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Troubled Seas: Japan's Pacific and East China Sea Domains (and Claims)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 May 2025

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Abstract

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In the two years since 2010, the Asia-Pacific region has been roiled by rival territorial claims and counterclaims to islands, islets, and rocks scattered across the East China Sea, Yellow Sea, the Japan Sea and the South China Sea. In 2012 alone, strong claims and counterclaims to insular territories have been made by Japan, China, and Taiwan (Senkakus/Diaoyu), Japan and South Korea (Dokdo/Takeshima), and China, the Philippines and Vietnam among others (South China Sea islets). These official claims, moreover, in many cases have been reinforced by nationalist statements and actions by citizens and groups, and by clashes on the high seas contesting territorial claims. In evoking military alliances, Japan has brought the US into the picture in relation to its claims to the Senkakus, while the US has positioned itself to intervene in the South China Seas clashes, setting up intensified US-China conflict. In a major examination of the Senkaku controversy, Gavan McCormack locates the issues within the broader terrain of the 1982 UNCLOS transformation of the Law of the Seas which has transformed a world of open seas into one in which the major colonial powers, notably the United States, Great Britain, France and Japan, receive huge bonanzas in terms of 200 nautical mile exclusive economic rights that flow from their colonial legacies, while China comes up short. The result is to raise fundamental questions about the premises of the UNCLOS order. Asia-Pacific Journal coordinator.

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Research Article
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Copyright © The Authors 2012

References

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2 There is a strong case, however, for the advantages to be gained by the United States in joining UNCLOS. See Capt. (Ret.) Gail Harris, “U.S. must remove UNCLOS handcuffs,” The Diplomat, 23 March 2012.

http://thediplomat.com/2012/03/23/u-s-must-remove-unclos-handcuffs/

3 According to the World Resources Institute. The CIA, using different criteria, shows China's coastline to be much smaller, only 14,500 kilometres or less than half of Japan's 29,751. (“List of Countries by Length of Coastline,” Wikipedia)

4 “Exclusive Economic Zone,” Wikipedia, accessed 9 August 2012. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exclusive_economi c_zone#United_States/

5 On Ogasawara, see Nanyan Guo and Gavan McCormack, Ogasawara shoto - Ajia Taiheiyo kara mita kankyo bunka, Tokyo, Heibonsha, 2005, and in English “Coming to terms with nature: development dilemmas on the Ogasawara Islands,” Japan Forum, vol. 13, No. 2, 2001, pp. 177-193, and Nanyan Guo, “Environmental Culture and World Heritage in Pacific Japan: Saving the Ogasawara Islands,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 17-3-09, April 26, 2009 .

6 “Iwo jima,” Wikipedia (accessed 12 July 2012.)

7 “Minamitorishima,” Wikipedia (accessed: 12 July 2012).

8 Yukie Yoshikawa, “The US-Japan-China mistrust spiral and Okinawa,” The Asia-Pacific Journal - Japan Focus, 11 October 2007.

9 Yoshikawa, ibid.

10 “Minamitorishima,” Wikipedia, op. cit.

11 See “Daito islands” in Wikipedia.

12 See “Okinotorishima no gaiyo,” the Tokyo Metropolitan site for Okinotorishima (accessed July 2012).

13 “Status of Okinotorishima Island,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Press Conference, 18 February 2005 (accessed 30 August 2012).

14 International Crisis Group, Stirring up the South China Sea,” (2), Regional Responses, Asia Report No 229, 24 July 2012, p. 29.

15 Koh Choong-suk (president of Society of Ieodo Research), “About Okinotorishima,” Korea Herald, 15 May 2012.

16 For excerpts see UNCLOS, “Summary of Recommendation of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf in regard to the submission made by Japan on 12 November 2008,” adopted by the Commission, 19 April 2012. p. 4,

17 In Yomiuri shimbun: “Tairikudana 31 man heiho kiro kakudai - Okinotorishima hoppo nado,” Yomiuri shimbun, 28 April 2012, and in Asahi shimbun: “Okinotorishima kai-iki no tairikudana enshin, Nihon shinsei kokusai kikan ni mitomeru,” Asahi shimbun, 28 April 2012.

18 “Okinotorishima kai-iki no tairikudana enshin,” op. cit.

19 UNCLOS, “Progress of Work in the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf,” Statement by the Chairperson, New York, 30 April 2012.

20 Cole Latimer, “Seabed Mining: Plunging into the depths of a new frontier,” Australian Mining, 10 August 2012.

21 “Large rare earth deposits discovered, valuable cache found within nation's EEZ,” Yomiuri shimbun, 30 June 2012. For a scientific statement of the findings across the Pacific Ocean, Yasuhiro Kato et al, “Deep-sea mud in the Pacific Ocean as a potential resource for rare-earth elements,” Nature Geoscience, 4, 535-539, July 2012.

22 Quoted in James C. Hsiung, “Sea Power, Law of the Sea, and a Sino-Japanese East China Sea ‘Resource War’,” in James C. Hsiung, ed, China and Japan at Odds: Deciphering the Perpetual Conflict, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, pp. 133-154, at p. 144.

23 “Okinotorishima,” Wikipedia, (accessed 22 July 2012), http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Okinotorishima/

24 See chapter 11 of Gavan McCormack and Satoko Oka Norimatsu, Resistant Islands: Okinawa confronts Japan and the United States, Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2012, pp. 209-222.

25 Leon Panetta, Secretary of Defense, United States, “The US Rebalance Towards the Asia-Pacific,” Keynote presentation to the First Plenary Session, The 11th IISS Asian Security Summit The Shangri-La Dialogue, Singapore, June 2, 2012.

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27 China is reported, however, to have considerable submarine and missile capacity, and the rate of expansion of military spending is certainly significant, increasing by six times over the past 13 years while US military spending heads towards contraction. (Demetri Sevastopulo, “US plans to boost Pacific naval forces, Financial Times, 2 June 2012.)

28 These notional lines may or may not reflect some corresponding Chinese strategic concepts, though the general thrust - to concentrate on establishing naval dominance within the First Line (its “near seas”), followed by freedom to manoeuvre within the Second (its “mid-far seas”), and eventual global naval presence - seems soundly based.

29 Anton Lee Woshik ll, “An Anti-Access Approximation: The PLA's active strategic counterattacks on exterior lines,” China Security, Issue 19, March 2012.

30 Ishihara Shintaro, “The US-Japan alliance and the debate over Japan's role in Asia,” lecture to Heritage Foundation, Washington D.C, 16 April 2012 .

31 One estimate of the rental revenue for the three islands for the decade from 2002 is “over 260 million yen.” Wani Yukio, “Barren Senkaku Nationalism and China-Japan Conflict,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol 10, Issue 28, No. 4, July 9, 2012.

32 James C. Hsiung, “Sea Power, Law of the Sea, and a Sino-Japanese East China Sea ‘Resource War’,” in James C. Hsiung, ed, China and Japan at Odds: Deciphering the Perpetual Conflict, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, pp. 133-154, at p. 135.

33 Togo Kazuhiko, “Japan's territorial problem: the Northern Territories, Takeshima, and the Senkaku islands,” The National Bureau of Asian Research, Commentary, 8 May 2012.

34 Martin Lohmeyer, The Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands Dispute: Questions of Sovereignty and Suggestions for resolving the Dispute, University of Canterbury, Master of Laws thesis, 2008, p. 66. (accessed 1 July 2012).

35 Details in McCormack and Norimatsu, pp. 211-214.

36 Jun Hongo, “Tokyo's intentions for Senkaku islets,” Japan Times, 19 April 2012.

37 Ishihara, lecture to Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan, Tokyo, 29 May 2012. Matsubara Hiroshi, “Tokyo Governor calls out his enemies at FCCJ,” Asahi shimbun, 29 May 2012.

38 By majority vote on 19 April 2012. (Medoruma Shun, “Ryodo mondai ‘ ni nesshin na seijikatachi no usankusasa,” Uminari no shima kara, 24 April 2012.)

39 On 23 April. (Medoruma, ibid.)

40 Jun Hongo, op. cit. and (the opinion survey) “‘Shiji, kennai 54%, zenkoku 61%,” Ryukyu shimpo, 9 May 2012.

41 “Senkaku konyu nara ‘judai na kiki/ Chu Chu taishi ga hantai meigen,” Tokyo shimbun, 7 June 2012.

42 “Niwa chu Chugoku taishi ‘moshiwakenai,’ Senkaku hatsugen de shazai,” Asahi shimbun, 8 June 2012.

43 Segawa Seiko, “Senkaku tsuba no kokkai gun fukumu 120 nin no sanka,” Shukan kinyobi, 29 June 2012, p. 8. (Segawa points out that Ishigaki fishermen rarely venture to these islands because rising fuel prices - one way cost ca. 90,000 yen - have made it almost prohibitively expensive.)

44 “Ishihara delivers blistering attack on Senkaku issue,” Asahi shimbun,12 June 2012.

45 “Senkaku kokuyuka,” op. cit. (The panda died of pneumonia shortly afterwards.)

46 “Senkaku Islands,” Wikipedia (accessed 22 July 2012).

47 “Taiwan man flubs disputed islands protest with flag mix-up,” The Wall Street Journal, 6 July 2012.

48 “Kyodo, “Government to make bid for Senkakus,” Japan Times, 8 July 2012.

49 “Govt reveals plans for Senkaku Islands,” Yomiuri shimbun, 21 July 2012.

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52 David Bandurski, “The flag that launched 1,000 headaches,” China Media Project,16 August 2012.

53 Naikakufu daijin kanbo seifu kohoshitsu, Gaiko ni kansuru seron chosa, Tokyo, Cabinet Office, October 2011 (accessed 21 August 2012).

54 “‘Kishimu Nitchu kankeľ Okinawa de shinrai seisei no ba ni,” Okinawa taimusu,17 July 2012.

55 “‘Senkaku - Nihonjinjorikď tairitsu no rensa o uchikire,” Okinawa taimusu, 21 August 2012.

56 “Japan ignores history lesson,” China Daily, 8 August 2012.

57 McCormack and Norimatsu, op. cit.

58 When Campbell committed the US to “defend Japan's territory and areas under its jurisdiction”, the latter category clearly included Senkaku/Diaoyu. (Quoted in Mark Valencia, “The East China Sea Dispute: Context, Claims, Issues, and Possible Solutions,” Asian Perspective, 31,1,2007, pp. 127-167, at p.155.

59 McCormack and Norimatsu, p. 212.

60 Jiji, “U.S.: Settle island rows via intl law,” Yomiuri shimbun, 24 August 2012.

61 Jun Hongo, op. cit.

62 Teddy Ng, “Ma makes first move on truce for Diaoyus,” South China Morning Post, 6 August 2012.

63 Lohmeyer, p. 63

64 Unryu Suganuma, Sovereign Rights and Territorial Space in Sino-Japanese Relations, Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, 2000, pp. 87, 105. (Valencia, pp. 156-157, quotes from the imperial edict, said to be in the hands of the Sheng family in the US, but he too qualifies the story with words such as “reportedly” and “apparently.”)

65 “Senkaku kokuyuka’ tairitsu kaihi e no chie o shibore,” Okinawa taimusu, 10 July 2012.

66 Nogawa Motokazu, “Ryodo mondai ni atsuku naru uha rondan no tanjun shiko,” Shukan kinyobi, 25 May, 2012, pp. 16-17.

67 Kyodo, “Ad in Wall Street Journal seeks US support for Senkaku purchase plan,” Japan Times, 29 July 2012.

68 Mizuho Aoki, “Poster boasts metro plan to buy Senkakus,” Japan Times, 14 July 2012.

69 Kyodo, “Government offering Senkakus owner Y2 billion for contested isles,” Japan Times, 27 August 2012.

70 “Governor Ishihara reacts coolly to national govt's plan to nationalize Senkaku islands,” Mainichi shimbun, 9 July 2012.

71 The former from “Senkaku purchase must be settled calmly in Japan,” editorial in Mainichi shimbun, 11 July, 2012,and the latter from “Stop infighting over the Senkakus,” editorial in Japan Times, 18 July, 2012.

72 In the Diet on 26 July 2012. See Takahashi Kosuke, “China, Japan stretch peace pacts,” Asia Times Online, 7 August 2012.

73 “Ultra-nationalist Ishihara provokes Japan's neighbours,” The China Post, 30 August 2012.

74 For discussion of this point, Toyoshita Narahiko, “‘Senkaku konyu’ mondai no kansei,” Sekai, August 2012, pp. 41-49.

75 Toyoshita (ibid, p. 42.) quotes the Japanese government response to a Diet question in October 2010 asking why these islands remained under US control: although the US side had given no notice of intent to use the islands for bombing practice since 1978, it also “had not indicated its intention to return them.”

76 Toyoshita, pp. 44-45.

77 Yabe Teiji, Konoe Fumimaro, 2 vols, Kobundo, 1952, vol 2, pp. 559-560.

78 See my “The San Francisco Treaty at 60: the Okinawan Angle,” forthcoming in a volume to be edited by Kimie Hara of Waterloo University, Canada.

79 “Taking harder stance toward China, Obama lines up allies,” New York Times, 25 October 2010.

80 Mike Green, formerly Director of Asian Policy in the George W. Bush White House, and a continuing prominent Washington voice (quoted in Peter Hartcher, “China gets its catch, hook, line and sinker,” Sydney Morning Herald, 17 July 2012.)

81 International Crisis Group, p. 34.