen in Eisenstadt, 73. Jahresbericht, Schuljahr 1953/1954 (Eisenstadt, 1954), 2.Google Scholar

54 Kotz, ,Junge Saat, 2:391.Google Scholar

55 Bundesrealgymnasium in Laa an der, Thaya, XV Jahresbericht; Städtische Wirtschaftsschule in Laa an der Thaya, V. Jahresbericht, Schuljahr, 1945/1946 (Laa an der Thaya, 1946), 610.Google Scholar

56 Kotz, , Junge Saat, 3:395–96.Google Scholar

57 Heimat und weite Welt, 11.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., 210–11.

59 The fourth grade (“4. Klasse,” or approximately seventh-grade level in the United States) was designated as the year when students would put particular emphasis on their province and Heimat.Google Scholar

60 Heinrich, Kotz, Tirolerland. Anhang zum Lesebuch “Mein Heimatland” für die vierte Schulstufe der Tiroler Volksschulen (Vienna, 1949), 3.Google ScholarThe phrase “Tirol isch lei oans” also makes reference to the partition of Tyrol after World War I. The word “lei” is actually Carinthian dialect meaning “only.” During the 1919–1920 border disputes in Carinthia, a similar phrase was used as a slogan for preserving the unity of Carinthia: “Kärnten isch lei oans.” I owe thanks to Anton Pelinka for this information.Google Scholar

61 Lehrerarbeitsgemeinschaft beim Landesschulrat Salzburg, Unser Lesebuch 4. Schulstufe. Heimat Salzburg (Salzburg, 1954), 186.Google Scholar

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63 Kotz, , Tirolerland, 141.Google Scholar

64 R., Bamberger and J., Stöger, eds., Aus der Heimat. Lesebogen für Schule und Heim (Vienna, 1949), 6.Google Scholar

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66 Bamberger, and Stöger, , Aus der Heimat, 13–14.Google ScholarAnton, Wildgans was a patriotic Austrian writer from the time of the empire and First Republic. He passed away in 1932.Google Scholar

67 Heinrich, Kotz, Junge Saat. Lesebuch für Tiroler Volksschulen, vol. 1 (Innsbruck, 1952), 223–24.Google Scholar

68 Korger, and Lehrl, , eds., Lesebuch für Mittelschulen, 3:513.Google Scholar

69 Steirische, Heimat. Anhang zum Lesebuch “Mein Heimatland” für die vierte Schulstufe der steirischen Volksschulen, 2nd ed. (Vienna, 1951), 64.Google Scholar

70 The Übergossene Aim is the name of the glacier; it evokes the image of a glacier pouring out over the meadow; Die Valtbauermkinder. Anhang zum Lesebuch “Mein Heimatland” für die vierte Schulstufe der Salzburger Volksschulen (Vienna, 1947), 35.Google Scholar

71 Alm imagery remains common in Austria. Many Austrian television commercials make use of the Aim in either a pious or a comic way. There is also a popular Austrian soft drink called “Almdudler.”Google Scholar

72 The Kranzkuh is the bewreathed cow; Kotz, Junge Saat, 2:113.Google Scholar

73 For a postwar book promoting Austria and Austrian tourism, see Ernst, Marboe, The Book of Austria, trans. Gedye, G. E. R. (Vienna, 1948).Google Scholar

74 Karl, Melchard, “Fremdenverkehrsaufklärung der österreichischen Schuljugend verbunden mit einem Preisausschreiben,” Beilage zum Verordnungsblatt für den Dienstbereich des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht, 1950, 5, 4, 78.Google Scholar

75 Ibid.; the unnumbered pages of photographs are between pages 4 and 5.

76 Kotz, , Junge Saat, 3:397.Google Scholar

77 The year 1946 was the 950th anniversary of the birth of Austria, or at least, the 950th anniversary of the time the word (Ostarrîchi) was written down for the first time. At a 1946 celebration to commemorate the Ostarrichi anniversary, President Renner called attention to Austria's long existence, saying: “Now it lives again! A new beginning has been made, as by the settlers of Ostarrîchi a thousand years ago!”;Google Scholarsee Walter, Pohl, “Ostarrîchi Revisited: The 1946 Anniversary, the Millennium, and the Medieval Roots of Austrian Identity,” in Austrian History Yearbook 27 (1996): 24.Google Scholar

78 Franz, Heilsberg and Friedrich, Korger, Allgemeine Geschichte der Neuzeit von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zur Gegenwart (Vienna, 1953), 149, 157.Google Scholar

79 Provisorische Lehrpläne für die Mittelschulen, 85–86.Google Scholar

80 Robert, Endres, Österreichische Staatsbürgerkunde, 6th ed. (Vienna, 1950), 4142.Google Scholar

81 Another Staatsbürgerkunde textbook from 1954 briefly covered the Anschluss as a violation of international law and mentioned nothing else about the war;Google Scholarsee Walter, Jähnl and Franz, Stidl, Das österreichische Gewerbebuch, vol. 1, pt. 7, Staatsbürgerkunde, 3rd ed. (Vienna, 1954), 32.Google Scholar

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83 Ibid., 359–62.

84 Ibid., 357–58.

85 Viertes, Lesebuch. Ausgabe für das Bundesland Kärnten (Vienna, 1954), 177–78.Google Scholar

86 The ordeals of prisoners of war (POWs) and expellees were important aspects of the mythology of victimization in Germany as well;Google Scholarsee Moeller, Robert G, “War Stories: The Search for a Usable Past in the Federal Republic of Germany,” American Historical Review 101, no. 4 (10. 1996): 1008–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

87 Kotz, , Junge Saat, 3:620–21. Note the double meaning of the title of the poem “Vermiβt,” which can mean both “missing in action” and “to be missed.”Google Scholar

88 Viertes, Lesebuch. Ausgabe für das Bundesland Steiermark, 143–44.Google Scholar

89 Lehrerarbeitsgemeinschaft beim Landesschulrat Salzburg, Unser Lesebuch 4. Schulstufe. Heimat Salzburg, 331–33.Google Scholar

90 Viertes, Lesebuch. Ausgabe für das Bundesland Kärnten, 147–48.Google Scholar