¹ Tibor Pichler made this point in “Searching for Lost Memory” in Collective Identities in Central Europe in Modern Times, ed. Csáky, M. and Mannová, E. (Bratislava, 1999), 53–64Google Scholar. For additional literature, see Jan, Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung (Munich 1992);Google ScholarMoritz, Csáky, “Pluralität. Bemerkungen zum Dichten System der zentral-europäischen,” in Neo-Helicon 23 (1996): 9–30;Google ScholarMaurice, Halbwachs, Das Gedächtnis und seine sozialen Bedingungen (Frankfurt, 1985);Google Scholaridem, Das Kollektive Gedächtnis (Frankfurt, 1985);Google ScholarRichard, Reichensperger, “The Art of Memory between Paris and Vienna,” in Collective Identities, ed. Csáky, and Mannová, , 23–44Google Scholar

² See Thomas, Bender, “Strategies of Narrative Synthesis in American History,” American Historical Review 107, no. 1 (2002): 129.Google Scholar Bender points out, “With the exception of the historians of France that I will note, histories of other modern nations seem to have had fewer doubts about the basic framing of a narrative synthesis, and they have not felt compelled to develop new approaches, even though in many cases the other work of authors involved has been strikingly innovative. Yet the social, intellectual, and political developments that have complicated American historiography are likely, I suspect, to make themselves felt in other national historiographies fairly soon, a point recently made by Jacques Revel, a leading French historian” (129). Important works on this topic include Eric Hobsbawm and Terence, Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983);Google ScholarWerner, Sollors, ed., The Invention of Ethnicity (New York, 1989);Google Scholar and Anthony, Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford, 1986).Google Scholar

³ Important work in the “new history” is being done at various institutions and by historians and ethnic researchers, including in the Forschungsprogramm of “Grenzenloses Österreich,” in the activities of Moritz Csáky at the University of Graz, Austria and Elena Mannová at the Institute of History at the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava. Other noteworthy studies are being conducted at the Center of Ethnic and Minority Studies at the Institute of History of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest, directed by László Szarka, and the Center for the Study of Nationalism at the Central European University, Budapest, directed by Máiria Kovács.

⁴ The specific historical narrative and the new textbooks used have varied from one school to the next, depending on the political inclination of the history teacher and/or principal. Unfortunately, with the fall of communism many historians have become openly ethnic-nationalist and the spread of ethnic-national narratives has grown.

⁵ Malachi Haim, Hacohen, “Dilemmas of Cosmopolitanism: Karl Popper, Jewish Identity, and Central European Culture,” Journal of Modern History 71, no. 1 (1999): 105–49Google Scholar, quotation p. 106. Hacohen further points out, “Critics doubted that Central Europe shared a common cultural legacy and reminded proponents that multiculturalism gave rise not only to cosmopolitanism but also to ethnonational strife that ran the empire aground. Moreover, they argued that, in the absence of a cosmopolitan Jewish intelligentsia—so prominent in fin de siècle urban centers—the brutally interrupted past was unlikely to reemerge” (106). On this point, Hacohen is referring to Steven, Beller's article, “Central Europe: Birthplace of the Modern World?” Austrian History Yearbook 23 (1992): 72–90Google Scholar

⁶ Works of interest include Moritz, Csáky, Ideologie der Operette und Wiener Moderne: ein kulturhistorischer Essay zur österreichischen Identität (Vienna, 1996)Google Scholar. Elisabeth, Bronfen and Benjamin, Marius, “Hybride Kulruren. Einleirung zur anglo-amerikanischen Multikulruralismusdebatte,” in Hybride Kulturen. Beiträge zur anglo-amerikanischen Multikulturalismusdebatte, ed. Elisabeth Bronfen, Benjamin Marius, and Theres, Steffen, vol. 1 (Tübingen, 1997);Google ScholarClaus, Leggewie, “Ethnizität, Nationalismus und multikulturelle Gesellschaft,” in Nationales Bewuβtsein und kollektive Identität. Studien zur Entwicklung des kollektiven Bewuβtseins in der Neuzeit, ed. Helmit, Berding, vol. 2 (Frankfurt, 1994), 46–65;Google ScholarHerwig, Wolfram, “Grenzen und Räume,” in Österreichische Geschichte, ed. Herwig, Wolfram, vol. 1 (Vienna, 1995), 378–907Google Scholar

⁷ Kann, Robert A. and Zdeněk, David, The Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526–1918 (Seattle, 1984)Google Scholar

⁸ Mention must be made here of Friedrich, Meinecke's Weltbürgertum und Nationalstaat (Munich, 1928);Google Scholar and Lothar, Gall's Bürgertum in Deutschland (Augsburg, 1989)Google Scholar. A good bibliography of the literature on the topic can be found in Mommsen, Wolfgang J., Max Weber and German Politics, 1890–1920 (Chicago, 1984);Google ScholarMoritz, Csáky, Von der Aufklärung zum Liberalismus: Studien zum Frühliberalistnus in Ungarn (Vienna, 1981);Google Scholar and Moritz, Csaky and Reinhard, Hagelkrys, eds., Vaterlandsliebe und Gesamtstaatsidee im österreichischen 18. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1989)Google Scholar

⁹ The contributions of Friedrich Raimund Kaindl (1866–1930) and Wilhelm Winkler (1884–1984) are noteworthy.

¹⁰ Theodore, Grentrup, Das Deutschtum an der Mittleren Donau in Rumänien und Jugoslawien (Münster, 1930);Google Scholaridem, Die Missionsfreiheit nach den Bestimmungen des geltenden Völkerrechts (Berlin, 1928);Google Scholaridem, Die Rassenmischehen in den deutschen Kolonien (Paderborn, 1914);Google ScholarWalter, Schneefuss, Donauräume und Donaureiche (Vienna, 1942)Google Scholar. On the role of German research institutions, see Ernst, Ritter, Das Deutsche Ausland-lnstitut in Stuttgart, 1917–1945: Ein Beispiel dt. Volkstumsarbeit zwischen den Weltkriegen (Wiesenbaden, 1976)Google Scholar. For an introductory guide to the literature, see Gerhard See-wann, Gerda Bartl, AND Wilma, Kömüves, Südost-Institut München (Munich, 1990)Google Scholar

¹¹ Hannah, Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York, 1963)Google Scholar

¹² Notable contributions to this field have been made by Péter, HanákGoogle Scholar, whose work is now available in English in Péter, Hanák, The Garden and the Workshop (Princeton, 1998);Google ScholarHanák, , ed., Zsidókérdés, asszimiláció, antiszemitizmus (The Jewish question, assimilation, anti-Semitism) (Budapest, 1984)Google Scholar. See also George, Barany, “Magyar Jews or Jewish Magyars,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 8, no. 1 (1979): 1–44;Google ScholarWilliam, McCagg, Jewish Nobles and Geniuses in Modern Hungary (Boulder, 1972);Google ScholarBé, V´gó, Jewish Assimilation in Modern Times (Boulder, 1981);Google ScholarViktor, Karády, Önazonosítás, sorsválaszlás (Self-identity, destiny) (Budapest, 2001);Google Scholaridem, “Jewish Enrollment Patterns in Classical Secondary Education in Old Regime and Interwar Hungary,” Studies in Contemporary Jewry, ed. Jonathan, Frankel (Bloomington, 1984), 225–52Google Scholar. There is a rich collection of works on Viennese Jews that includes Carl, Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980);Google ScholarMarsha, Rozenblit, The Jews in Vienna, 1867–1914 (Albany, 1983);Google ScholarSteven, Beller, Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938: A Cultural History (Cambridge, 1989);Google ScholarPeter, Gay, Freud, Jews and Other Germans (New York, 1978);Google ScholarJacques Le, Rider, Das Ende der Illusion. Die Wiener Moderne und die Krisen der Identität (Vienna, 1990)Google Scholar

¹³ For an introduction to the literature on the German diaspora after World War II from a demographic-statistical point of view, start with Alfred, Bohmann, Menschen und Grenzen, 4 vols. (Cologne, 1969–75)Google Scholar. A good introduction to Slovakia is Dušan, Kováč, Nemecko a nemecká menšina na Slovensku (1871–1945) (Bratislava, 1991);Google Scholaridem, “Die Ungarndeutschen in der Politik des deutschen Imperialismus bis 1914,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 39 (1991): 153–62; and idem, “Das nationale Selbstverstándnis der deutschen Minderheit in der Slowakei,” Österreichische Osthefte 33 (1991): 269–84. A good summary of the German question in the Hungarian Kingdom is by Gerhard, Seewann and Edgar, Hösch, Aspekte ethnischer Identität: Ergebnisse des Forschungsprojekts “Deutsche und Magyaren als nationale Minderheiten im Donauraum” (Munich, 1991);Google Scholaridem, eds., Minderheitenfragen in Südosteuropa (Munich, 1992)Google Scholar. The literature on the Germans in Transylvania is arguably the most sophisticated, supported in part by the Siebenbürgen-Institut in Germany directed by Herald Roth. Many interesting books have been published with support from this institute in collaboration with the Böhlau Verlag in Vienna.

¹⁴ Domokos, Kosáry, Művelődés a XVIII. Századi Magyaroszágon (Culture and society in Hungary in the eighteenth century) (Budapest, 1996);Google ScholarGábor, Tolnai, Egy erdélyi gróf a felvilágosult Europában (A Transylvanian count in enlightened Europe) (Budapest, 1987).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Norbert, EliasGoogle Scholar did not think that the court played a similar role everywhere. In Prussia, with its younger and less-established court, the civilizing process worked distinctly differently than in France and in Austria under the Habsburg monarchy, which were home to the two most illustrious courts of Europe, in Versailles and Vienna, respectively. See Norbert, Elias, “Excursus on Some Differences in the Paths of Development of Britain, France, and Germany,” in The Civilizing Process, ed. Norbert, Elias (Oxford, 1994), 339–45;Google Scholar and idem, “Dueling and Membership of the Imperial Ruling Class: Demanding and Giving Satisfaction,” in The Germans, ed. Norbert, Elias (New York, 1996).Google Scholar

¹⁶ For all town names, I have used the current spelling with the German and Hungarian names in parentheses.

¹⁷ Samuel, Weber, A késmárki vértanúk (The martyrs of Kežmark) (Prešov, 1908);Google Scholaridem, Buchholtz, György és kora 1634–1724 (The life and rimes of George Buchholtz) (Budapest, 1892), which includes the diary of George Buchholtz, a Lutheran minister who records the experience of leading Protestant families during the second half of the seventeenth century;Google ScholarCracium, I., Razvratirea sasilor din Braşov la 1688 (Revolt of the Saxons of Braşov in 1688) (Bucharest, 1956);Google ScholarVárkonyi, Ágnes R., “A Habsburg-abszolutizmus berendezése magyarországon, 1686–1711” (The establishment of Habsburg absolutism in Hungary, 1686–1703)Google Scholar, in Magyarország töténete, 1686–1790 (History of Hungary, 1686–1790), ed. Gyozo, Ember and Gusztav, Heckenast, vol. 1 (Budapest, 1989), 83–98;Google ScholarLászló, Benczédi, A hegyaljai kurucfelkelés 1697-ben (The Kuruc uprising of Hegyalija in 1697) (Budapest, 1953).Google Scholar

¹⁸ For the 1720s statistic, see Magyarország népessége a Pragmatica Sanctio kor´ban, 1720–21 (Hungarian society at the time of the Pragmatic Sanction period, 1720–21) (Budapest, 1896)Google Scholar. For statistics after 1780, see Az Első Magyarországi Népszáml´l´s, 1784–1787 (The first Hungarian census, 1784–1787) (Budapest, 1960).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Perry, Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London, 1989), 195.Google Scholar

²⁰ Henrik, Marczali, Magyarország története II. József kor´ban (The history of Hungary in the age of Joseph II), vol. 1 (Budapest, 1881–1988), 193;Google ScholarBal´zs, E´va H., Hungary and the Habsburgs, 1765–1800 (Budapest, 1997), 125.Google Scholar

²¹ Martin, Schwartner, Statistik des Königreichs Ungarn (1791, reprint Pest, 1809–11).Google Scholar

²² K´lm´n, Benda, “Az udvar és uralkodó oszt´ly szövetsëge a forradalom ellen, 1795–1812” (The court and the ruling classes' alliance against the revolution, 1795–1812), in Magyarorság története, 1790–1848 (History of Hungary, 1790–1848), ed. Gyula, Mérei and Károly, Vörös (Budapest, 1980),1 425–72, especially 435–36.Google Scholar

²³ Kálm“n, Benda, “A magyar nemesi mozgalom, 1790–1792” (The Magyar noble movement, 1790–1792), in Magyarország története, 1790–1848, ed. Mérei and Vörös, 29–116, and especially page 71; Kosáry, Muvelodés a XVIII. Századi Magyarországon.Google Scholar

²⁴ Gyula, Szekfű, Magyar történet (History of Hungary) (Budapest, 1936), 5:24–25;Google Scholar also cited by Kosáry, , Muvelodés a XVIII. Századi Magyarországon, 288.Google Scholar

²⁵ Between 1746 and 1772, Szekfű found that 117 students from Magyar aristocratic families went through the Theresianum. Szekfű, , Magyar történet, 5:24–25.Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid.

²⁷ Ibid., 26.

²⁸ George, Barany, “Hoping against Hope: The Enlightenment Age in Hungary,” American Historical Review 76(1971): 319–57;Google ScholarBalázs, Éva H., Berzeviczy Gergely. A reformpolitikus 1763–1795 (Gergely Berzeviczy, the reform politician, 1763–1795) (Budapest, 1967);Google ScholarKosáry, , Muvelodés a XVIII. Századi Magyarországon.Google Scholar

²⁹ Gábor, Tolnai, Régi magyar főurak (Hungarian aristocrats of old) (Budapest, 1939).Google Scholar

³⁰ Károly, Vörös, “A magyaroszági társadalom, 1790–1848” (Hungarian society, 1790–1848), in Magyarország története, 1790–1848Google Scholar, ed. Mérei and Vörös, 1:486. There were an additional 19,000 in Croatia and Slavonia.Google Scholar

³¹ Ibid., 1:487–91. The best work on this topic is by István, Rácz, Városlakó nemesek az Alföldön 1541–1848 között (Urbanized nobles of the plains between 1541–1848) (Budapest, 1988)Google Scholar. According to a well-known story, Voltaire was brutally beaten by a nobleman in France and could not defend himself because of his non-noble status. The event played a profound role in his leaving for England and writing his classic condemnation of French noble privileges, Letters from England (1734).

³² Karl, Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (New York, 1936).Google Scholar

³³ Benda, , “A magyar nemesi mozgalom, 1790–1791,” 29–116, quotation p. 65.Google Scholar

³⁴ City Archive of Košice, KK Schneider/1–3.1586–1675.

³⁵ Ibid.

³⁶ György, Kerekes, A kassai kereskedok életéről 1687–1913 (The life of the merchants of Košice) (Budapest, 1913);Google Scholaridem, Bepillantás Kassa régi céhéletébe, 1597–1647 (A look at the history of the Early Merchants' Guild of Košice, 1597–1647) (Budapest, 1912).Google Scholar

³⁷ The supposed loan was for one million forints. If this is true, it would represent one of the largest loans given to the Magyar insurgence, but further research is needed to ascertain the true amount. See Hungarian National Archive (MOL), Neo Regestrata Acta Fasc. 54. No. 12. Johann George Schneider, 1729.10.8.

³⁸ District Archive Košice. AZI, 130, Schneider, 414.

³⁹ Balázs, , Berzeviczy Gergely.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Johann, Schneider, Definitiones propositiones Wolffinae (Lomnicz, 1769).Google Scholar

⁴² Balázs, , Berzeviczy Gergely.Google Scholar

⁴³ Balázs, , Hungary and the Habsburgs, 23.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Csáky, , Von der Aufklärung zum Liberalismus.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ A number of works can be consulted on these details. See Sándor, Münnich, Igló királyi korona és bányaváros története (History of the royal mining town of Spišská Nová Ves) (Iglo, 1896);Google ScholarKálmán, Demkó, “A szepesi jog keletkézése és viszonya országos jogunkhoz és a németországi anyajoghoz” (The origins and relationship of Zipser law to Hungarian and German law), in Értekezések Szepes Vármegye Múltjábol (1881), 1–41;Google Scholaridem, Locse, Története (History of Levoča) (Leutschau, 1897)Google Scholar. See also my dissertation, Balázs, Szelényi, “German Burghers in Sixteenth to Nineteenth Century Hungary: A Study of a Substitute Middle Class” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1998).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Demkó, , Lőcse Története.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ödön, Szelényi, “Johann Genersich, 1761–1823. Egy szepesi pedagógus” (Johann Genersich, 1761–1823. A Zipser pedagogue), in Közlémények Szepes Vármegye Múltjábol (1914), 1–74,113–140.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid.

⁴⁹ Robert, Kann, A Study in Austrian Intellectual History (New York, 1960), 169Google Scholar. A newer printing (Königstein, 1971) is available of Johann von, Sonnenfels'sÜber die Liebe des Vaterlands (Vienna, 1771).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Balázs, , Hungary and the Habsburgs.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kann, , Austrian Intellectual History, 171.Google Scholar

⁵² Bernard, Paul P., From the Enlightenment to the Police State (Urbana, 1991), 176.Google Scholar

⁵³ Lipták, J., Geschichte des evangelische Lyceum in Käsmarkt (Käsmarkt, 1933);Google ScholarPalcsó, I., A késmárki ágostai hitvallású evangélikus kerületi Lyceum története (History of the Lutheran Lyceum in Kežmarok) (Késmárk, 1898);Google ScholarEdmund, Szelényi, Evangelische Pädagogen und Philosophen in Ungarn (Miskolcz, 1930)Google Scholar. The leading expert on this question today is Eva, Kowalská. See her “Das Volkschulwesen und die Gestaltung der Bildung in den Städten der Slowakei im 18. Jahrhundert,” Studia Historica Slovaca 17 (1990): 125–52;Google Scholaridem, “Johann Ignaz von Felbiger and the Hungarian Monarchy,” Studia Historica Slovaca 19 (1992): 73–94.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Johann, Bernard Basedow (1720–90) was at the time the most influential German educational reformer. He advocated the use of realistic teaching methods and the introduction of natural study, physical education, and manual training in the schools. He called for an end to physical punishment, rote memorization, and more physical exercise for the students. In 1770, in Dessau, he established a school called the Philanthropinum, in which schoolchildren from both noble and burgher backgrounds were to study together. This school greatly impressed, among others, Immanuel Kant, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, and Frederick William of Prussia. Basedow's ideas were based on the writings of John Amos Comenius, John Locke, and Jean Jacques Rousseau. His emphasis on bringing a new sense of realism into the schools played a fundamental role in the development of German public schools in the nineteenth century. In the 1780s, he proposed to Frederick the Great the idea that the state should nationalize the baking of bread, and on different days, bread should be baked in the form of different letters of the alphabet. In this way, at little expense, the state could familiarize the lower classes with the alphabet and help them develop literacy skills. He remained a radical to the end and died in Magdenburg in 1790.Google ScholarRudolf, Biermann, Die pädagogische Begründung der Belohnungen und Straften in der Erziehung bei Basedow, Campe und Salzmann (Bochum, 1970);Google Scholar Johann Christian Meier, Johann Bernhard Basedows Leben, Charackter und Schriften, unparteiisch dargestellt und beurtheilt (Hamburg, 1791–92); Vorbrodt, W., Basedows Leben und Werke (Halle a. Salle, 1920).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Szelényi, , “Johann Genersich,” 1–74,113–40.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid.

⁵⁷ Ibid. For Martin Liedemann's boarding school plans, see District Archive of Levoca. Sz Podzupan Koresp. Horváth Stansith. Liedemann Martin, 1795–98.

⁵⁸ Benedict, Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Hungarian National Archives, 53. Berzeviczy Family 125 cs. Gergely Berzeviczy's unpublished essays on the development of commerce and trade and manufacturing in the Hungarian Kingdom.

⁶⁰ Kann, , Austrian Intellectual History, 190.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid.

⁶² Ibid., 172. The comment that Ferenc Széchenyi had attended the Theresianum was made by Barany, , “Hoping against Hope,” 327. Ferenc Széchenyi was the father of István Széchenyi and the founder of the Hungarian National Museum.Google Scholar

⁶³ Kann, , Austrian Intellectual History, 190.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid. Also see Joseph von, Sonnenfels, “Der Mann ohne Vorurteil,”Google Scholar in idem., Gesammelte Schriften (Vienna, 1783), 352,337.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ On the Sonntag family (also spelled “Szontagh”), see Daniel, Szontágh, Iglói és Zabari Szontágh nemzetség származási története és oklevelei (The history and documentation of the Spišská Nová Ves and Zabar Szontágh family) (Budapest, 1864).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Vera, Bácskai, A válklkozók előfutárai (Early entrepreneurs) (Budapest, 1989), 62–64.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Jacob, Polya, A pesti polgári kereskedelmi testüle (The Pest burgher commercial body) (Budapest, 1896).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid., 215.

⁶⁹ Benda, , “A magyar nemesi mozgalom, 1790–1792,” 29–116, especially p. 71.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Béla, Pukánszky, Német polgárság magyar földön (German burghers on Hungarian soil) (Budapest, 1936), 12.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Ibid., 76. Emphasis in Original.

⁷² Barany, , “Hoping against Hope,” 319–57, quotation p. 339.Google Scholar

⁷³ Ibid. From György, Bessenyei, Magyarság (To be Magyar) (Vienna, 1779).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Hungarian National Library, Special Collections, Correspondences of Johann Genersich.

⁷⁵ This view of the language question was similar to that of Joseph II when he made German the official language of the empire. Although Hungarian nationalists have referred to Joseph II's decree to replace Latin with German as an attempt to Germanize the Hungarian Kingdom, they failed to realize that Joseph II was simply not working within the same categories as modern ethnic-nationalist historians. German was chosen because it made sense; policy must be based on reason and utility. Similarly, the German Hungarian philosophes, while German-born, could declare that, if it made rational sense, Hungarian should be made the official language. There are many who, with good reason, would disagree. As Professor Robert Kann long ago pointed out, “Indeed, the endeavors of Joseph's regime to impose German as the official language of his realms—in Hungary, according to the Edict of 1784, within not more than three years—appear now in new light.... One should not fail to see Josephine Germanism in conjuncture with the beginnings of the Slavonic cultural Renaissance and of the early Magyar-Hungarian reform period as a stage of cultural nationalism.” Kann, , Austrian Intellectual History, 141.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Németh, B. G., “Az úri középosztály történetének egy dokumentuma:Google ScholarHerczeg, Ferenc emlékezései” (A document in the history of the gentleman middle class: Ferenc Herczeg's memoirs)Google Scholar, in Ferenc, Herczeg, Emlékezések (Memoirs) (Budapest, 1985), 5–32, quotation pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Pukánszky, , Német polgárság magyar földön, 143.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Diary, in author's possession.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Pukánszky, , Német polgárság magyar földön, 143.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ Benda, , “A magyar nemesi mozgalom, 1790–1792,” 29–116, quotation p. 79;Google ScholarSámuel, Décsy, Pannóniai féniksz avagy a hamvábol feltámadott Magyar nyelv (Pannonian phoenix and the rise of the Magyar language from the ashes) (Vienna, 1790)Google Scholar. For the quote by Ferenc, Kazinczy, see his Levelezése (Correspondences) (Budapest, 1891), 45–46.Google Scholar

⁸² Pukánszky, , Német polgárság magyar földön, 77.Google Scholar

⁸³ Domokos, Kosáry, Kossuth és a védegylet (Kossuth and the Protection Association) (Budapest, 1942), 25.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Barany, , “Hoping against Hope,” 348.Google Scholar