¹ Robert Lifton to David Riesman, 10April 1962, Box 15, Folder 8 (1962) Robert Jay Lifton papers. Manuscripts and Archives Division. The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations. (NYPL- MSA).

² Quoted by Ian Buruma, “The Devils of Hiroshima,” in the New York Review of Books, 25 October, 1990.

³ See Daniel Seltz, “Remembering the War and the Atomic Bombs: New Museums, New Approaches,” Radical History Review, No. 75, (Fall 1999), p. 95.

⁴ Carol Gluck, “The Idea of Showa,” Deadalus, Vol. 119, No. 3 (Summer 1990), pp. 12-13.

⁵ The quote is from visiting Nigerian Journalist named James Boon, who told a Japanese colleague, “People built this city in order to forget about the bomb…[they] are trying really hard to live just like people in other cities.” Cited in the Yo miuri Shinbun, 18 June 1962.

⁶ The epitaph, it must be said, has historically raised a fair share of controversy. It states, according to Hiroshima City's official translation “Please rest in peace for we shall not repeat the mistake” (Yasuraka ni nemutte kudasai, ayamachi ha kurikaeshimasenu kara). According to (Saika Tadayoshi, the framer of the epitaph (according to a note in his handwriting in the archives), “Let all the souls here rest in peace, for we shall not repeat the evil.” Who is the “we” and whether it was an “evil” or an “error” or “mistake,” have been a topic of great controversy since. The epitaph was vandalized a number of times, most recently in 2005 by a right-wing activist.

⁷ Avishai Margalit, The Ethics of Memory (Harvard University Press, 2002), p. 182.

⁸ “Hiroshima- Auschwitzu Heiwa Koshin,” Newsletter No. 1, Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park Archive, Kawamato Collection, Box 38, folder 1, No. 911.

⁹ Ibid.,p. 1.

¹⁰ Daniel Levy and Natan Sznaider, “Memory Unbound: The Holocaust and the Formation of Cosmopolitan Memory,” European Journal of Social Theory, vol. 5, no. 1 (2002), pp. 1063-1087.

¹¹ Sebastian Conrad,“ Entangled Memories: Versions of the Past in Germany and Japan, 1945-2001,”Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 38, No. 1, Redesigning the Past (Jan., 2003), pp. 86.

¹² Jean-Michel Chaumont, La Concurrence des Victimes: Génocide, Identité, Reconnaissance (Paris: La Découverte, 2002); Annett Annette Wieviorka, The Era of the Witness (Cornell University Press, 2006).

¹³ Shoshana Felman, The Juridical Unconscious: Trials and Traumas in the Twentieth Century, (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2002), p. 14.

¹⁴ The phrase is from Annette Wieviorka's The Era of the Witness.

¹⁵ HAP Newsletter I, P 3.

¹⁶ Ibid.,p. 2.

¹⁷ Interview with Kuwahara Hideki, Hiroshima, 2 July 2010. Kuwahara was the head of the Hiroshima Auschwitz committee from its founding in 1962 and was involved in the HAP as well. Kato Yuzo and Kajimura Shingo, Hiroshima-Auschwitz Heiwa Koshin: seinen no kiroku, (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1965), p 168; Jan Frankowski and others who were involved in organizing the march (like Satō,Yamada and Kuwahara) were also involved in the World Federalist Movement through which they achieved most of their institutional support. See Yamada and Kuwahara's recollections in Sekai renbō undō hiroshima niju go nen shi iinkai (ed.), Sekai renbō undō hiroshima niju go nen shi, (Hiroshima: Kawamoto, 1973), pp. 138,162.

¹⁸ Interview with Morishita Mineko, Hiroshima, 2 July 2010. Morishita is the acting secretary general of the Hiroshima Auschwitz Committee.

¹⁹ Katō, who later became a Professor of Chinese History, denies in his memoirs any political involvement in the student movement. Although he wrote a book about the march in 1965, which appears in his resume, Katō also brushed out the peace march from his autobiography. He presented it as a student trip (or poverty trip-bimbo na ryoko), on which he embarked with three friends. He does not acknowledge any connection to the peace march or any political activities. Katō refused to speak to me about the subject for reasons that are not clear to me. His 1965 work, however, co-written with Kajimura (whom he also does not give credit to in his list of publications), is quite specific about his involvement in demonstrations and other activities. See his, Shiken to taiken wo megutte, in Yokohama shiritu daigaku ronsō jinbun gakukeiretu, Vol. 54 No. 123 (2003), p. 54.

²⁰ Satō was very bitter and pessimistic about the peace movement. He rightly saw a split in the movement as imminent and decried the mindless rush to violence and sloganeering among his colleagues who had “violence, recklessness and rioting as their three sacred regalia,” referring ironically to the emperor's regalia. Katō and Kajimura, p.13.

²¹ HAP Newsletter I, p. 5.

²² Chūgoku Shinbun, 22 December 1962.

²³ Chūgoku Shinbun, 15 June 1961. Dresden sent another message on 6 August. Coventry in the U.K. as well sent a message to Hiroshima, “wishing to become one of 15 ‘world peace cities.‘” See Chūgoku Shinbun 6 August and 21 September 1961.

²⁴ HAP Newsletter I. p. 10: Until 1964 Japanese were not permitted to travel freely abroad, the government being wary of foreign currency leaving the country. Thus, the marchers had to get special permission to leave Japan.

²⁵ Alyson M. Cole, the Cult of True Victimhood: From the War on Welfare to the War on Terror (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), pp. 8-9.

²⁶ Chūgoku Shinbun, 6 February 1962. Sasaki Sadako was a child victim of the A-bomb. She famously tried to fold a thousand origami cranes before her death, but failed. Children from her class were joined by thousands throughout the world after Sadako's story was popularized worldwide through the work of Austrian writer Karl Bruckner in his work Sadako will leben.

²⁷ Ibid; Chūgoku Shinbun, 7 February 1962.

²⁸ The Yomiuri (English edition), 5 August 1963.

²⁹ Kuwahara interview. 2 July 2010.

³⁰ The Yomiuri Shinbun had 192 stories concerning Eichmann in 1962 alone. The Chūgoku Shinbun, had around fifty. There were as many references for the Holocaust that year as there were in the Chūgoku Shinbun, for the whole fifties' decade.

³¹ Asahi Shinbun 14 June 1960.

³² See for instance Chūgoku Shinbun, 24 March 1961 and Yomiuri Shinbun 7 March 1961

³³ David G. Goodman and Masanori Miyazawa, Jews in the Japanese Mind: The History and Uses of a Cultural Stereotype, (New York: Lexington Books, 2000), pp. 18-19.

³⁴ Goodman and Miyazawa, pp. 139-140.

³⁵ The Anne Frank story was connected to Sasaki Sadako's. Both figures, as David Goodman and Miyazawa Masanori point out, served to de-historicize and de-politicize the Holocaust and Hiroshima. American responsibility for Sasaki's death was not mentioned. In the case of Anne Frank, it was not only in Japan, but also in the U.S. and Europe that Anne Frank's Jewishness was obscured. For marketing and other reasons, Otto Frank, Anne's father, was eager to promote her image as (an almost American) “every-girl.” The universalization and de-Judaization of Anne Frank was particularly noticeable in Germany For a comparison, see Roni Sarig, “Sadako Sasaki and Anne Frank: Myths in the Japanese and Israeli Memory of WW II,” in War and Militarism in Modern Japan: Issues of History and Identity, edited by Guy Podoler and Ben-Ami Shillony (Folkestone: Global Oriental, 2009), p. 172.

³⁶ Goodman and Miyazawa, p. 140.

³⁷ Ibid. 141.

³⁸ Ibid., p.142.

³⁹ The concentration camps where most political prisoners were kept received much attention, together with the political prisoners - heroes of the resistance, in early postwar societies while the death camps, where mostly Jews perished and which had only a few survivors, received much less coverage. See Samuel Moyn, A Holocaust controversy: the Treblinka affair in postwar France, (Waltham, Mass: Brandeis University Press, 2005)

⁴⁰ Yomiuri Shinbun, 26 April 1961.

⁴¹ Asahi Shinbun, 16 December 1961.

⁴² Goodman and Miyazawa, p. 146.

⁴³ Asahi Shinbun, 16 December 1961.

⁴⁴ Ibid.

⁴⁵ Asahi Shinbun, 6 April 1961.

⁴⁶ Yomiuri Shinbun, 14 April 1961.

⁴⁷ Asahi Shinbun, 16 December 1961.

⁴⁸ Asahi Shinbun, 17 December 1961.

⁴⁹ Asahi Shinbun, 2 June 1962.

⁵⁰ Quoted in Goodman and Mizawa, p. 152.

⁵¹ Asahi Shinbun, 12 April 1961.

⁵² Yomiuri Shinbun, 11 April 1961.

⁵³ Robert Jay Lifton, Death in Life: Survivors of Hiroshima (University of N. Carolina Press, 1991) pp. 321-322.

⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 322.

⁵⁵ Ibid.,pp. 322-323.

⁵⁶ See for instance, Chūgoku Shinbun, 11 April 1961. The last discussion included a fascinating and nuanced account of Judge Landau's involvement in an earlier case, the Kfar Qasim massacre, where Landau established the judicial principal of disobeying immoral orders.

⁵⁷ John Treat, Writing Ground Zero: Japanese Literature and the Atomic Bomb (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995) p. 10. ⁵⁸ Ibid.,p. 19.

⁵⁹ Kurihara Sadako, “Hiroshima no bungaku o megutte: aushiwitzu to hiroshima,” in Oda Makoto and Takeda Taijun (ed.) Nihon no genbaku bungaku (Tokyo, 1983), p. 258.

⁶⁰ Goodman and Miyazawa, p. 177.

⁶¹ Ibid.

⁶² Katō and Kajimura, p. 9.

⁶³ Out of a population of 50,000, there were less then 1,000 Jews left in Salonika. HAP Newsletter 5, p.10; Also Mark Mazower, Salonica City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims and Jews 1430-1950 (London, Harper Collins Publishers, 2004).

⁶⁴ See Jonathan Huener's introduction to Auschwitz, Poland, and the Politics of Commemoration, 1945-1979, (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2003).

⁶⁵ Huener, Auschwitz, p. 92.

⁶⁶ Ibid., p. 34.

⁶⁷ Iwona Irwin-Zerecka, “Poland after the Holocaust,” in Remembering for the Future: Jews and Christians During and After the Holocaust, (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1988), p. 145.

⁶⁸ Jonathan Webber, “Personal Reflections on Auschwitz Today,” in Teresa Swiebocka and Jonathan Webber (ed.), Auschwitz: A History in Photographs (Bloomington:University of Indiana Press, 1993), p. 283.

⁶⁹ Katō and Kajimura, p. 174; HAP Newsletter 5, p. 15.

⁷⁰ Kazimierz Smolen, “Auschwitz Today: The Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum,” in Auschwitz: a History at Photographs, p. 261. Smolen makes this outrageous remark just a page or so before emphasizing the solidarity of Poles and Jews. The incorporation of the Jewish dead as Polish citizens is not unique to Poland. Israel as well annexed their memory and claimed the Jewish dead as its own. The victims were treated as martyrs for the state, who somehow gave their life so that Israel would be born. There were even serious discussions of giving Israeli citizenship ex post facto to Holocaust victims, most of whom were certainly not Zionists. Israel, however, where most survivors lived, had some claim to the Holocaust, whereas in Poland, where Jews were killed in the thousands after the war and enormous amounts of Jewish property were expropriated with no compensation, this usage of the dead was particularly disturbing.

⁷¹ See Jan T. Gross, Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland After Auschwitz. (New York: Random House, 2006).

⁷² Huener, Auschwitz. p. 49.

⁷³ Ibid., 54.

⁷⁴ Ibid., p. 80.

⁷⁵ Ibid., p. 112.

⁷⁶ Katō and Kajimura, p.175.

⁷⁷ Ibid. pp. 169-174.

⁷⁸ Ibid., 175.

⁷⁹ The Yomiuri (English edition), 5 August 1963.

⁸⁰ Harold Marcuse, “Holocaust Memorials: The Emergence of a Genre,” in American Historical Review (Feb. 2010): James E. Young, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993) I include Israel in this genre. Although Young and others look at memorials through a national prism, as Marcuse points out there are transnational trends (for instance towards abstraction from the sixties on), which defied national and ideological boundaries.

⁸¹ The Yomiuri (English edition), August 5, 1963. These were to be the basis of an exhibition in the Peace Park.

⁸² Katō and Kajimura, p. 190, the figure of four million was the accepted figure in Poland.

⁸³ The Yomiuri (English edition), August 5, 1963. The quote is from the Chūgoku Shinbun, 6 February 1963; HAP Newsletter 5 and Katō and Kajimura also discuss the Auschwitz ceremony at length.

⁸⁴ Chūgoku Shinbun, 6 February 1963

⁸⁵ Huener, Auschwitz, p. 117.

⁸⁶ Mooli Brog,“ Yad la'hayalim ve'shem lachalalim: nisyonot ha'vaad ha'leumi lahakim et yad vashem: 1946-1949, Katedra, No. 199 (September, 2005), pp. 116-117.

⁸⁷ I thank Marta Petrusewicz, a Professor at the CUNY Graduate Center in New York, who was then working as an Italian interpreter for the delegation, for this reference. According to Harold Marcuse, there were quite a lot of ashes circulating around Europe at the time. The origin of this custom is obscure but it seems that it started right after the war. Survivors leaving Buchenwald in mid-1945 took eighteen urns of human ash with them to create memorials around the world. The 1949 Hamburg-Ohlsdorf memorial has 105 urns of ashes in it. See Harold Marcuse, “Das Gedenken an die Ver- folgten des Nationalsozialismus, exemplarisch analysiert anhand des Hamburger ‘Denkmals fu” r die Opfer nationalsozialistischer Verfolgung und des Widerstandskampfes’ “ (M.A. thesis, University of Hamburg, 1985), 59 (citing Hamburger Volkszeitung, May 3, 1949), 96-98; Some took the use of ashes a step too far. There were a couple of incidents involving victims' ashes in Dachau and Flossenbuerg. In Dachau, the curator of the exhibition in the crematorium was accused of selling human ashes to visitors and was fired. (Private correspondence with Marcuse, November 7, 2010).

⁸⁸ Chūgoku Shinbun, 8 August 1963; Kuwahara Interview.

⁸⁹ Ibid.

⁹⁰ Kuwahara interview.

⁹¹ Chūgoku Shinbun, 18 October 1963.