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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 May 2025
The past is haunting Northeast Asia. The China-Japan-Korea triad has been on a repeated collision course over how each perceives the shared past. Bound by dense memory webs, cultural affinity and geographical proximity, each of the three nations has made conflicting historical claims against the other, giving rise to conflict throughout the region and beyond.
[1] Robert A. Nisbet, The Sociological Tradition (New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 2005, 7th edition), p. 6.
[2] Yoshida Takashi, “The Making of the Rape of Nanking: History and Memory” in Japan, China, and the United States (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 129-133.
[3] Source.
[4] Japanese compulsory education started during the Meiji period, while the Korean system began under US military rule after the country's liberation from Japan in 1945. In the case of the People's Republic of China, public education expanded dramatically after 1949 and compulsory education took effect with the passage of “People's Republic of China Compulsory Education Law” in 1986. For more information on the global trend, see Francisco O. Ramirez and John W. Meyer, “Comparative Education: The Social Construction of the Modern World System,” Annual Review of Sociology, 1980, Vol. 6, pp. 369-99; Francisco O. Ramirez and John Boli, “Global Patterns of Educational Institutionalization,” in George M. Thomas, John W. Meyer, Francisco O. Ramirez and John Boli (eds.) Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society, and the Individual (Newbury Park and London: Sage Publications, 1986), pp. 150-172; John W. Meyer,, Francisco O. Ramirez and Yasemin Nuhoglu Soyal, “World Expansion of Mass Education, 1870-1980,” Sociology of Education, Vol. 65, No. 1 (1992), pp. 128-149.
[5] John W. Meyer, “The Effects of Education as an Institution,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 83, No. 1(1983), p. 56.
[6] Steven Brint, Schools and Societies (Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press, 1998), pp. 136-170.
[7] Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (New York: Free Press, 1965 [1915]), p. 311.
[8] Shimanuki Manabu, “Nihon[Japan],” Tetsu Nakamura (ed.), Higashi Ajia no Rekishi Kyoukasho wa Do Kakarete Iruka [What Have School History Textbooks Been Writing on East Asia?: A Comparison of School History Textbooks of Japan, China, Korea and Taiwan] (Tokyo: Nihon Hyoron-sha, 2004), pp. 13-38.
[9] The party later published three volumes of pamphlets entitled Pathetic Textbooks [Ureubeki Kyokasho].
[10] The “Red Purge” was carried out under the auspices of SCAP. With left-wing activism was on the rise, the government began monitoring radical union activism including the Japan Teachers Union. The purge led to the discharge of 22,000 “undesirable” citizens, and 1,200 teachers were dismissed from their schools. See, Leonard Schoppa, Education Reform in Japan (London: Routledge, 1991), p. 39.
[11] The Ministry of Education made a clear statement emphasizing the “political neutrality” of school teachers. See Christopher Hood, Japanese Education Reform: Nakasone's Legacy (London and New York: Routledge, 2001), p. 20. In this continuum, the Hatoyama cabinet passed a law abolishing the electoral system for municipal boards of education. Masamura Kimimasa, Zusetsu Sengoshi [Post-War History: An Illustration] (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1990). pp. 164-165.
[12] Okakura Kakuzo, The Awakening of Japan (New York: Century, 1904).
[13] Prior to the flurry of apologies in the 1980s and the 1990s, Prime Minister Tanaka extended an apology which was included in the 1972 Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the People's Republic of China: “The Japanese side is keenly conscious of the responsibility for the serious damage that Japan caused in the past to the Chinese people through war, and deeply reproaches itself.” For more details, see this.
[14] Tahara Soichiro, Nihon no Senso [Japan's War] (Tokyo: Shogakkan, 2000), p. 161.
[15] Source.
[16] Source.
[17] Source.
[18] Source.
[19] Source; source.
[20] Yoshio Sugimoto, An Introduction to Japanese Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 28-30.
[21] “‘Hoeru Daijin’ Ooinihoeru [‘The Loose-Lip Minister’ Barks Loudly],” Sekai, October, 1986. pp. 122-133.
[22] Adachi Yoshihiko, “Kodomo seinentachi ga toikakerumono: otonatachi wa ano sensokara nanio manandanoka? [The Question that Children and Youth Ask Us—‘What Have Adults Learned from the War?]‘,” in Rekishi Kyoikusha Kyougikai [History Educator's Conference] (ed.), Ajia Taiheiyo Senso kara nani o manabu ka? [What We Learn from the Asia-Pacific War?] (Tokyo: Aoki Shoten, 1994), pp. 4-24.
[23] Tawara Yoshifumi, “Document: Tsukurukai undo to wa nandattaka? [A Document: What Was the ‘Tsukuru-Kai’ Movement?]” Sekai, December, 2001, pp. 105-120.
[24] Fujioka Nobukatsu/Jiyusyugi Shikan Kenkyukai, Manga: Kyokasho ga oshienai rekishi [Manga History of Japan: What the School Textbooks Do No Teach, 3 vols] (Tokyo: Fushosha, 1998).
[25] Text is here.
[26] Cable News Network. April 14, 2005.
[27] The Japan Times, May 15, 2007.
[28] For more details see Japan Echo, Vol. 34, No. 2, (2007), p. 11.
[29] Julian Dierkes, “The Stability of Postwar Japanese History Education amid Global Changes,” in Edward Vickers and Alisa Jones (eds.), History Education and National Identity in East Asia (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), pp. 255-274; Yoshida Takashi, pp. 81-101.
[30] Tae-Yol Seo, “Urinara Sahoegwa Gyoyukgwajung Gaebaleui Munjaejumgwa Gaesunbanghyang: Jae 7 cha mit 8 cha Gyoyuk Gwajungeul Jungshimeuiro [The Problems of Korean Social Studies Education and Suggested Solutions: With a Focus on the 7th and 8th Curricular Reform],” a paper presented at the 5th Gyogwaseo Forum (April 6, 2006): Seoul, Korea.
[31] Supplementary learning materials in Korea are privatized, comprising a large market share of total books sales. Chinese textbooks after liberalization are subject to stringent screening processes. Oshiba Ryo, “National History-kara Transnational History-e [From National History To Trans-national History]: Nihon-ni okeru rekishi kyokasho mondai o jirei-toshite [Towards Japan's Exemplary Acts],” in Hosoya Chihiro, Irie Akira, Oshiba Ryo (eds.), Pearl Harbor as Memory [Kiokuto Shite no Pearl Harbor] (Tokyo: Mineruva Shobo, 2007), pp. 400-420.
[32] Anne F. Thurston, “Community and Isolation: Memory and Forgetting: China in Search of Itself,” in Gerrit W. Gong (ed.), Memory and History in East and Southeast Asia: Issues of Identity in International Relations (Washington, D.C.: The Center for Strategic & International Studies, 2001), pp. 149-172.
[33] Cho Satoshi, Ko Kenshuku and Ou Koshun, “Chugoku [China],” in Nakamura (ed.), pp. 39-78.
[34] Kawashima Shin, “The History Factor in Sino-Japanese Ties,” Japan Echo, Vol. 32, No. 5 (2005), p. 20.
[35] Shoji Junichiro, “Ilboneui Daeasia Jungchaekeui Yoksajuk Baegyung [The Historical Background of Japan's Policy Towards Asia]” Gukjaehak Nonchong (Daegu, Korea: Kemyung University, Vol. 8 (February, 2004), pp. 344-355.
[36] Kawashima Shin, p. 20.
[37] Ibid., p. 20.
[38] Wu Xinbo, “Memory and Perception: The Chinese Thinking of Japan,” in Gong (ed.), Memory and History in East and Southeast Asia: Issues of Identity in International Relations (Washington, D.C.: The CSIS Press, 2001), pp. 65-85; En Iji, “Kindaika to Chugoku no rekishi kyokasho mondai [Modernization and Chinese School History Book Issues],” in Chugoku no rekishi kyokasho mondai [Chinese History Book Issues –A Record and Introspection of the ‘Hyo-Ten’ Incident] (Tokyo: Nihon Kyoho-sha, 2006), pp. 51-79.
[39] Choi Su Byon, “Hakmunjok Sadaewa Jajon [Intellectual Dependence and Self-Reliance],” Hangukin Hangukbyong [Koreans and Korean Disease] (Seoul, Korea: Ilnyum, 1987), p. 180.
[40] Korean Ministry of Education, Junghakgyo Guksa [Middle School National History] (sophomore) (Seoul: Korean Ministry of Education, 1998), pp.10-11.
[41] Guksa Pyonchan Wiwonhoe/ Gukjung Doseo Pyonchan Wiwonhoe [National History Editorial Committee and National Publication Editorial Committee], Junghakgyo Guksa [Middle School National History] (Seoul: Korean Ministry of Education and Human Resources, 2007), p. 194.
[42] Ibid., p. 197.
[43] For more information on the implications and commemorations of the Kwangju uprising for nationwide democratization, see Henry Scott-Stokes and Lee Jae Eui (eds.), The Kwangju Uprising: Eyewitness Press Accounts of Korea's Tiananmen (Armonk, NY and London: M.E. Sharpe, 2000); Linda A. Lewis, Laying Claim to the Memory of May: A Look Back at the 1980 Kwangju Uprising (Hawaii: University of Hawai'i Press and Center for Korean Studies, University of Hawai'i, 2002).
[44] Guksa Pyonchan Wiwonhoe/ Gukjung Doseo Pyonchan Wiwonhoe [National History Editorial Committee and National Publication Editorial Committee], p. 2.
[45] Ibid., p. 311; for critical assessment of the official textbook narratives, see Gyogwaseo Forum (ed.), Gyungjae Gyogwaseo, Mueutsi Munjaeinga?: [What Are the Problems of Economics Textbooks?] (Seoul: Duraesidae, 2006).
[46] See Anna M. Alonso, “The Effects of Truth: Re-presentations of the Past and the Imagining of Community,” Journal of Historical Sociology, 1988, Vol. 1, Issue 3, pp. 33-57.
[47] Park Sopu, “Korea,” in Nakamura (ed.), pp. 79-92.
[48] Interview conducted with a leading conservative academic in Korea on February 16, 2005; also see Gyogwaseo Forum, Hanguk Hyundaesaeui Huguwa Jinsil [Fiction and Truth about Contemporary Korean History: Criticisms of High School Modern and Contemporary History Textbooks] (Seoul: Duraesidae, 2004); Park Hyo Jong, Choi Mun Hyung, Kim Jae Ho and Lee Ju Young, Paeatkin Uri Yoksa Doechatki: Gyogwaseo Forumyi Haebuhan ‘Waegok'eui Jinsang [Getting Our History Back: Truths about Historical Distortion: The Reality of ‘Distortion' Dissected by the Gyogwaseo Forum] (Seoul: Giparang, 2006).
[49] Donald Baker, “Exacerbated Politics: The Legacy of Political Trauma in South Korea,” paper in progress, 2007; see Han Yongu, Uri Yoksa [Our History] (Seoul: Kyongsewon, 2001).
[50] Okabe Tatsumi, “Historical Remembering and Forgetting in Sino-Japanese Relations,” in Gong (ed.), Memory and History in East and Southeast Asia, pp. 47-63.
[51] Nakanishi Terumasa, “China Plays Its History Cards,” Japan Echo, Vol. 32, No. 4 (2005), pp. 18-23.
[52] See Kimura Kan, “A Dangerous Current in Roh's South Korea,” Japan Echo, Vol. 31, No. 4 (2004), pp. 44-48.
[53] Kokubun Ryosei and Liu Jie, “The Danger of China's Disaffected Masses,” Japan Echo, Vol. 31, No. 6 (2004), pp. 51-55.
[54] See Douglas North, “A Transaction Cost Theory of Politics,” Journal of Theoretical Politics, Vol. 2, No.4 (2004), pp. 335-367.
[55] Melinda Liu, “Line of Defense,” Newsweek, October 24, 2005, pp. 26-30.
[56] See Zhu Jianrong, “The Real Reasons for the Anti-Japanese Outburst,” Japan Echo, Vol. 32, No. 4 (2005), pp. 14-17.
[57] As an example, see Ni-Chu-Kan Sangoku Kyoutsu Rekishi Kyozai Iinkai (ed.), Mirai o hiraku rekishi: Higashi Ajia sangoku no kingendaishi [Future-Oriented History: China-Japan-Korea, Three East Asian Countries' Modern and Contemporary History] (Tokyo: Koubunken, 2005/2006).
[58] “Kawaru rekishi kyoiku: Ni-Chu-Kan-Tai saishin jijyo [Changing History Education: The Latest Situations of Japan-China-Korea-Taiwan],” Asahi Shinbun. May 28, 2007, p.13.