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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 April 2021
This article uses three well-known members of Rudolf II's imperial court—the astronomer Johannes Kepler, the composer Philippe de Monte, and the adventurer Kryštof Harant—to delineate some ways music helped Europeans understand identity and difference in the early modern period. For Kepler, the unfamiliar intervals of a Muslim prayer he heard during the visit of an Ottoman delegation offered empirical support for his larger arguments about the harmonious properties of Christian song and its resonances in a divinely ordered universe. For Harant, listening and singing were a means of sounding out commonalities and differences with the Christians and Muslims he encountered on his travels through the Holy Land. Monte sent his music across Europe to the English recusant William Byrd, initiating a compositional exchange that imagined beleaguered Bohemian and English Catholics as Israelites in exile, yearning for Jerusalem. Collectively, these three case studies suggest that musical thinking in Rudolfine Prague did not revolve around or descend from the court or sovereign; rather, Rudolf II's most erudite subjects listened, sang, and composed to understand themselves in relation to others.
1 See among others Kaufmann, Thomas DaCosta, The School of Prague: Painting at the Court of Rudolph II (Chicago, 1988)Google Scholar; Campbell, Mungo et al. , eds., The Stylish Image: Printmakers to the Court of Rudolf II (Edinburgh, 1991)Google Scholar; Fučíková, Eliška et al. , eds., Rudolf II and Prague: The Court and the City (Prague, 1997)Google Scholar; Metzler, Sally, Bartolomeus Spranger: Splendor and Eroticism in Imperial Prague (New York, 2014)Google Scholar; Fučíková, Eliška, Prague in the Reign of Rudolf II (Prague, 2015)Google Scholar.
2 On the possibility of a retrospectively defined “Mannerist” style in Rudolfine music, see Pass, Walter, “Die originelle Ansicht des Unendlichen: Die madrigali spirituali von Philipp de Monte und der Manierismus,” in Colloquium Musica Bohemica et Europaea Brno 1970, ed. Pečman, Rudolf (Brno, 1972), 145–57Google Scholar; Krones, Hartmut, “Manieristische Tendenzen im musikalischen Umfeld Rudolfs II.,” in Die Wiener Hofmusikkapelle II: Krisenzeiten der Hofmusikkapellen, ed. Fritz-Hilscher, Elisabeth Theresia, Antonicek, Theophil, and Krones, Hartmut (Vienna, 2006), 33–60Google Scholar. A more historically grounded effort to identify a common tendency among Rudolfine composers is Leitmeir, Christian, “Da pacem Domine: The Desire for Peace in Rudolfinian Music,” in Renaissance Music in the Slavic World, ed. Gurrieri, Marco and Zara, Vasco (Turnhout, 2019), 205–78Google Scholar.
3 On the careers of specific musicians, see the many articles by Robert Lindell, among them “Music and Patronage at the Court of Rudolf II,” in Music in the German Renaissance: Sources, Styles, and Contexts, ed. John Kmetz (Cambridge, 2006), 254–71; and “Stefano Rossetti at the Imperial Court,” Musicologia Humana: Studies in Honor of Warren and Ursula Kirkendale, ed. Siegfried Gmeinwieser, David Hiley, and Jörg Riedlbauer (Florence, 1994), 158–81. The sole monograph on the imperial chapel, Carmelo Comberiati's Late Renaissance Music at the Habsburg Court: Polyphonic Settings of the Mass Ordinary at the Court of Rudolf II, 1576–1612 (New York, 1987), should be read in conjunction with the review by Horst Leuchtmann; see Music and Letters 70 (1989): 84–87.
4 Indifferent to music and increasingly reluctant to attend formal religious services, Rudolf II stands in contrast to such contemporaries as Guglielmo Gonzaga (also his relative), who actively shaped musical and religious life at his Mantuan court, and to Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria, who delighted in the work of his celebrated chapelmaster Orlande de Lassus—to the point of withholding some of it from publication. See Haar, James “Orlando di Lasso: Composer and Print Entrepreneur,” in Music and the Cultures of Print, ed. Van Orden, Kate (New York, 2000), 125–62Google Scholar. A good overview of Rudolf in comparison to the Habsburg emperors immediately preceding and following him is Pfohl, Jonas, “The Court Chapels of the Austrian Line (I): From Emperor Ferdinand I to Emperor Matthias,” in A Companion to Music at Habsburg Courts in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. Weaver, Andrew (Leiden, 2020), 131–76Google Scholar.
5 The court music chapel played a similar representative role in Spain and France; on the former, see especially Estaire, Luis Robledo, “The Form and Function of the Music Chapel at the Court of Philip II,” in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Carreras, Juan José, Garcia, Bernardo Garcia, and Knighton, Tess (Woodbridge, 2005), 135–43, at 141Google Scholar. On the development of the court chapel as an institution, see Juan José Carreras, “The Court Chapel: A Musical Profile and the Historic Context of an Institution,” in The Royal Chapel, 8–20. On the institution of trumpeters and drummers in early modern European court ceremonial, see Titcomb, Caldwell, “Baroque Court and Military Trumpets and Kettledrums: Technique and Music,” The Galpin Society Journal 9 (1956): 56–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 The personnel lists were first summarized in von Köchel, Ludwig Ritter, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867 nach urkundlichen Forschungen (Vienna, 1869)Google Scholar; and Smijers, Albert, “Die kaiserliche Hofmusik-Kapelle von 1543 bis 1619,” Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 6 (1919): 139–86Google Scholar; 7 (1920): 102–42; 8 (1921): 176–206; and 9 (1922): 43–81. Michaela Začková-Rossi has compiled the most comprehensive list to date; see The Musicians at the Court of Rudolf II: The Musical Entourage of Rudolf II (1576–1612) Reconstructed from the Imperial Accounting Ledgers (Prague, 2017).
7 The defensive posture Monte takes in the dedications to the emperor of L'ottavo libro delli madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1580) and Il decimo libro delli madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1581) suggests a general dissatisfaction on Rudolf II's part with music whose primary role was to provide pleasant diversion, rather than a specific critique on stylistic, technical, or music-theoretical grounds. See Lindell, Robert, “Filippo di Montes Widmungen an Kaiser Rudolf II.: Dokumente einer Krise?,” in Festschrift Othmar Wessely zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Angerer, Manfred et al. (Tutzing, 1982), 407–15Google Scholar; and Hindrichs, Thorsten, “Towards an Understanding of Filippo de Monte's Thoughts on Music,” Journal of the Alamire Foundation 3 (2011): 244–55, at 252–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 Annibaldi, Claudio, “Towards a Theory of Musical Patronage in the Renaissance and Baroque: The Perspective from Anthropology and Semiotics,” Recercare 10 (1998): 173–82, at 174–76Google Scholar. Annibaldi's piece is a response to Howard Mayer Brown's assertion a decade earlier that there was as yet no theory to “demonstrate [via patronage] the relationship between an individual piece (or a particular genre) and the society that caused it to come into being.” See Brown, “Recent Research in the Renaissance: Criticism and Patronage,” Renaissance Quarterly 40 (1987): 1–10, at 9–10.
9 For an analogous situation in Florence at this time, see Carter, Tim, Music, Patronage and Printing in Late Renaissance Florence (Aldershot, 2000), 58Google Scholar: “[O]ne looks in vain for a Medici Duke or Grand Duke with the passionate commitment to music of an Alfonso II d'Este or a Guglielmo or Vincenzo Gonzaga.” On some musical traces of friendships at the Rudolfine court, see Lindell, Robert, “Relations between Musicians and Artists at the Court of Rudolf II,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 65–66 (1989–90): 79–88Google Scholar.
10 Saunders, Steven, Cross, Sword, and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (1619–37) (Oxford, 1995)Google Scholar; Weaver, Andrew, Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III (Farnham, 2013)Google Scholar; and Weaver, Andrew, ed., A Companion to Music at Habsburg Courts in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Leiden, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 The starting point for theories of encounter is given in Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, 2nd ed. (Routledge, 2008)Google Scholar, although her interest is primarily in the period of European expansion and colonization beginning in the eighteenth century. For a rich discussion of Bohemian and Moravian examples of a musical genre that thematizes encounter, see Edwards, Scott, “‘Is There No One Here Who Speaks to Me?’ Performing Ethnic Encounter in Bohemia and Moravia at the Turn of the Seventeenth Century,” Diasporas 26 (2015): 17–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On some of the issues that emerge when studying sixteenth- and seventeenth-century transcultural musical encounters, see Olivia Bloechl with Latour, Melinda, “Music in the Early Colonial World,” in The Cambridge History of Sixteenth-Century Music, ed. Wistreich, Richard and Fenlon, Iain (Cambridge, 2019), 128–75Google Scholar. For an accessible and expansive treatment of music's mobilities, see Fosler-Lussier, Danielle, Music on the Move (Ann Arbor, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 Gregorio Comanini, Il Figino, overo del fine della pittura (Mantua, 1591), 244–49. The dialogue treatise (a paragone on the relative merits of painting and poetry) is available in an excellent English translation as Giancarlo Maiorino and Ann Doyle-Anderson, eds., Il Figino, Or, on the Purpose of Painting: Art Theory in the Renaissance by Gregorio Comanini (Toronto, 2001); for the discussion of Arcimboldo's color experiments, see 102–3. On some of the larger music-theoretic issues, see Austin Caswell, “The Pythagoreanism of Arcimboldo,” The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism (1980): 155–61; for a snapshot of the branches of music theory as understood in the sixteenth century, Gangwere, Bianche, Music History during the Renaissance Period, 1520–1550: A Documented Chronology (Westport, 2004), 137Google Scholar.
13 Comanini, Il Figino, 245–48.
14 Ibid., 248–49. Arcimboldo associated white with the lowest end of the pitch spectrum (i.e., the bass), incorporating yellow in precise proportions to ascend in pitch; likewise, to move through the tenor range, then alto, then the superius (i.e., soprano) range in a five-voice texture, he shaded yellow with green, green with blue, blue with purple, and finally purple with brown. Comanini refers to Sinibaldi in Il Figino only as “Mauro dalla Viola Cremonese,” i.e., Mauro the Viol Player from Cremona; it was common for chamber musicians to be competent on more than one musical instrument. Sinibaldi had previously been mentioned in another important art-theoretical work: Lomazzo's, Gian Paolo Tratatto del l'arte de la Pittura (Milan, 1584), 384Google Scholar.
15 Comanini's painter outdid in color what Pythagoras could do with number, being able to divide the tone into two equal parts. On the foundational role of the Pythagoras myth in European music theory, see Bower, Calvin, “The Transmission of Ancient Music Theory into the Middle Ages,” in The Cambridge History of Western Music Theory (Cambridge, 2002), 136–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 142–43; on the myth's flawed physics, see Rehding, Alexander, “Instruments of Music Theory,” Music Theory Online 22 (2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, accessed 7 July 2020, https://mtosmt.org/issues/mto.16.22.4/mto.16.22.4.rehding.html. Painting's elevation to the liberal arts was much on the minds of Prague painters in the 1580s and 1590s; in a 1595 Letter of Majesty renewing the privileges of the Prague painters’ guild, Rudolf II decreed that painting was an art, distinct from the handicrafts. See Michal Šronek, “The Representation Practices of the Prague Painters’ Guild in the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period,” in Faces of Community in Central European Towns: Images, Symbols, and Performances, 1400–1700, ed. Kateřina Horničková (Lanham, 2018), 149–94.
16 For an accessible overview of the ancient music-theoretic tool known as the “monochord” see Cecil Adkins, “Monochord,” in Grove Music Online (Oxford University Press, 2001–), accessed 21 Aug. 2020, https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.18973; see also the more expansive treatment in Herlinger, Jan, “Medieval Canonics,” in The Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, ed. Christensen, Thomas (Cambridge, 2002), 168–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
17 See, among others, Walker, D. P., “Kepler's Celestial Music,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 30 (1967): 228–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Peterson, Mark, “Kepler and the Music of the Spheres,” in Galileo's Muse: Renaissance Mathematics and the Arts (Cambridge, MA, 2011), 174–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pesic, Peter, “Earthly Music and Cosmic Harmony: Johannes Kepler's Interest in Practical Music, especially Orlando di Lasso,” Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 11 (2005)Google Scholar, https://sscm-jscm.org/v11/no1/pesic.html.
18 Kepler, Johannes, Strena, seu de nive sexangula (Frankfurt, 1611), 5Google Scholar. The Charles Bridge spanned the Vltava (Moldau) River, connecting Prague's Old Town with the Small Side and Castle Hill.
19 “Quid sit Cantus naturaliter Concinnus et aptus.” See Johannes Kepler, Harmonices mundi, III (Linz, 1619), 62.
20 Wilhelm Peter Zimmermann, Contrafettischer Abriß und Fürbildung Welcher massen / des groß Türggen / an die Römischen Kayserliche Mayestot... (Augsburg, 1610), fol. Aiiv.
21 The conflict gave rise to a distinct corpus of anti-Turkish motets, Mass settings, and monophonic songs—exclusively by Czech composers unaffiliated with the imperial court; see Bat'a, Jan, “Furor turcicus: The Turkish Threat and Musical Culture of the Czech Lands during the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” in Renaissance Music in the Slavic World, ed. Gurrieri, Marco and Zara, Vasco (Turnhout, 2019), 279–96Google Scholar.
22 See note 20.
23 Samuel Suchuduller, Ankvnft vnd Einzug der Tyrkgischen Potschaftten wie sy allhier zu Prag den XII October Anno 1609 von Ir Röm: Kay: May: von denen leblichen Landsstenten vnd Ritterschaft des Kenigs Reich Behamb sambt den Pragerischen Treien Stetten sent eingepleitet worden, wie volgt hernach, orntlichehn verzeichnet… (n.p., [1610?]). The author is grateful to Peter Harrington, curator of the Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection at Brown University Library, for his kind assistance in reproducing this exceedingly rare print.
24 Suchuduller, Ankvnft vnd Einzug, 4. On the pasha's identity see the excellent draft article by Kateřina Horníčková and Michael Šroněk, “Staging Oriental Delegations at the Habsburg Imperial Court in Prague (1600–1610)” (unpublished manuscript, consulted 25 Sept. 2020), typescript; for the context of his visit, see Bayerle, Gustav, “The Compromise at Zsitvatorok,” Archivum Ottomanicum 6 (1980): 5–53Google Scholar. “Pashalik” is an Ottoman territorial designation and describes the area over which the pasha had jurisdiction.
25 The description in Zimmermann, Contrafettischer Abriß, fol. Aiiv, is general (“mit fliegenden Fahnen / Trummel / vnnd Schalmeyen daselb einkommen/ welche man stattlich empfangen”) but both reinforces and complements some of the details in Suchuduller's schematic. Prague's Jewish inhabitants recorded the entry as taking place on the eve of sukkot in the year 5370; see David, Abraham, ed., A Hebrew Chronicle from Prague c. 1615, trans. Weinberger, Leon and Ordan, Dena (Tuscaloosa, 1993), 14Google Scholar.
26 A Persian delegation representing Shah Abbas I had arrived in June of that year, evidently to encourage a renewal of hostilities against the Turks; see “Venice: May 1609,” in Horatio Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice 11 (London, 1904), 267–78; British History Online, accessed 1 Sept. 2020, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol11/pp267-278; and “Venice: June 1609,” in Brown, Calendar of State Papers, 279–91, accessed 1 Sept. 2020, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol11/pp279-291.
27 Kepler's encounter with Ottoman music is discussed in Pesic, “Earthly Music and Cosmic Harmony"; and Pesic, Music and the Making of Modern Science (Cambridge, MA, 2014), 75–77. While Pesic's assertion that Kepler sought to faithfully render what he heard is well taken, it does not necessarily follow that the notation is an accurate rendering of Ottoman cantillation.
28 Kepler, Harmonices mundi, III, 61: “at intervallis usus est miris, insolitis, concisis, abhorrentibus.” Kepler's treatise is available in English as Johannes Kepler, The Harmony of the World, trans. Eric Aiton, Alistair Duncan, and Judith Field (Philadelphia, 1997). For this chapter, it is crucial to refer to the Latin original as the translation does not always render the music-theoretical terms (e.g., cantus mollis) accurately.
29 Kepler, Harmonices Mundi, III, 61.
30 Ibid., 82–86. On Calvisius's Melopoeia seu melodiae condendae ratio (Erfurt, 1592) and its relation to contemporary music theory, see Paul Walker, Theories of Fugue from Josquin to J. S. Bach (Rochester, NY, 2000), 78–79.
31 Kepler, Harmonices Mundi, III, 61-2: “Nihil dicemus de stridulo illo more canendi, quo solent uti Turcae et Ungari pro classico suo: brutorum potius animantum voces inconditas, quam humanam Naturam imitati.” Although Kepler uses the term “Hungarians,” he almost certainly understood this to refer to the Turks and Hungarians fighting to maintain and expand Ottoman control in Hungary.
32 Kepler, Harmonices mundi, III, 62.
33 Relaciones de Don Ivan de Persia … Divididas en tres libros. Donde se tratan las cosas notables de Persia … y las que vido en el viaje que hizo à España (Vallodolid, 1604), a translation of the original Persian. A convert to Catholicism, “Juan of Persia” was born Uruch Beg. The correspondence of the Buda pasha in, for example, Gustav Bayerle, ed., The Hungarian Letters of Ali Pasha of Buda, 1606–1616 (Budapest, 1991) has yet to be read with a sensitivity to sound.
34 Zimmermann, Contrafettischer Abriß, fol. B [i]r.
35 Juan Caramuel y Lobkowitz, Encyclopaedia concionatoria (Prague, 1652), 50Google Scholar. On Caramuel as music theorist, see Bianchi, Eric, “Scholars, Friends, Plagiarists: The Musician as Author in the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 70 (2017): 61–128CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
36 On Harant's life and his place in the intellectual milieu of early modern Bohemia, see Koldinská, Marie, Kryštof Harant z Polžic a Bezdružic: Cesta intelektuála k popravišti (Prague, 2004)Google Scholar. A helpful (albeit a bit dated) overview of his musical output is Jan Racek, Kryštof Harant z Polžic a Jeho Doba, specifically “Harantovo Dílo Literární a Hudební,” 41–140. On the larger context for Harant's encounter with Muslims, see Lisy-Wagner, Laura, Islam, Christianity and the Making of Czech Identity, 1453–1683 (London, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37 Kryštof Harant, Putowánj aneb Cesta z Kralowstwj Cžeského do Města Benátek: Odtud po Moři do Země Swaté / země Jůdské / a dále do Egypt a welikého Města Kairu (Prague, 1608). A German translation prepared by Johann Georg Harant in 1638 was issued as Der Christliche Ulysses: oder weit-versuchte Cavallier, fürgestellt in der Bereisung, sowol deß Heiligen Landes, als viel andrer morgenländischer Provinzen, Landschafften, und berühmter Städte (Nuremberg, 1678).
38 Zuallart, Jean, Viaggio di Gerusalemme (Venice, 1587), 385ffGoogle Scholar. See Harant, Putowánj, 170, where he includes musical notation for the hymn Eia fratres carissimi, with the implication that the same tune would be used for other hymn texts he provides.
39 The motet is edited along with other Harant compositions in Jiří Berkovec, ed., Kryštof Harant z Polžic a Bezdružic Opera Musica (Prague, 1956).
40 Harant, Putowánj, I, 398; and Harant, Der Christliche Ulysses, I, 472.
41 Jan Bohutský, dedication to Lauterbach, Georg, Politia Historica, o Wrchnostech a Spráwcých Swětských, Knihy Patery (Prague, 1606)Google Scholar, fols. Aiii r-v.
42 Harant, Putowánj aneb cesta, II, 59: “a pohlédagjce nahoru do oken / muzykau kterau osebau wezli, sebe obwesekowal / s welikým swým zaliobwaánjm / a nassjm tegným smjchem: gakoby swiné pjskala a Osel bubnowal. Gakž každý z Kontrffektu té gegich muzyky / co za harmonij býti musyla, sauditi mocy bude.” See also Harant, Der Christliche Ulysses, 552–53: “und erlustirten sich mit bey sich habender Music mit ihren grossem Belieben uns aber zum heimlichen Gelächter / als wann eine Sau pfeiffen und ein Esel trummeln thäte. Wie solches aus der Abbildung ihrer Music was es für eine Harmonia gewesen seye / abzunehmen ist.”
43 The author is grateful to ethnomusicologist Michael O’ Toole for suggestions about the kinds of instruments depicted and the significance of the musicians’ attire. On music and Sufi spiritual practice, see Feldman, Walter, Music of the Ottoman Court: Makam, Composition, and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire (Berlin, 1996), 85–93Google Scholar; on instruments, see ibid., 110–119 and 142–53. Harant's textual description suggests he heard a standard type of Mevlevi ensemble characterized by flutes (ney) and percussion, along with a singer (ibid., 109).
44 Harant, Putowánj, I, 398.
45 Harant, Der Christliche Ulysses, 92.
46 The most comprehensive study of Monte's motets remains Michael Silies, Des Motetten des Philippe de Monte (Göttingen, 2009).
47 For a good summary, see Shell, Alison, Oral Culture and Catholicism in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2007), 126–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, drawing largely on Joseph Kerman's influential analysis in The Masses and Motets of William Byrd (Berkeley, 1981); see also Kerman, Joseph, “Music and Politics: The Case of William Byrd (1540–1623),” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 144 (2000): 275–87Google Scholar; Harley, John, William Byrd: Gentleman of the Chapel Royal (Aldershot, 1997)Google Scholar; Bray, Roger, “British Library, R.M. 24 D 2 (John Baldwin's Commonplace Book): An Index and Commentary,” Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 12 (1974): 137–51Google Scholar.
48 The prefatory poem by Ferdinando Heybourne in Byrd and Tallis, Cantiones sacrae (London, 1575) suggests Thomas Tallis was Byrd's teacher, making it likely that Byrd was a member of the Chapel Royal or, possibly, at St. Paul's. Unlike Habsburg music chapel records, Chapel Royal rosters do not name the choirboys.
49 As late as 1958, there was in the holdings of the Cuzco Cathedral a copy of Monte's Missa ad modulum Benedicta es sex vocum (Antwerp, 1579), bound with Rogier's posthumous Missae sex (Madrid, 1598); see Stevenson, Robert, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas (Washington, DC, 1970), 30 and 249Google Scholar.
50 Kerman, The Masses and Motets, 43.
51 On this episode, see chapter 3 (“‘Paper, ynke and pen’: A Literary Memoria”) in Kilroy, Gerard, Edmund Campion: Memory and Transcription (Milton Park, 2016)Google Scholar.
52 McCoog, Thomas SJ, “‘Guiding Souls to Goodness and Devotion’: Clandestine Publications and the English Jesuit Mission,” in Publishing Subversive Texts in Elizabethan England and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Leiden, 2016), 93–110, at 106Google Scholar.
53 Byrd's setting survives in several manuscript versions; a version giving only the first stanza of text (which does not name Campion) was printed in Psalmes, Sonets, & Songs of sadnes, and pietie (London, 1588). On Byrd's political motets, see especially Monson, Craig, “Byrd, the Catholics, and the Motet: The Hearing Reopened,” in Hearing the Motet, ed., Pesce, Dolores (Oxford, 1997), 348–74Google Scholar.
54 Prague, Národní Muzeum, ms. AZ 37 (formerly XIV C 149).
55 Psalm 136: 5–6: “Si oblitus fuero tui, Jerusalem, oblivioni detur dextra mea. /Adhaereat lingua mea faucibus meis, si non meminero tui.”
56 See the various essays in Prins, Jacomien and Vanhaelen, Maude, eds., Sing Aloud Harmonious Spheres: Renaissance Conceptions of Cosmic Harmony (New York, 2018)Google Scholar.
57 Hartmut Krones, “Manieristische Tendenzen im musikalischen Umfeld Rudolfs II.,” in Die Wiener Hofmusikkappelle II. Krisenzeiten der Hofmusikkappellen, ed. Elizabeth Fritz-Hilscher and Theophil Antonicek (Vienna, 2006), 21–31.
58 Johnson, Nicholas, “Carolus Luython's Missa super basim Caesar Vive and Hermetic Astrology in Early Seventeenth-Century Prague,” Musica Disciplina 56 (2011): 419–62Google Scholar.
59 Leitmeir, Da pacem Domine.
60 The work of Jan Bat'a is exemplary of the rich insights that can be gained by studying the relationship between the court and the city. See, among others, Bat'a, Jan, “Luca Marenzio and the Czech Lands,” Hudební Věda 46 (2007): 117–26Google Scholar; Jan Bat'a, “Quod laudat praesens, omnis mirabitur aetas: Graduál Trubky z Rovin, jeho repertoár a evropský kontext,” in Littera Nigro scripta manet: In honorem Jaromir Černý, ed. Jan Bat'a, Jiří Kroupa, and Lenka Mráčková (Prague, 2009), 126–52. See also Bilwachs, Jan, “Die Konkordanzen der Carl Luythons Motteten Bellum insigne und Festa dies hodie,” Musicologica Brunensia 51 (2016): 37–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Honisch, Erika Supria, “Music In-Between: Sacred Songs in Bohemia, 1517–1618,” in Renaissance Music in the Slavic World, ed. Gurrieri, Marco and Zara, Vasco (Turnhout, 2019), 169–204Google Scholar.
61 For a thoughtful reflection on how musical sources might be used as historical documents, see Champion, Matthew and Stanyon, Miranda, “Musicalising History,” in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 29 (2019): 79–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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