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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 May 2025
Speaking on May 4, 1902, at the newly opened Arlington Cemetery, in the first Memorial Day address there by a U.S. president, Theodore Roosevelt placed colonial violence at the heart of American nation building. In a speech before an estimated thirty thousand people, brimming with “indignation in every word and every gesture,” Roosevelt inaugurated the cemetery as a landscape of national sacrifice by justifying an ongoing colonial war in the Philippines, where brutalities by U.S. troops had led to widespread debate in the United States. He did so by casting the conflict as a race war. Upon this “small but peculiarly trying and difficult war” turned “not only the honor of the flag” but “the triumph of civilization over forces which stand for the black chaos of savagery and barbarism.” Roosevelt acknowledged and expressed regret for U.S. abuses but claimed that for every American atrocity, “a very cruel and very treacherous enemy” had committed “a hundred acts of far greater atrocity.” Furthermore, while such means had been the Filipinos’ “only method of carrying on the war,” they had been “wholly exceptional on our part.” The noble, universal ends of a war for civilization justified its often unsavory means. “The warfare that has extended the boundaries of civilization at the expense of barbarism and savagery has been for centuries one of the most potent factors in the progress of humanity,” he asserted, but “from its very nature it has always and everywhere been liable to dark abuses.”
1 Theodore Roosevelt, Address of President Roosevelt at Arlington, Memorial Day, May 30, 1902.
2 Traditional historiography on the war minimizes S. racial animus and atrocity and emphasizes the “benevolence” of the U.S. campaign. See John Gates, Schoolbooks and Krags: The U.S. Army in the Philippines, 1898-1902 (Westport, CT, 1973); Brian McAllister Linn, The U.S. Army Counterinsurgency in the Philippine War, 1899-1902 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1989); Brian McAllister Linn, The Philippine War, 1899-1902 (Lawrence, KS, 2000); Brian McAllister Linn, “Taking Up the White Man's Burden: The U.S. Military in the Philippines, 1898-1902,” in 1898: Enfoques y Perspectivas, ed. Luis E. González Vales (San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1997), 111-42. For more nuanced accounts, see Resil B. Mojares, The War against the Americans: Resistance and Collaboration in Cebu, 1899-1906 (Quezon City, Philippines, 1999); Glenn Anthony May, Battle for Batangas: A Philippine Province at War (Quezon City, Philippines, 1993). For a recent collection of historical essays and artworks relating to the war, see Angel Velasco Shaw and Luis H. Francia, eds., Vestiges of War: The Philippine-American War and the Aftermath of an Imperial Dream, 1899-1999 (New York, 2002).
3 Stuart Creighton Miller, “Benevolent Assimilation”: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899-1903 (New Haven, CT, 1982).
4 On the political dynamism of race, see Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States from the 1960s to the 1990s (New York, 1994), esp. chaps. 1-5; Thomas C. Holt, “Marking: Race, Race-Making, and the Writing of History,” American Historical Review 100 (February 1995): 1-20; Etienne Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” in Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities, eds. Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein (London; New York, 1991); Barbara J. Fields, “Ideology and Race in American History,” in Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward, eds. J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson (New York, 1982), 143-78. For the argument that U.S. Indian policy was the “origin” of Philippine policy, see Walter L. Williams, “United States Indian Policy and the Debate over Philippine Annexation: Implications for the Origins of American Imperial- ism,” Journal of American History 66, no. 4 (1980). On the broader reconstruction of race in the context of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines, see Paul A. Kramer, The Blood of Government: Race, Empire, the United States and the Philippines (Chapel Hill, NC, 2006).
5 For the purposes of this essay, exterminist warfare is warfare in which noncombatants are viewed as legitimate targets during the duration of combat but coexistence is imagined as a postwar goal; I distinguish this from genocide, in which violence is organized around the deliberate elimination of all members of an “enemy” I refrain from the use of the category of “total war” due to the category's vague boundaries. On the concept of exterminism, see Dirk Bönker, “Militarizing the Western World: Navalism, Empire and State-Building before World War I” (Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 2002). On “total war” during the Philippine-American War, see May, “Was the Philippine-American War a ‘Total War’?” in Anticipating Total War: The German and American Experiences, 1871-1914, eds. Manfred F. Boemeke, Roger Chickering, and Stig Förster (Washington, DC; Cambridge, England; New York, 1999). For an intriguing comparative perspective on these questions, see Helmut Walser Smith, “The Logic of Colonial Violence: Germany in Southwest Africa (1904-1907); the United States in the Philippines (1899-1902),” in German and American Nationalism: A Comparative Perspective, eds. Hartmut Lehmann and Hermann Wellenreuther (New York, 1999), 205-31. On other U.S. race wars, see John Dower, War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War, 7th printing (New York, 1993); Mark Grimsley, “‘Rebels’ and ‘Redskins’: U.S. Military Conduct toward White Southerners and Native Americans in Comparative Perspective,” in Civilians in the Path of War, eds. Mark Grimsley and Clifford J. Rogers (Lincoln, NE, 2002), 137-61.
6 On racism in Spanish colonial policy, see Josep Maria Fradera, “Raza y Ciudadanía: El Factor Racial en la Delimitacion de los Derechos de los Americanos,” in Gobernar Colonias (Barcelona, 1999).
7 John Schumacher, The Propaganda Movement, 1880-1895 (Manila, 1973).
8 La Solidaridad, 1889-1895, trans. Guadalupe Fores-Ganzon, vols. 1-5; trans. Luis Matheru, vols. 6, 7 (Manila, 1997). For the case of Rizal, see Paul A. Dumol, “Rizal Contra European Racism: An Autobiography of José Rizal Embedded in Blumentritt's Obituary of Rizal,” in European Studies: Essays by Filipino Scholars, ed. Vyva Victoria M. Aguirre (Quezon City: Diliman, 1999).
9 Teodoro Agoncillo, Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic (Quezon City, Philippines, 1960); Cesar Adib Majul, The Political and Constitutional Ideas of the Philippine Revolution, rev. ed. (New York, 1974 [1967]).
10 On the S. Army's attempt to regulate prostitution in the interests of venereal disease control, see Paul A. Kramer, “The Darkness that Enters the Home: The Politics of Prostitution during the Philippine-American War,” in Haunted by Empire: Race and Intimacy in North American History, ed. Ann Stoler (Durham, NC, 2006).
11 [Unsigned] from the Wisconsin Weekly Advocate, May 17, 1900, in Willard Gatewood, “Smoked Yankees” and the Struggle for Empire: Letters from Negro Soldiers, 1898-1902 (Urbana, IL; Chicago; London, 1971), 279.
12 Quoted in Lewis O. Saum, “The Western Volunteer and ‘The New Empire,’” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 57, no. 1 (January 1966): 22.
13 H. M. Brace, “Itamo, the Insurrecto: A Story of the Philippines,” The Soldier's Letter 1, no. 1 (1898): 16-19.
14 Brace, “Itamo, the Insurrecto: A Story of the Philippines,” 19-20.
15 Felipe Agoncillo, Memorial to the Senate of the United States (Washington, DC, 1899), 2, 7.
16 On the links between “print-capitalism” and nationalist “imagined community,” see Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1991). On the press during the Philippine-American War, see John Lent, “The Philippine Press during the Revolution and the Filipino-American War,” Asian Thought and Society III, no. 9 (December 1978): 308-21; see also Jesús Valenzuela, History of Journalism in the Philippine Islands (Manila, 1933).
17 “Nuestro Programa,” La Independencia, year 1, 1 (September 3, 1898). All quota- tions from La Independencia are translations from the original Spanish by the author.
18 Advertisement for La Independencia, year 1, no. 2 (September 5, 1898).
19 See, for example, “El Espíritu de la Asociación,” La Independencia, year 1, no. 5 (September 9, 1898); “De Higiene Pública,” La Independencia, year 1, no. 36 (October 17, 1898); “Los Presupuestos,” La Independencia, year 1, no. 41 (October 22, 1898); “Apuntes Sobre Enseñanza,” La Independencia, year 1, no. 47 (October 29, 1898); “Moralización,” La Independencia, year 1, no. 63 (November 18, 1898).
20 R. Sargent, “In Aguinaldo's Realm,” New York Independent, September 14, 1899, 2477.
21 U.S. Senate, Senate Document No. 196, Report of Tour through the Island of Luzon, 56th Cong., 1st sess., February 23, 1900, 13.
22 B. Wilcox, “In the Heart of Luzon,” New York Independent, September 14, 1899, 2475; L. R. Sargent, “In Aguinaldo's Realm,” 2479.
23 Sargent, “In Aguinaldo's Realm,” 2480-1.
24 Report of Tour through the Island of Luzon, 20.
25 Sargent, “In Aguinaldo's Realm,” 2481.
26 Report of Tour through the Island of Luzon, 16.
27 “General McReeve's Interview,” reprinted in The Anti-Imperialist 1, 3 (July 4, 1899): 18. On discourses of slavery and antislavery in Philippine-American colonial politics, see Michael Salman, The Embarrassment of Slavery: Controversies over Bondage and Nationalism in the American Colonial Philippines (Berkeley, CA, 2001).
28 Report of Tour through the Island of Luzon, 20.
29 Report of Tour through the Island of Luzon, 20.
30 Quoted in A. Johnson, History of Negro Soldiers in the Spanish-American War and Other Items of Interest (Raleigh, NC, 1899), 131. The history of black soldiers fighting in the Philip- pines, and primary documents relating to their experiences, have been explored elsewhere: Willard Gatewood, Black Americans and the White Man's Burden (Urbana, IL, 1975); Gatewood, “Smoked Yankees” and the Struggle for Empire. For black public opinion on the war, see George P. Marks, ed., The Black Press Views American Imperialism, 1898-1900 (New York, 1971). On African Americans, gender, and empire, see Michele Mitchell, “‘The Black Man's Burden’: African-Americans, Imperialism, and Notions of Racial Manhood 1890-1910,” International Review of Social History 44 (1999): 77-99.
31 Frederick Palmer, “White Man and Brown Man in the Philippines,” Scribner's Maga- zine 27 (January 1900): 79.
32 Ibid
33 William McKinley to the Secretary of War, December 21, 1898, in “Message from the President of the United States,” Senate Document 208, 56th Cong., 1st sess. (1899-1900), 82-3.
34 Apacible, Al Pueblo Americano/To the American People (New York, 1900).
35 “To the Filipino People,” Exhibit 992, in John M. Taylor, ed., The Philippine Insurrection against the United States (Pasay City, Philippines, 1971), V:96. Taylor speculates that its author was Emilio Aguinaldo; a likely candidate is Apolinario Mabini.
36 Mabini, quoted in Teodoro Kalaw, The Philippine Revolution (Manila, 1969), 176, 177.
37 The best account of the domestic S. politics of the war remains Richard E. Welch, Jr., Response to Imperialism: The United States and the Philippine-American War, 1899-1902 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1979). On U.S. anti-imperialism, see Daniel Schirmer, Republic or Empire: American Resistance to the Philippine War (Cambridge, MA, 1972); Robert L. Beisner, Twelve against Empire: The Anti-Imperialists, 1898-1900 (New York, 1968); Jim Zwick, ed., Sentenaryo/Centennial, http://www.boondocksnet.com/centennial/index.html; E. Berkeley Thompkins, Anti-Imperialism in the United States: The Great Debate, 1890-1920 (Philadelphia, 1970); James A. Zimmerman, “Who Were the Anti-Imperialists and the Expansionists of 1898 and 1899? A Chicago Perspective,” Pacific Historical Review 46 (November 1977), 589-601; James A. Zimmerman, “The Chicago Liberty and Loyalty Meetings, 1899: Public Attitudes toward the Philippine-American War,” North Dakota Quarterly 43, no. 3 (Autumn 1975): 29-37. On the importance of anti-imperialism to twentieth-century foreign policy, see Frank Ninkovich, The United States and Imperialism (Malden, MA, 2001). While they took the name “anti-imperialist” for themselves, many critics of the war advocated overseas economic and cultural imperialism alongside their anticolonialist and antimilitarist politics. I nonetheless use their term for themselves here for purposes of clarity.
38 For examples of anti-imperialist argument, see Philip Foner and Richard Winchester, The Anti-Imperialist Reader: A Documentary History of Anti-Imperialism in the United States (New York, 1984); Roger Bresnahan, ed., In Time of Hesitation: American Anti-Imperialists and the Philippine-American War (Quezon City, Philippines, 1981); and Zwick, Sentenaryo/ Centennial. On the anti-imperialist sense of history, including national-exceptionalist fears of decline, see Fabian Hilfrich, “Falling Back into History: Conflicting Visions of National Decline and Destruction in the Imperialism Debate around the Turn of the Century,” in The American Nation, National Identity, Nationalism, ed. Knud Krakau (Münster, Germany, 1997), 149-66.
39 On the role of race in the annexation debate, see Rubin Francis Weston, Racism in S. Imperialism: The Influence of Racial Assumptions on American Foreign Policy, 1893-1946 (Colum- bia, SC, 1972). On racial-exclusionist anti-imperialism, see Christopher Lasch, “The Anti- Imperialists, the Philippines, and the Inequality of Man,” Journal of Southern History 24 (August 1958): 319-31; Eric Tyrone Lowery Love, Race over Empire: Racism and U.S. Imperialism, 1865-1900 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2004).
40 Jim Zwick, “The Anti-Imperialist League and the Origins of Filipino-American Oppositional Solidarity,” Amerasia Journal 24 (Summer 1998): 64-85.
41 On the politics of Filipino-American collaboration, see Ruby Paredes,, Philippine Colonial Democracy (Manila, 1989); Norman G. Owen, ed., Compadre Colonialism: Studies on the Philippines under American Rule (Ann Arbor, MI, 1971); Glenn May, Social Engineering in the Philippines: The Aims, Execution, and Impact of American Colonial Policy, 1900-1913 (Westport, CT, 1980); Bonifacio Salamanca, The Filipino Reaction to American Rule, 1901-1913 (Hamden, CT, 1968).
42 Anglo-Saxonists themselves conceded that the United States’ “Anglo-Saxonism” was compromised by diverse European As Matthew Frye Jacobson shows, these groups actively debated the politics of imperial conquest in the Philippines; imperialists among them compromised any strict, essentialist connection between Anglo-Saxonism and empire. Matthew Frye Jacobson, Special Sorrows: The Diasporic Imagination of Irish, Polish, and Jewish Immigrants in the United States (Berkeley, CA, 2002), chap. 5.
43 Paul Kramer, “Empires, Exceptions, and Anglo-Saxons: Race and Rule between the British and United States Empires, 1880-1910,” Journal of American History 88 (March 2002): 1315-53.
44 Rudyard Kipling, “The White Man's Burden,” McClure's Magazine (February 1899).
45 On contemporary social-evolutionary theory, see George Stocking,, Race, Culture and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology (Chicago, 1982); Curtis Hinsley, The Smithsonian and the American Indian: Making a Moral Anthropology in Victorian America (Washington, DC, 1981); John S. Haller, Outcasts from Evolution: Scientific Attitudes of Racial Inferiority, 1859-1900 (Urbana, IL, 1971); Richard Hofstader, Social Darwinism in American Thought (Boston, 1944).
46 On “tribes,” see Morton Fried, The Notion of Tribe (Menlo Park, CA, 1975).
47 “The Native Peoples of the Philippines,” Report of the Philippine Commission 1 (1900): 11.
48 Ibid., 11-12.
49 “Preliminary Report: Capacity for Self-Government,” November 2, 1899, Report of the Philippine Commission 1 (1900): 182.
50 “The Native Peoples of the Philippines,” 14-15.
51 “Preliminary Report: Capacity for Self-Government,” 182. On the politics of statistics, see Theodore Porter, Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life (Princeton, NJ, 1995
52 Sixto Lopez, The “Tribes” in the Philippines (Boston, 1900). While Lopez here recog- nized “non-Christians” as superior to Spaniards, the question of whether “non-Christians” belonged to the Philippine nation on an equal footing with “civilized,” Hispanicized peoples would emerge as a central battleground between Filipinos and S. colonial officials in the early twentieth century. See Kramer, The Blood of Government. On Lopez's work in the United States, see Zwick, “The Anti-Imperialist League and the Origins of Filipino-American Oppositional Solidarity.”
53 L. Lisle, “How I Killed an Insurgent,” Manila Times, July 4, 1899, 3.
54 Andrew Wadsworth to Sister, July 20, 1898, Folder 158, Hussey-Wadsworth Papers, Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann On Wadsworth's correspondence, see Margaret Inglehart Reilly, “Andrew Wadsworth: A Nebraska Soldier in the Philippines, 18981899,” Nebraska History 68, no. 4 (Winter 1987): 183-99.
55 Andrew Wadsworth to Sister, February 19, 1899, Folder 172, Hussey-Wadsworth Papers.
56 Andrew Wadsworth to Jennie Wadsworth [Aunt], March 8, 1899, Folder 173, Hussey-Wadsworth
57 Earl Pearsall, Diary Entry for January 5, 1899, Folder: “Pearsall, Earl, 1898-W-1521, 1st Vol. Inf., Diary for 1899,” Box 97: Nebraska Infantry, 1st Regiment, Spanish- American War Survey (SAWS), U.S. Military History Institute (USMHI).
58 Pearsall, Diary Entry for February 4, 1899, Folder: “Pearsall, Earl, 1898-W-1521, 1st Vol. Inf., Diary for 1899.”
59 Pearsall, Diary Entry for February 24, 1899, Folder: “Pearsall, Earl, 1898-W-1521, 1st Vol. Inf., Diary for 1899.”
60 Pearsall, Diary Entry for March 6, 1899, Folder: “Pearsall, Earl, 1898-W-1521, 1st Vol. Inf., Diary for 1899.”
61 Wheeler Martin to “Dear Father, Mother, and all,” August 18, 1898, Folder: “Martin, Wheeler, 1898-W-131, Col. A, 1st Idaho, Vol. Inf., 15 letters, newsclip,” Box 27: Idaho Infantry, 1st Regiment, SAWS, USMHI.
62 Wheeler Martin to “Dear Father, Mother, and all,” March 18, 1899; April 4, 1899, Folder: “Martin, Wheeler, 1898-W-131, Col. A, 1st Idaho, Vol. Inf., 15 letters, newsclip,” Box 27: Idaho Infantry, 1st Regiment, SAWS, USMHI.
63 William Henry Barrett, Diary Entry for February 9, 1899, Folder: “Pvt. William Henry Barrett, 1898-1939, 2nd Oregon Volunteer Infantry,” Box 137: Oregon Infantry, 2d Regiment, SAWS,
64 Barrett, Diary Entry for February 23, 1899, Folder: “Pvt. William Henry Barrett, 1898-1939, 2nd Oregon Volunteer Infantry.”
65 Louis Hubbard to “My dearest Mother,” December 20, 1898, Folder: “Louis Hubbard, 1898- W-987, 1st Regt. Band, 1st S. D. Vol. Inf., Newspaper, map letters,” Box 169: South Dakota Infantry, 1st Regiment, SAWS, USMHI.
66 Hubbard to “My dearest Mother,” February 20, 1899, Folder: “Louis Hubbard, 1898-W-987, 1st Regt. Band, 1st S. D. Vol. Inf., Newspaper, map letters.”
67 Ibid.
68 Hubbard to “My dearest Mother,” March 17, 1899, Folder: “Louis Hubbard, 1898-W-987, 1st Regt. Band, 1st S. D. Vol. Inf., Newspaper, map letters.”
69 John Bass, dispatch of August 30, 1898, in Harper's Weekly 42 (October 15, 1898): 1008.
70 Henry Loomis Nelson, quoted in Schirmer, Republic or Empire: American Resistance to the Philippine War, 240.
71 Statement by S. Anderson, October 6, 1901, in “Charges of Cruelty, Etc., to the Natives of the Philippines,” Senate Document No. 205, Part 1, 57th Cong., 1st sess., 21.
72 Palmer, “White Man and Brown Man in the Philippines,” 81.
73 H. L. Wells, quoted in The Watchman (Boston), July 27, 1900, in Richard E. Welch, “American Atrocities in the Philippines: The Indictment and the Response,” Pacific Historical Review 43, no. 2 (1974): 241.
74 In my interpretation, U.S. soldiers’ use of the term “nigger,” for example, does not convey the mere “export” of unchanged domestic U.S. racial formations, as the evolution of soldiers’ terminology for Filipinos itself suggests. There is evidence that in some cases the term became detached from its domestic contexts and applied to Filipinos as opposed to African- Americans, as when a white soldier explained to a black soldier that the term “nigger” did not apply to him in the Philippines. [Unsigned] from the Wisconsin Weekly Advocate, May 17, 1900, in Gatewood, “Smoked Yankees” and the Struggle for Empire: Letters from Negro Soldiers, 1898- 1902, 280.
75 On the term “gook,” see also David Roediger, “Gook: The Short History of an Americanism,” in David R. Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History (London; New York, 1994).
76 Charles Freeman, “Yankee Music in the Far East,” American Old-Timer 3, no. 1 (1935): 31.
77 For this interpretation, see Russell Roth, Muddy Glory: America's “Indian Wars” in the Philippines, 1899-1935 (West Hanover, MA, 1981), 223.
78 Freeman, “Yankee Music in the Far East,” 31.
79 Lewis to “Friend Tom,” November 25, 1900, in Peter Lewis and R. Kells, Foot Soldier in an Occupation Force: The Letters of Peter Lewis, 1898-1902 (Manila, 1999), 96.
80 MacArthur, quoted in Gates, Schoolbooks and Krags, 112.
81 Otis, quoted in Gates, Schoolbooks and Krags, 112.
82 On the structure of the Philippine army during both the first and second revolutions, see Luis Camara Dery, “The Army of the First Philippine Republic,” in Luis Camara Dery, The Army of the First Philippine Republic and Other Historical Essays (Manila, 1995), 1-77.
83 See Linn, S. Army Counterinsurgency in the Philippine War, 1899-1902. On problems of intelligence gathering during the guerrilla stage of the war, see Brian McAllister Linn, “Intelligence and Low-Intensity Conflict during the Philippine War, 1899-1902,” Intelligence and National Security 6, no. 1 (1991).
84 Wagner, quoted in Linn, “Intelligence and Low-Intensity Conflict during the Philip- pine War, 1899-1902,” 90.
85 Isabelo De los Reyes, Introduction to Rodriguez, “La Guerra de Guerrillas,” Filipinas Ante Europa, year 2, no. 20 (March 10, 1900), 81-82. Translation from the original Spanish by the author.
86 Juan Villamor, Inédita Crónica de la Guerra Americano-Filipina en el Norte de Luzon, 1899-1901 (Manila, 1924), 81. Translation from the original Spanish by the On other connections between the Philippine-American War and the almost simultaneous Anglo-Boer War, see Kramer, “Empires, Exceptions and Anglo-Saxons.”
87 On class tensions between the republic and Filipino peasants during the Philippine- American War, see Milagros Guerrero, “Luzon at War: Contradictions in Philippine Society, 1899-1902” (Ph.D., University of Michigan, 1977).
88 On late-nineteenth-century Filipino masculinity and codes of honor, see Norman Owen, “Masculinity and National Identity in the 19th Century Philippines,” Illes I Imperis 2 (Spring 1999): 23-48.
89 Epifanio Concepción, Memorias de un Revolucionario (Iloilo, Philippines, 1949), 57. Translation from the original Spanish by the
90 See, for example, Paul Dickson, War Slang: American Fighting Words and Phrases from the Civil War to the Gulf War (New York, 1994), 28.
91 Percy Hill, “The Anting-Anting,” American Old-Timer 1, 12 (October 1934): 12.
92 Jacob Isselhard, The Filipino in Every-Day Life: An Interesting and Instructive Narrative of the Personal Observations of an American Soldier during the Late Philippine Insurrection (Chicago, 1904), 99-100.
93 Erwin Clarkson Garrett, My Bunkie, and Other Ballads (Philadelphia, 1907), 18. The Katipunan was the name of the revolutionary secret society that inaugurated the Philippine
94 On contrasting S. and Filipino definitions of “peace,” see Maria Serena I. Diokno, “Perspectives on Peace during the Philippine-American War of 1899-1902,” South East Asia Research 5, no. 1 (1997): 5-19.
95 James Bell to Apolinario Mabini, August 28, 1900, in The Letters of Apolinario Mabini (Manila, 1965), 265-6.
96 On Mabini, see Cesar Adib Majul, Apolinario Mabini, Revolutionary (Manila, 1964); Cesar Adib Majul, Mabini and the Philippine Revolution (Quezon City, Philippines, 1960).
97 Apolinario Mabini to James Bell, August 31, 1900, in The Letters of Apolinario Mabini, 259-60.
98 Ibid.
99 Mabini to Felipe Buencamino, July 20, 1900, in The Letters of Apolinario Mabini, 254.
100 Mabini to Bell, 260.
101 Francis Lieber, “Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field,” in Lieber's Code and the Law of War, Richard Shelly Hartigan (Chicago, 1983), Articles 25, 28. On regulations regarding Union Army conduct during the Civil War, see Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (Cambridge, England; New York, 1995).
102 Arthur MacArthur, “Proclamation,” in 57th, 1st sess., House Document 2: “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” 1901, vol. 1, pt. 4, 92.
103 Root, quoted in Moorfield Storey and Julian Codman, Secretary Root's Record: “Marked Severities” in Philippine Warfare (Boston, 1902), 54.
104 MacArthur, Report to General of Army, October 1, 1900, 4, 6.
105 Young, quoted in “Gen. Young on Filipinos: The Cavalry Leader Makes a Speech in Pittsburg [sic],” New York Times, April 28, 1901, 3.
106 “The Water Cure in the I.,” in Notebook, Folder: “Albert E. Gardner, 1898-W- 851, Troop B., 1st U.S. Cav., Scrapbook, Booklets, Letters, Soldiers’ Manual,” Box 194: U.S. Cavalry, 1st Regiment, SAWS, USMHI.
107 William Eggenberger to “Dear Mother and all,” January 28, 1900, Folder: “Wm Eggenberger, 1898-120, K, 3rd U.S. Inf.,” Box 214: “U.S. Infantry, 3rd Regiment,” SAWS, USMHI.
108 William Eggenberger to “Dear Mother and all,” March 25, 1901, Folder: “Wm Eggenberger, 1898-120, K, 3rd U.S. Inf.,” Box 214: “U.S. Infantry, 3rd Regiment,” SAWS, USMHI.
109 Southwick, quoted in Sean McEnroe, “Oregonian Soldiers and the Portland Press in the Philippine Wars of 1898 and 1899: How Oregonians Defined the Race of Filipinos and the Mission of America” (master's thesis, Portland State University, 2001), 84.
110 On martial masculinity during the Spanish-Cuban-American War and Philippine- American Wars, see Kristin Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven, CT, 1998). On the period more broadly, see Donald Mrozek, “The Habit of Victory: The American Military and the Cult of Manliness,” in Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940, eds. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (New York, 1987). On “passionate” or “savage” masculinity among middle-class American men, see E. Anthony Rotundo, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York, 1993), chap. 10; John Higham, “The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s,” in Writing American History: Essays on Modern Scholarship (Bloomington, IN, 1973).
111 Hubbard to “My dearest Mother,” February 12, 1899, Folder: “Louis Hubbard, 1898- W-987, 1st Regt. Band, 1st S. D. Vol. Inf., Newspaper, map letters,” Box 169: South Dakota Infantry, 1st Regiment, SAWS, USMHI.
112 Pearsall, Diary Entry for February 7, 1899, Folder: “Pearsall, Earl, 1898-W-1521, 1st Vol. Inf., Diary for 1899.”
113 John Bright, quoted in Gregory Dean Chapman, “Taking Up the White Man's Burden: Tennesseans in the Philippine Insurrection, 1899,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 47, no. 1 (1988): 33.
114 Hubbard to “My dearest Mother,” February 20, 1899
115 Osborn, quoted in Roth, Muddy Glory, 53.
116 George Telfer to Lottie, April 7, 1899, in George Telfer and Sara Bunnett, Manila Envelopes: Oregon Volunteer George F. Telfer's Spanish-American War Letters (Portland, OR, 1987), 151.
117 “The Soldiers’ Song,” in “Sound Off!” Soldier Songs from the Revolution to World War II, Edward Arthur Dolph (New York; Toronto, 1942), 200-202. See also the Military Order of the Carabao, Songs of the Carabao (Washington, DC, 1906). The song was sung to the tune of “Tramp, Tramp, Tramp, the Boys Are Marching,” a Union Army song in the Civil War.
118 Frank Johnson to parents, January 17, 1899, quoted in Saum, “The Western Volunteer and ‘The New Empire,’” 23.
119 Henry Hackthorn to “Dear Mother,” June 24, 1899, in Roger Grant, ed., “Letters from the Philippines: The 51st Iowa Volunteers at War, 1898-1899,” The Palimpsest 55, no. 6 (November/December 1974): 174.
120 “The Sentry,” in Pandia Ralli, The Soldier's Banner: Souvenir Edition, Walter Cutter Papers, Box 1, USMHI.
121 Eggenberger to “Dear Mother and all,” March 26, 1899, Folder: “Wm Eggenberger, 1898-120, Col. K, 3rd U.S. Inf.”
122 Eggenberger to “Dear Mother and all,” May 20, 1899, Folder: “Wm Eggenberger, 1898-120, Col. K, 3rd U.S. Inf.”
123 On the investigation of S. atrocities, see Welch, “American Atrocities in the Philippines.”
124 John H. Parker quoted in Gates, Schoolbooks and Krags, 190-1.
125 General Hughes, quoted in Henry Graff, ed., American Imperialism and the Philippine Insurrection (Boston, 1969), 65. For related arguments, see O. O. Howard, “Is Cruelty Inseparable from War?” The Independent 54, no. 2789 (May 15, 1902): 1161-2; James Chester, “The Great Lesson of the Boer War,” Journal of the Military Service Institution XXXII, no. CXXI (January-February 1903): 1-6.
126 On the attribution of “racial” conflict to colonized people more broadly, see Frank Füredi, The Silent War: Imperialism and the Changing Perception of Race (New Brunswick, NJ, 1998).
127 On the political use of “insurgent records,” see Renato Constantino, “Historical Truths from Biased Sources,” in John M. Taylor, ed., The Philippine Insurrection against the United States, I:ix-xiii; John T. Farrell, “An Abandoned Approach to Philippine History: John R. M. Taylor and the Philippine Insurrection Records,” Catholic Historical Review 39 (1954):385-407.
128 John F. Bass, dispatch of March 9, 1899, in Harpefs Weekly (April 22, 1899): 401-4.
129 “Chicago Hears Roosevelt: Immense Throngs Greet the Vice Presidential Candi- date,” New York Times, October 7, 1900, 1. Republican Party, Republican Campaign Text-Book 1900 (Milwaukee, WI, 1900). Sixto Lopez refuted charges of “race war” in “The Filipino Position,” Springfield Republican (MA), October 11, 1900.
130 B. M. Young, “Our Soldiers in the Philippines, an Address Delivered before the Men's Club of the Church of the Epiphany, of Washington, DC, the Evening of November 13, 1902,” Folder: “Speech ‘Our Soldiers in the Philippines,’” Box 10, Samuel B. M. Young Papers, USMHI, 1, 2, 4.
131 Speech by Henry Cabot Lodge, May 5, 1902, Congressional Record, 57th, 1st sess., 5035. For a related argument regarding the moral “degeneration” of American soldiers under Filipino “influence,” see Henry C. Rowland, “Fighting Life in the Philippines,” McClure's Magazine XIX (1902): 241-7. To make perfectly clear the race of “cruelty,” the War Department submitted 57 pages of testimony on U.S. soldiers’ atrocities and those of their Filipino allies, and 370 pages of testimony on the atrocities of Filipino revolutionaries. Compare: “Charges of Cruelty, Etc., to the Natives of the Philippines,” Senate Document No. 205, Part 1, 57th Cong., 1st sess., 1-57; “Charges of Cruelty, Etc., to the Natives of the Philippines,” Senate Document No. 205, Part 2, 57th Cong., 1st sess., 1-370.
132 On the Philippine Scouts, see Alfred McCoy, “The Colonial Origins of Philippine Military Traditions,” in The Philippine Revolution of 1896: Ordinary Lives in Extraordinary Times, Florentino Rodao and Felice Noelle Rodriguez (Quezon City, Philippines, 2001), 94-102; James R. Woolard, “The Philippine Scouts: The Development of America's Colonial Army” (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1975).
133 Wheaton, quoted in May, Battle for Batangas, 259-60.
134 Exhibit A, Letter from Frederick Funston to the Adjutant-General, February 2, 1902, 3.
135 Theodore Roosevelt, Proclamation of July 4, 1902, in General Orders 69, in “The Mabini Case,” Senate Document No. 111, 57th Cong., 2d sess. (1902-1903), 8-9.
136 On the Philippine constabulary, see McCoy, “The Colonial Origins of Philippine Military Traditions,” 102-6; George Yarrington Coats, “The Philippine Constabulary: 1901- 1917” (Ph.D., Ohio State University, 1968).
137 William Pomeroy, “‘Pacification’ in the Philippines, 1898-1913,” France-Asie 21 (1967): 438.
138 Ibid., 442-3.
139 On “benevolent assimilation,” see Vicente Rafael, “White Love: Surveillance and Nationalist Resistance in the S. Colonization of the Philippines,” in Cultures of United States Imperialism, eds. Amy Kaplan and Donald Pease (Durham, NC, 1993).
140 Allan Millett and Peter Maslowski identify 1,004 S. battle deaths, 3,161 U.S. deaths by noncombat causes, and 2,911 wounded during the Philippine-American War, of a total 126,468 U.S. soldiers served. This was approximately three times the U.S. mortality rate during the Spanish-Cuban-American War. Allan R. Millett and Peter Maslowski, For the Common Defense: A Military History of the United States of America (New York, 1994), Appendix A, 653. Filipino military casualties are estimated at 16,000. Filipino civilian casualties remain uncertain, with estimates ranging as high as 250,000. See, for example, Glenn May, “150,000 Missing Filipinos: A Demographic Crisis in Batangas, 1887-1903,” Annales de Demographie Historique 1985 (1985): 215-43; John Gates, “War-Related Deaths in the Philippines, 1898-1902,” Pacific Historical Review 53, no. 3 (1984): 367-78.
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