[1] This article is based on a presentation given in September 2001 at Nihon University's post colonial studies group. An earlier version of the text was published as “Meiji gensetsu no giseisha tachi: ‘Shin'nichi‘-sha to gakutohei tachi no shi ni itaru shisō,” chapter 9 of Nashonaru aidentiti to jendā:Sōseki, bungaku, kindai (Kurein, 2007), 261-288 [Trans.].

[2] According to the 1876 Japan-Korea Treaty of Amity signed in the wake of Japanese gunboat diplomacy, Japan had the right to create a settlement for Japanese within the Korean peninsula, and the ports of Pusan and Inchŏn were subsequently opened. As a result, the immigration of Japanese to Korea began before annexation, and by the time of annexation in 1910 there were already 20,000 Japanese living in Pusan, and more than 10,000 in Inchŏn. See Hashiya Hiroshi, “Busan, Inchon no keisei” in Iwanami kōza: Kindai Nihon to shokuminchi 3: Shokuminchika to sangyōka (Iwanami Shoten, 1993).

[3] See Park Yuha, Pan'il minjokjuŭi rŭl nŏmŏsŏ (Seoul: Sahoe Pyŏngronsa, 2000); Han'nichi nashonarizumu o koete, trans. An Cha-sik (Kawade Shobō Shinsha, 2005).

[4] Yi Kwang-su, “Kŭ tŭl ŭi sarang” (“Karera no ai”) in Sin sidae, January-March 1941. Contained in Kim Byŏng-gŏl and Kim Kyu-dong, eds. Chin'il munhak chakp'um sŏnjip, 2 vols. (Seoul: Silchŏn Munhaksa, 1986). All references to “pro-Japanese” texts are to these volumes.

[5] Yi Kwang-su, “Simjŏk sinch'eje wa Chosŏn munhwa ŭi chinro” (“Shinteki shintaisei to Chōsen bunka no shinro”) in Maeil sinbo 1940, September 4-12.

[6] Yi Kwang-su, “Simjŏk sinch'eje wa Chosŏn munhwa ŭi chinro” (“Shinteki shintaisei to Chōsen bunka no shinro”) in Maeil sinbo 1940, September 4-12.

[7] In Kurementain no uta (Bunwa Shobō, 1980), Kim Si-jong writes of the crisis of identity experienced by a 16 year-old boy celebrating the independence of the colonies.

[8] “Ch'oe ch'ebu ŭi gunsok chimang” (“Yūbin haitatsunin Che no gunzoku shibō”), originally published in Chogwang, October 1943, in Kim Byŏng-gŏl and Kim Kyu-dong, eds. Chin'il munhak chakp'um sŏnjip, 2 vols. (Seoul: Silchŏn Munhaksa, 1986).

[9] In November 1939, one aspect of all-out imperialization policy, the policies related to changes of name from Korean to Japanese (sōshi kaimei, literally “creating family names and changing given names”), took effect, and were enforced beginning in February of the next year. See Miyata Setsuko et al. Sōshi kaimei (Akashi Shoten, 1992). Since the protagonist is called “Ch'oe,” but his son's name is Toshio, we can assume that they also had a Japanese family name. Emphasis mine.

[10] See Judith Butler's Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (London: Routledge, 1989).

[11] In 1911, the year after annexation, the first Chosŏn Educational Act was promulgated, making Japanese the “national language” (kokugo), and referring to Korean as “Chōsengo.” See Ch'oe Yuri's “Ilche malgi hwangminhwa chŏngch'aek ŭi sŏnggyŏk: Ilbonŏ pogŭp undong ŭl chungshim ŭro” in Hanguk gŭnhyŏndaesa yŏngu 2 (Seoul: Hanguk gŭnhyŏndaesa hakhoe, 1995). After the third Chosŏn Educational Act of 1938, policies which had allowed for the joint use of “Chōsengo” were changed, and Japanese was enforced not only as a “classroom language” but also as the language of “daily use.” nationwide. See Miyata Setsuko's Chōsen minshu to kōminka seisaku (Miraisha, 1985). Subsequently, in 1942, the movement for the diffusion of Japanese language went into full-blown enforcement under such names as “Movement for Universal Understanding of National Language” and “Movement for the Use of National Language,” but this was something designed in preparation for the enforcement of conscription in 1944. In fact, in August 1944, the slogan “Let us carry out our lives in the national language to become excellent soldiers” (“Rippa na gunjin ni naru tame ni kokugo seikatsu o jisshi shiyō”) was widely propagated (see Ch'oe Yuri, above).

[12] Yi Kwang-su, “Kŭ tŭl ŭi sarang” (“Karera no ai”) in Sin sidae, January-March 1941.

[13] Yi Kwang-su, “Kŭ tŭl ŭi sarang” (“Karera no ai”) in Sin sidae, January-March 1941. The “Korean League for the Total Mobilization of National Spirit” (Kokumin seishin sōdōin Chōsen renmei) adopted the principle of “Japan and Korea as one body” (naisen ittai), and publicized its articles for practice in 1939. Included in their platform, known as “The Cultivation of the Imperial Spirit,” was an article called “Life Reform” (seikatsu no kakushin). See Son Chŏng-mok, Ilche kangjŏmgi tosi sahoesang yŏngu (Seoul: Iljisa, 1996). In the training camps for volunteer soldiers, “‘Japanization’ was always the aim, even in minor matters of everyday life. Baths were taken together, and the correct style of bathing was taught, meals were overseen in detail, designed to instill correct manners and feelings of gratefulness. Things such as the correct way to use the toilet, how to walk through the halls, and how to enter a room were all taught.” See Miyata's article cited in note 10 above.

[14] No Ch'ŏn-myŏng, “Josei rensei – Hamgyŏng (Kankyō) josei kunrenjo kanranki” (“Yŏin yŏnsŏng,” originally in Japanese) in Kokumin bungaku, June 1943.

[15] Yi Kwang-su, “Haha, imōto, tsuma tachi e” in Sanzenri (Samchŏlli) July 1940.

[16] Yi Kwang-su, “Simjŏk sinch'eje wa Chosŏn munhwa ŭi chinro” (“Shinteki shintaisei to Chōsen bunka no shinro”) in Maeil sinbo 1940, September 4-12.

[17] Chang Hyŏk-chu, “Saeroun ch'ulbal” (“Atarashii shuppatsu”) in Kokumin sōryoku, vol. 5, no. 12-18, 1943.

[18] See Park Yuha, “Kojinshugi no hatan - Kokoro,” chapter 7 of Nashonaru aidentiti to jendā: Sōseki, bungaku, kindai (Kurein, 2007).

[19] Sŏ Jŏng-ju, “Podohaeng - Kyŏngsŏng sadan ch'ugye yŏnsŭp ŭi twi rŭl ttarasŏ” (“Hōdōkō - Kyōjō shūki renshū to tomo ni”) in Chogwang, December 1943.

[20] Kwak Chong-wŏn, “Kyŏljŏn munhak ŭi inyŏm” (“Kessen bungaku no rinen”) in Kokumin bungaku, April 1944.

[21] As a result of the Special Army Volunteer Act, the military volunteer system came into effect in Korea in 1938. Only those who were recognized to have the characteristics of an “Imperial subject,” as observed in certain types of training, were allowed to volunteer. They entered the forces as new recruits on active duty, and after their discharge would return to their hometowns to become the driving forces of imperialization policy. See Miyata's article cited in note 10 above.

[22] Ham Tae-hun, “Uridŭl kwa chiwŏnbyŏng” (“Bokura to shiganhei”) in Chogwang, December 1940.

[23] Chang Hyŏk-chu, “Saeroun ch'ulbal” (Atarashii shuppatsu), Kokumin sōryoku, vol. 5, no. 12-18, 1943.

[24] Chang Hyŏk-chu, “Saeroun ch'ulbal.”

[25] Yi Kwang-su, “Chosŏn ŭi hakdoyŏ” (“Chōsen no gakutohei”) in Maeil sinbo, November 4th, 1943.

[26] Ch'oe Chae-sŏ, “Chingbyŏngje silsi ŭi munhwajŏk ŭiŭi” (“Chōheisei jisshi no bunkateki imi”) in Kokumin bungaku, May-June 1942.

[27] Cho Yong-man, “Kwangsan ŭi pam” (“Kōzan no yoru”) in Kokumin bungaku, January 1944.

[28] Yi Kwang-su, “Haha, imōto, tsuma tachi e” in Sanzenri (Samchŏlli) July 1940.

[29] Oh Yŏng-chin, “Chŏlm-ŭn yong ŭi kohyang” (“Wakaki ryū no furusato”) in Kokumin bungaku, December 1944.

[30] See Park Yuha, “Kyōbō suru hyōshō 1: Yanagi Muneyoshi to kaihōgo Kankoku no jiko kōchiku,” ch. 10 of Nashonaru aidentiti to jendā: Sōseki, bungaku, kindai (Kurein, 2007).

[31] Chang Hyŏk-chu, “Saeroun ch'ulbal.”

[32] Yi Kwang-su, “Simjŏk sinch'eje wa Chosŏn munhwa ŭi chinro” (“Shinteki shintaisei to Chōsen bunka no shinro”) in Maeil sinbo 1940, September 4-12.

[33] Kike wadatsumi no koe (1949). I here use both the 1995 edition Kike wadatsumi no koe published by Iwanami Bunkō and the 2003 edition Dainishū Kike wadatsumi no koe.

[34] See Suzuki Yoshimitsu, “Sengo, gakutohei no shuki wa dō yomarete kita ka: ‘Kike wadatsumi no koe’ to ‘Senkan Yamato no saigo’ o megutte” in Sokoku to seinen (Nihon seinen kyōgikai, October 2003). The quoted portion is the statement of Satake Ichirō.

[35] Ibid., the lead sentence of the title page in the special collection “Gakuto shutsujin rokujū shūnen.” Sokoku to seinen (Nihon seinen kyōgikai, October 2003).