¹ See, for example, Weindling, Paul, Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870–1945 (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar; Soloway, Richard A., Demography and Degeneration. Eugenics and the Declining Birthrate in Twentieth-Century Britain (Chapel Hill, NC, 1990)Google Scholar; Schneider, William H., Quality and Quantity: The Quest for Biological Degeneration in Twentieth-Century France (Cambridge, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cassata, Francesco, Molti, sani e forti. L'eugenetica in Italia (Torino, 2006)Google Scholar; and Broberg, Gunnar and Roll-Hansen, Nils, eds., Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Demark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland, 2nd ed. (East Lansing, 2005)Google Scholar.

² See, in this respect, Stepan, Nancy Leys, “The Hour of Eugenics”: Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca, 1991)Google Scholar; Kühl, Stefan, The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar, and Turda, Marius and Weindling, Paul J., “Eugenics, Race and Nation in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900–1940: A Historiographic Overview,” in “Blood and Homeland”: Eugenics and Racial Nationalism in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900–1940, eds. Turda, Marius, Weindling, Paul J. (Budapest, 2007), 1–20Google Scholar.

³ Interest in Central and Eastern European eugenics has so far been almost exclusively limited to Austria. See Byer, Doris, Rassenhygiene und Wohlfahrtspflege. Zur Entstehung eines sozialdemokratischen Machtdispositivs in Österreich bis 1934 (Frankfurt, 1988)Google Scholar; and Baader, Gerhard, Hofer, Veronika, Mayer, Thomas, eds., Eugenik in Österreich, Biopolitische Strukturen von 1900–1945 (Vienna, 2007)Google Scholar. Only recently has attention been devoted to Romanian, Polish, and Czech eugenics; see Bucur, Maria, Eugenics and Modernization in Interwar Romania (Pittsburgh, 2001)Google Scholar; Gawin, Magdalena, Rasa i nowoczesność. Historia polskiego ruchu eugenicznego (1880–1952) (Warsaw, 2003)Google Scholar; Michal Šimůnek, “Eugenics, Social Genetics and Racial Hygiene: Plans for the Scientific Regulation of Human Heredity in the Czech Lands, 1900–1925,” in “Blood and Homeland,” 145–66.

⁴ See Turda, Marius, “‘A New Religion’: Eugenics and Racial Scientism in Pre-World War I Hungary,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7, no. 3 (2006): 303–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem., “Heredity and Eugenic Thought in Early Twentieth-Century Hungary,” Orvostörténeti Közleméney 52, nos. 1–2 (2006): 101–18; and idem., “The First Debates on Eugenics in Hungary, 1910–1918,” in “Blood and Homeland,” 185–221.

⁵ Deák, István, “The Decline and Fall of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914–18,” in Hungary in Revolution, 1918–1919: Nine Essays, ed. Völgyes, Iván (Lincoln, NE, 1971), 17Google Scholar.

⁶ According to István Deák, 8.3 million men were mobilized in the k. u. k. army, out of which 3.8 million were Hungarian citizens. See Deák, “The Decline and Fall,” 18. For older statistics, see Kollarits, Jenő, “Beiträge zur Biologie des Krieges mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Ungartums,” Archiv für Rassen- und Gesellschaftsbiologie 25, no. 1 (1931): 19–41Google Scholar; Szél, Theodore, “The Genetic Effects of the War in Hungary,” in A Decade of Progress in Eugenics. Scientific Papers of the Third International Congress of Eugenics held at American Museum of Natural History, New York, August 21–23, 1932 (Baltimore, 1934), 249–54Google Scholar.

⁷ Deák, “The Decline and Fall,” 18.

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ For a general survey, see Essays on World War I: Total War and Peacemaking. A Case Study of Trianon, eds. Béla K. Király et al. (New York, 1984); and Galántai, József, Hungary in the First World War (Budapest, 1989)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Contrary to its recognized importance, the relationship between war and eugenics has not yet benefited from sustained attention in the scholarship. Among those studies discussing the topic, see Stepan, Nancy Leys, “‘Nature's Pruning Hook’: War, Race and Evolution, 1914–1918,” in The Political Culture of Modern Britain: Studies in Memory of Stephen Koss, ed. Bean, J. M. W. (London, 1987), 129–48Google Scholar. See also Kühl, Stefan, “The Relationship between Eugenics and the So-Called ‘Euthanasia Action’ in Nazi Germany: A Eugenically Motivated Peace Policy and the Killing of the Mentally Handicapped during the Second World War,” in Science in the Third Reich, ed. Szöllösi-Janze, Margit (Oxford, 2001), 185–210Google Scholar. For the relationship between Darwinism and war, see Crook, Paul, Darwinism, War and History: The Debate over the Biology of War from the “Origin of Species” to the First World War (Cambridge, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ Among the most recent contributions worth mentioning are: “The Public and Private History of Eugenics,” special issue of The Public Historian 29, no. 3 (2007); “Eugenics: Old and New,” special issue of New Formations no. 60 (2007); and “Eugenics, Sex and State,” special issue of Studies in the History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, no. 39 (2008).

¹² Ploetz, Alfred, Grundlinien einer Rassen-Hygiene, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1895): 147Google Scholar.

¹³ (Anonymous), “Eugenics and War,” The Lancet 187, no. 4830 (1916): 685. For similar views, see also Darwin, Leonard, “Eugenics During and After the War,” The Eugenics Review 7, no. 2 (1915): 91–106Google ScholarPubMed.

¹⁴ See Lindsay, J. A., “The Eugenic and Social Influence of the War,” The Eugenics Review 10, no. 3 (1918): 133–34Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Pearson, Karl, National Life from the Standpoint of Science (London, 1901)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Nicolai, Georg F., Die Biologie des Krieges (Zürich, 1917)Google Scholar. The first English translation was published in 1918.

¹⁷ Fülöp, Zsigmond, “Van-e háborus ösztön?” “Darwin” 17, no. 20 (1918): 232Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Ibid., 233.

¹⁹ Ibid., 333.

²⁰ Ibid., 234.

²¹ Ibid.

²² Méhely, Lajos, A háború biológiája (Budapest, 1915)Google Scholar. See also Gáspár, János, Méhely Lajos és a tudományos fajvédelem Magyarországon (Budapest, 1931)Google Scholar; and Gyurgyák, János, A zsidókérdés Magyarországon. Politikai eszmetörténet (Budapest, 2001), 387–90Google Scholar.

²³ Méhely, A háború biológiája, 5.

²⁴ Ibid.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Ibid., 12 (emphasis in the original).

²⁷ Ibid., 19.

²⁸ Ibid., 15 (emphasis in the original).

²⁹ Ibid., 19.

³⁰ Ibid., 24.

³¹ Ibid.

³² See Gilman, Sander L., The Jew's Body (London, 1991)Google Scholar; Afron, John M., Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in Fin-de-Siecle Europe (New Haven, 1994)Google Scholar; and Presner, Todd, Muscular Judaism: The Jewish Body and the Politics of Regeneration (London, 2007)Google Scholar. For the Hungarian context, see Hanák, Péter, ed., Zsidókérdés, asszimiláció, antiszemitizmus: Tanulmányok a zsidókérdésröl a huszadik századi Magyarországon (Budapest, 1984)Google Scholar; Patai, Raphael, The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture, Psychology (Detroit, 1996)Google Scholar.

³³ The accusation that Jews avoided military service during World War I was largely unfounded. Yet anti-Jewish pamphlets and sentiments in Hungary increased after the outbreak of the war in 1914. Even progressive journals like Huszadik Század engaged with the topic. See, for example, Szabó, Dezső, “A magyar zsidóság organikus elhelyezkedése,” Huszadik Század 15, no. 3 (1914): 340–47Google Scholar; and the public debate organized under the title “A zsidóság problémája,” Huszadik Század 15, no. 4 (1914): 561–66. In 1917, Oszkár Jászi prepared a survey on the so-called “Jewish question” in Hungary. See Jászi, Oszkár, ed., A Zsidókérdés Magyarországon. A Huszadik Század Körkérdése (Budapest, 1917)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Gyurgyák, A zsidókérdés Magyarországon, 390. See also, Ungvári, Tamás, The “Jewish Question” in Europe: The Case of Hungary (Boulder, CO, 2000)Google Scholar. The expressed anti-Semitism of some of the Hungarian eugenicists did not escape the attention of their contemporaries. In a letter dated 29 January 1914, for instance, the noted Hungarian psychoanalyst Sándor Ferenczi informed Sigmund Freud that Apáthy, István “has put himself at the head of the ‘eugenic movement’ and from this position has let loose against psychoanalysis—as a panerotic aberration of the Jewish spirit.” In The Correspondence of Sigmund Freud and Sándor Ferenczi, vol. 1, 1908–1914, ed. Brabant, Eva, Falzeder, Ernst, and Giampieri-Deutsch, Patrizia (Cambridge, MA, 1993), 535Google Scholar.

³⁵ Méhely, A háború biológiája, 26.

³⁶ Ibid.

³⁷ Ibid.

³⁸ Galántai, Hungary in the First World War, 93–95.

³⁹ Ibid., 139.

⁴⁰ August von Cramon (1861–1940), the German liaison officer with the Austro-Hungarian supreme command, remarked later that after these battles he experienced a sense of “liberation from an almost unbearable pressure, relief from the greatest worries, renewed confidence, and the sudden hope of victory.” See von Cramon, August, Unser österreich-ungarischer Bundesgenosse im Weltkriege. Erinnerungen aus meiner vierjährigen Tätigkeit als bevollmächtiger deutscher General beim k. u. k. Armeeoberkomando (Berlin, 1920), 15Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Lenhossék, Mihály, “A háború és a létért való küzelem tétele,” Természettudományi közlöny 47, nos. 619–620 (1915): 91–95Google Scholar.

⁴² Lenhossék, “A háború,” 95.

⁴³ Ibid.

⁴⁴ Hoffmann, Géza, “Fajegészségtan és népesedési politika,” Természettudományi közlöny 48, nos. 19–20 (1916): 617–21Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ibid., 617. One can easily identify here the same disguised anti-Jewish racial imagery that Méhely had used in his 1915 pamphlet.

⁴⁶ Ibid.

⁴⁷ Ibid.

⁴⁸ Ibid.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 619.

⁵⁰ Ibid.

⁵¹ Ibid., 620.

⁵² Ibid., 621.

⁵³ von Hoffmann, Geza, Krieg und Rassenhygiene. Die bevölkerungspolitischen Aufgaben nach dem Kriege (Munich, 1916), 7Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Ibid., 9.

⁵⁵ Ibid., 10–12.

⁵⁶ Ibid., 16.

⁵⁷ Ibid., 17.

⁵⁸ Ibid., 18.

⁵⁹ Ibid., 21.

⁶⁰ Ibid., 22–23.

⁶¹ Ibid., 29.

⁶² Apáthy, István, “A fajegészségtan köre és feladatai,” part I, Természettudományi Közlöny 50, nos. 689–690 (1918): 6–21Google Scholar; and Apáthy, István, “A fajegészségtan köre és feladatai,” part II, Természettudományi Közlöny 50, 691–692 (1918): 81–101Google Scholar.

⁶³ Apáthy, “A fajegészségtan,” I:8.

⁶⁴ Ibid., I:9.

⁶⁵ Ibid., II:101.

⁶⁶ Ibid., I:9.

⁶⁷ Ibid.

⁶⁸ Ibid., II:100.

⁶⁹ Ibid., II:101 (emphasis in the original).

⁷⁰ Lenhossék, Mihály, “A népfajok és az eugenika,” Természettudományi közlöny 50, nos. 695–696 (1918): 214–16Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Ibid., 214.

⁷² Ibid.

⁷³ Ibid., 230.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 241.

⁷⁵ Ibid.

⁷⁶ Weindling, Paul J., Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890–1945 (Oxford, 2000), 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a survey of the epidemics experienced by Ukrainian subjects of the Russian Empire under German occupation, see Eley, Geoff, “Remapping the Nation: War, Revolutionary Upheaval and State Formation in Eastern Europe, 1914–1923,” in Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Historical Perspective, ed. Potichnyi, Peter J. and Aster, Howard (Edmonton, 1990), 205–46Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Somogyi, Zsigmond, “A háború és a fertőző beteségek,” Termésettudományi közlöny 46, nos. 18–19 (1914)Google Scholar: 652–57; and Entz, Béla, “Küzdelem a fertőző beteségek ellen a háborúban,” Termésettudományi közlöny 48, nos. 15–16 (1916): 489–512Google Scholar. See also Schmidt, Béla, “A fertőző nemibetegségek és a háború,” Huszadik Század 17, no. 3–4 (1916): 286–88Google Scholar. To give just one example: at the medical clinic affiliated with Péter Pázmány University in Budapest, the number of those registered as affected by sexually transmitted diseases rose from 9 percent in 1915 to 16 percent in 1916 and 26 percent in 1918. See Melly, József, “A nemi betegségek elterjedettsége, különös tekintettel a székesfővárosra,” in Doros, Gábor and Melly, József, A nemi betegségek kérdése Budapesten, vol. 1 (Budapest, 1930): 396–489Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Farkas, Géza, “A hadsereg táplálása háborúban,” Termésettudományi közlöny 46, nos. 20–21 (1914): 673–83Google Scholar; and Buday, Desző, “A háború hatása a szellemi munkára,” Termésettudományi közlöny 49, nos. 17–19 (1917): 635–39Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Száhlender, Lajos, “A háborúban használható fojtó merges és könnyezést fakasztó gázokról,” Termésettudományi közlöny 48, nos. 3–4 (1916): 120–21Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Kiss, Gábor, “Megfigyelőállomások és sebesültszállítmányt kísérő osztagok tevékenysége az első világháborúban,” Orvostörténeti közlemények 49, nos. 3–4 (2004): 69–83Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Kiss, Gábor, “Orvosok a m. kir. Honvédségben (1868–198),” Orvostörténeti közlemények 50, nos. 1–4 (2005): 135–47Google Scholar.

⁸² Kiss, Gábor, “Hovéd, valamit császári és királyi egészségügyi intézmények az első világháború idején,” Orvostörténeti közlemények 51, nos. 3–4 (2006): 191–204Google Scholar.

⁸³ See “Predicts Cholera for Austria. Captain Charles MacDonald, U.S. Medical Reserve Corps, Says Disease Will Ravage Empire. His Work Budapest,” New York Times (11 April 1915). http://www.nytimes.com/ref/membercenter/nytarchive.html (accessed on 25 October 2008).

⁸⁴ See the excellent study of Rebekah Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities: Jewish Refugees, Jewish Nationality, and Czechoslovak Statebuilding” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2007), esp. 11–76.

⁸⁵ For the 6,100 inhabitants of Bártfa (Bardejov, Bartfeld), a town close to the border with Austrian Galicia, for example, the arrival of more than 10,000 Galician Jewish refugees in November 1914 posed serious problems, not least medical. Various contagious diseases, including scarlet fever, soon broke out among the refugees. See the report from the lord lieutenant of Sáros County to the ministry of the interior in Budapest, Magyar Országos Levéltár [MOL] K148/1915/493/37/55, in Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities,” 20. For the situation in the Austrian side of the monarchy, see Rechter, David, The Jews of Vienna and the First World War (London, 2001)Google Scholar; Rozenblit, Marsha, Reconstructing a National Identity: the Jews of Habsburg Austria During World War One (Oxford, 2001)Google Scholar; and Healy, Maureen, Vienna and the Fall of the Habsburg Empire: Total War and Everyday Life in World War I (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities,” 54.

⁸⁷ As was the case of Izrael Braunwasser and his family, who applied for residency on 30 April 1916. MOL K148/1916/543/37. In Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities,” 54.

⁸⁸ The language of sacrifice and rebirth characterized all countries involved in war, and clearly not only the medical profession. See, for example, Wohl, Robert, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, MA, 1979)Google Scholar; Mosse, George, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar; and Eksteins, Modris, Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of the Modern Age (Boston, MA, 2000)Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Bársony, Johann, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” Archiv für Frauenkunde und Eugenetik 2, no. 2 (1915): 267–75Google Scholar. A short version of the article was first published in Hungarian as “Eugenika és a háboru után,” Orvosi Hetilap 59, no. 34 (1915): 451–54.

⁹⁰ Bársony, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” 267.

⁹¹ Tomka, Béla, “Social Integration in 20th Century Europe: Evidence from Hungarian Family Development,” Journal of Social History 35, no. 2 (2001): 327–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹² Bársony, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” 268.

⁹³ Vasary, Ildikó, “‘The Sin of Transdanubia’: The One-Child System in Rural Hungary,” Continuity and Change 4, no. 3 (1989): 429CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁴ Ibid., 430.

⁹⁵ For a useful discussion of these initiatives, see Pik, Katalin, A szociális munka története Magyarországon, 1817–1990 (Budapest, 2001)Google Scholar. One should also mention here the activity of feminist organizations, such as the Association of Women Workers (Magyarországi Munkásnő Egyesület), campaigning for political and social emancipation of women. See Zimmermann, Susan, “How They Became Feminists: The Origins of the Women's Movement in Central Europe at the Turn of the Century,” CEU History Department Yearbook (1997/98): 195–236Google Scholar; and Szapor, Judith, “Sisters or Foes: The Shifting Front Lines of the Hungarian Women's Movement, 1868–1918,” in Women's Emancipation Movements in the Nineteenth Century. A European Perspective, ed. Paletschek, Sylvia and Pietrow-Ennker, Bianca (Stanford, 2004), 189–206Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Bársony, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” 272.

⁹⁷ Ibid., 275.

⁹⁸ Tomor, Ernő, “Had- és népegészségügyi kiállitás,” Orvosi Hetilap 59, no. 19 (1915): 264–65Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ See Madzsar, József, Az anya- és csecsemővédelem a háborúban (Budapest, 1914)Google Scholar; idem., Az anya- és csecsemővédelem országos szervezése. A Stefánia Szövetség alapszabályainak tervezete (Budapest, 1915); and idem., A jövő nemzedék védelme és a háború (Budapest, 1916).

¹⁰⁰ Madzsar, József, Mit akar a Stefánia-Szövetség (Budapest, 1916)Google Scholar. See also Kiss, László, “Egészség és politika – az egészségügyi prevenció Magyarországon a 20. század első felében,” Korall 17 (2004): 107–37Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Madzsar, József, “A jövő nemzedék védelme és a háboru,” Huszadik Szazád 17, no. 1 (1916): 1–22Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Ibid., 1.

¹⁰³ Ibid., 12–13.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid., 13.

¹⁰⁵ von Hoffmann, Géza, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” Archiv für Rassen und Gesellschaftsbiologie 13, no. 1 (1918): 58Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ “A Fajegészségtani és népesedéspolitikai irodalom nehány olvasásra ajánlható terméke.” Magyar Társadalomtudomány Egyesűlet, István Apáthy iratai, Fond 2454, vol. 2, file 39/1918. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Kérirattára, Budapest.

¹⁰⁷ See Hoffmann's letter to Apáthy, dated 16 April 1918. Magyar Társadalomtudomány Egyesűlet, István Apáthy iratai, Fond 2454, vol. 2, file 29–31/1918. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Kérirattára, Budapest. For a discussion of the theoretical differences between Hoffmann and Apáthy, see Turda, “The First Debates on Eugenics in Hungary,” esp. 203–04.

¹⁰⁸ Hoffmann, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” 59.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid.

¹¹⁰ Announcements were placed in Nemzetvédelem, A Cél, Huszadik Század, and Ethnographia.

¹¹¹ “Gyakorlati fajegészségügy,” A Cél 9, no. 9 (1918): 566–70.

¹¹² Hoffmann, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” 59.

¹¹³ Ibid., 63.

¹¹⁴ Ibid., 64.

¹¹⁵ “A Magyar Fajegészségtani és Népesedéspolitikai Társaság. A kivándorlás, bevándorlás és visszavándorlás szabályozása fajegészségügyi szempontból”; and “A belső telepítés alapelvei fajegészségügyi szempontból.” Magyar Társadalomtudomány Egyesűlet, István Apáthy iratai, Fond 2454, vol. 2, files 10–18/1918. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Kérirattára. See also, “A kivándorlás, bevándorlás és visszavándorlás szabályozása fajegészségügyi szempontból,” A Cél 9, no. 9 (1918): 562–66.

¹¹⁶ “A belső telepítés alapelvei fajegészségügyi szempontból,” 14.

¹¹⁷ Ibid.

¹¹⁸ After 1918, recolonization or resettlement (hazatelepítés) became one of the main tenets of Hungarian discourse on population policy and biopolitics. See Davis, Chris, “Restocking the Ethnic Homeland: Ideological and Strategic Motives behind Hungary's ‘Hazatelepítés’ Schemes during WWII (and the Unintended Consequences),” Regio. Minorities, Politics, Society 1, no. 1 (2007): 155–74Google Scholar and Melegh, Attila, On the East/West Slope: Globalization, Nationalism and Racism and Discourses on Eastern Europe (Budapest, 2006)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ “A belső telepítés alapelvei fajegészségügyi szempontból,” 16.

¹²⁰ See Balogh, Eva S., “István Friedrich and the Hungarian Coup d'Etat of 1919: A Reevaluation,” Slavic Review 35, no. 2 (1976): 269–86, esp. 275–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Braham, Randolph L., The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary, vol. 1, rev. and enl. ed. (New York, 1994), 20–21Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Not surprisingly, these groups commonly expressed their views in journals such as A Cél and Turán.

¹²² L. Tilokovszky, Pál Teleki (1879–1941). A Biographical Sketch (Budapest, 1974), 17. See also, Petri, Pál, A magyar hadigondozás történetének vázlata (Budapest, 1917)Google Scholar; Pál, Teleki, Szociálpolitika és hadigondozás (Budapest, 1918)Google Scholar; and Ablonczy, Balázs, Teleki Pál (Budapest, 2005), 120–25Google Scholar.

¹²³ Pál Teleki was also the president of the Turan Society (Turán Társaság) established in 1910. See Joseph A. Kessler, “Turanism and Pan-Turanism in Hungary, 1890–1945” (Ph.D. Diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1967).

¹²⁴ See “Az Országos Hadigondozó Hivatal népesedéspolitikai és fajegészségügyi tevékenysége,” A Cél 9, no. 3 (1918): 441–44.

¹²⁵ Hoffmann, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” 60–1.

¹²⁶ Teleki, Pál, “Körlevél az eugenikáról,” Szociálpolitikai Szemle 6, no. 2 (1917): 169–71Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ Ibid., 170.

¹²⁸ Ibid.

¹²⁹ Ibid.

¹³⁰ Fenyvessy, Béla and Madzsar, Jozsef, eds., A népegészségi országos nagygyűlés munkálatai (Budapest, 1918)Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Géza Hoffmann, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 72.

¹³² Pál Teleki, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 86.

¹³³ Ibid. Some participants, like the physician Ernő Tomor, were critical of the excessive imitation of German racial hygiene. See Ernő Tomor, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 95–99.

¹³⁴ Apponyi, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 103.

¹³⁵ Ibid.

¹³⁶ Ibid., 104.

¹³⁷ Ibid.

¹³⁸ Ibid.

¹³⁹ Apponyi, Albert, Az anya- és csecsemővédelem a képviselőházban (Budapest, 1916)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Ibid., 4.

¹⁴¹ Ibid., 30.

¹⁴² The speech was first included in Gróf Teleki Pál. Országgyűlési beszédei, vol. 1 (1917–1938), ed. Antál Papp (Budapest, 1941), 7–24. Ablonczy, Balázs republished it under the title “Szociálpolitika és fajegészségügy” in his collection Teleki Pál. Válogatott politikai írások és beszédek (Budapest, 2000), 27–48Google Scholar. Hereafter reference will be made to this edition.

¹⁴³ Teleki, “Szociálpolitika és fajegészségügyi,” 28.

¹⁴⁴ Ibid., 44–45.

¹⁴⁵ Ibid., 47.

¹⁴⁶ Ibid.

¹⁴⁷ von Hoffmann, Géza, “Eugenics in the Central Empires since 1914,” Social Hygiene 7, no. 3 (1921): 291Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Ibid., 292.

¹⁴⁹ Ibid.

¹⁵⁰ For the context, see Revolutions and Interventions in Hungary and its Neighbor States, 1918–1919, ed. Peter Pastor (Boulder, CO, 1988). For a discussion of Madzsar during the Communist regime of Béla Kun, see Kovács, Maria M., Liberal Professions and Illiberal Politics. Hungary from Habsburgs to the Holocaust (Washington, DC, 1994), 38–43Google Scholar.

¹⁵¹ “Correspondence,” The Eugenics Review 10, no. 4 (1919): 223.

¹⁵² Ibid.

¹⁵³ Hoffmann, “Eugenics in the Central Empires since 1914,” 294.