ⁱ See, for example, Jeremi Suri, Power and Protest: Global Revolution and the Rise of Detante (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), and the six articles published as part of “AHR Forum: The International 1968,” parts I and II, The American Historical Review 114, no. 1 and 114, no. 2 (February 2009 and April 2009).

ⁱⁱ See, for example, William Marotti, “Japan 1968: The Performance of Violence and the Theater of Protest,” The American Historical Review 114, no. 1 (February 2009), 97-135, and Takemasa Ando, “Transforming ‘Everydayness’: Japanese New Left Movements and the Meaning of their Direct Action,” Japanese Studies 33, no. 1 (2013), 1-19.

ⁱⁱⁱ Muramatsu Takashi, Daigaku wa yureru, (Mainichi Shimbunsha, 1967), 44.

^iv As early as 1965, students at various universities throughout Japan had begun barricading campuses in the name of causes such as opposing tuition hikes. However, in the spring of 1968, these earlier protests were not widely known, and thus the 1968 protests at the University of Tokyo and Nihon University protests are remembered as the primary sparks for the wider Zenkyōtō movement.

^v I have analyzed these points in much greater detail in my book-length study 1968 (Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 2009).

^vi Tachibana Takashi, “Ichiryū kigyō ni hansen josei ga kyūzō shite iru,” Gendai (December 1969), 107-8.

^vii Yūki Seigo, Kaso/kamitsu (San'ichi Shobō, 1970), 9, 13, 18, 70-73.

^viii Miyazaki Manabu, Toppamono (Gentōsha Autorō Bunko, 1998), 1:121.

^ix Uemura Tadashi, Henbō suru shakai, (Seibundō Shinkōsha, 1969), 82-83.

^x Ibid., 119, 174.

^xi “Gunshū, hageshiku tōseki,” Mainichi Shimbun, April 3, 1968.

^xii “Roundtable: ‘Gebaruto-chan ki o tsukete‘” Shokun (February 1970), 231.

^xiii Muramatsu Takashi, Shingaku no arashi (Mainichi Shimbunsha, 1965), 113-14, 35.

^xiv Amano Yasukazu, “‘Sengo’ hihan no undō to ronri,” Ryūdō (April 1980), reproduced in Ogura Toshimaru, ed., Komentaaru sengo 50-nen, vol. 5: Rōdō, shōhi, shakai undo (Shakai Hyōronsha, 1995), 237.

^xv “Kore de mo bengaku no ba ka, genjitsu o chokushi seyo,” Chūō Daigaku Shimbun, September 13, 1966.

^xvi Akiyama Katsuyuki and Aoki Tadashi, Zengakuren wa nani o kangaeru ka (Jiyū Kokuminsha, 1968), 121-26, 137-39.

^xvii By 1968, Japan's per capita GDP had risen to $1,451 in nominal US dollars, compared to $4,491 in the United States and $3,422 in West Germany.

^xviii Kosaka Shūhei, Shisō to shite no zenkyōtō sedai (Chikuma Shinsho, 2006), 35-6; Kosaka Shūhei, “‘Hanran ron’ to sono jidai” in Nagasaki Hiroshi, Hanran ron (Sairyūsha, 1991), 211-12.

^xix Akiyama and Aoki, 125.

^xx Ueno Chizuko and Kanō Mikiyo, “Feminizumu to bōryoku,” Bungakushi wo yomikaeru, vol. 5: Ribu to iu kakumei (Inpakuto Shuppankai, 2003), 13.

^xxi “Tōdai, Nichidai sensō ni rentai shi Waseda ni hangyaku no barikēdo o!”, flyer dated February 5, 1967, reproduced in Tsumura Takashi, Tamashii ni fureru kakumei (Rain Shuppan, 1970), 228.

^xxii Okuda Azuma, Okamoto Michio, and Ueyanagi Katsurō, “Kyōto Daigaku no funsō,” in Ōsaki Hitoshi, “Daigaku funsō” o kataru (Yūshindō, 1991), 220.

^xxiii Yonezu Tomoko, “Barikēdo o kugutte,” in Onnatachi no Genzai o Tou Kai, ed., Zenkyōtō kara ribu e (Inpakuto Shuppankai, 1996), 121.

^xxiv Sawanobori Makoto, “Barikēdo to wa nani ka,” Jōkyō (March 1969), reproduced in Zenkyōtō o yomu (Jōkyō Shuppan, 1997), 96.

^xxv Iida Momo, Kukuchi Masanori, Takahashi Akira, Nagai Yōnosuke, and Hagihara Nobutoshi, “Gakusei hangyaku” to gendai shakai no kōzō henka,“ Chūō Kōron (July 1968), 51.

^xxvi Mori Setsuko, “‘Otoko name onna’ kara ribu e,” in Onnatachi no Genzai o Tou Kai, ed., Zenkyōtō kara ribu e (Inpakuto Shuppankai, 1996), 164.

^xxvii Ōtoshi Shigeyuki, Anpo sedai 1000-nin no saigetsu (Kōdansha, 1980), 226.

^xxviii Fukuda Yoshiyuki, Shibata Shō, Noguchi Takehiko, Satō Makoto, Iida Momo, “Gakusei undō no shisō no jizokusei,” Chūō Kōron (December 1967), 296.

^xxix K.H., “Tatakai no sōryoku o motte,” in Nihon Daigaku Bunri Gakubu Tōsō Iinkai Shokikyoku, ed., Hangyaku no barikēdo (San'ichi Shobō, 1991), 227.

^xxx Uegaki Yasuhiro, Heishitachi no Rengō Sekigun (Sairyūsha, 2001), 33-4.

^xxxi Sekine Hiroshi, “Sōdai barikēdo no shisō,” Gendai no Riron (May 1966), 105-06.

^xxxii K.M, “Ichi-nen no shuki” and “Kōnai ni nemuru meiku no hyakusen,” in Nihon Daigaku Bunri Gakubu Tōsō Iinkai Shokikyoku, ed., Hangyaku no barikēdo (San'ichi Shobō, 1991), 230, 269.

^xxxiii Takahashi Akira, “Chokusetsu kōdō no shinrito shisō” Chūō Kōron (September 1968), 226-27.

^xxxiv Hase Yuriko, “Zenkyōtō de mananda koto,” in Onnatachi no Genzai o Tou Kai, ed., Zenkyōtō kara ribu e (Inpakuto Shuppankai, 1996), 107.

^xxxv Tōdai Tōsō Tōron Shiryō Kankō Kai, ed., Tōdai kaitai no ronri, reproduced in Nihon no daigaku kakumei (Nihon Hyōronsha, 1969), 4:132.

^xxxvi Sekai Editorial Department, “Tōdai tōsō to gakusei no ishiki,” Sekai (September 1969), 64, 71.

^xxxvii Adachi Motoko “Betonamujin ni mōshiwake nai” Beheiren Nyūsu (July 1967).

^xxxviii Tsumura Takashi, ed., Zenkyōtō: jizoku to tenkei (Satsukisha, 1980), 142.

^xxxix For more on the 1964 deregulation of foreign travel and its relation to Japanese counterculture, see Bruce Suttmeier, “Ethnography as Consumption: Travel and National Identity in Oda Makoto's Nan de mo mite yarō,” Journal of Japanese Studies 35, no. 1 (Winter 2009), 61-86.

^xl Shibuya Yūichi, Rokku myūjikku shinka ron (Shinchō Bunko, 1990), 13; Onzō Shigeru, Biitoruzu Nihonban yo, eien ni (Heibonsha, 2003), 69.

^xli Miura Atsushi, Dankai sedai o sōkatsu suru (Makino Shuppan, 2005), 58-9.

^xlii Yomota Inuhiko and Tsubouchi Yūzō, “1968 to 1972,” Shinchō (February 2004), 217.

^xliii Interview of Jibiki Yūichi by Kawamura Atsushi, October 5, 2010.

^xliv J.A. Caesar, “Guriin hausu de no natsukashiki fūten seikatsu,” Tōkyōjin (July 2005), 46.

^xlv Takahashi Genichirō and Ōtsuka Eiji, “‘Rekishi’ to ‘fantashii,‘” Torippaa (Summer 2003), 7; Takahashi Genichirō and Shibuya Yūichi, “Ima, ronjiru kotow wa,” Mainichi Shimbun, January 13, 2008.

^xlvi Shiomi Takaya, Sekigun-ha shimatsu ki (Sairyūsha, 2003), 57.

^xlvii “Miyazaki Hayao yon-man ji intabyū,” SIGHT (Winter 2002), 20.

^xlviii Katō Michinori, Rengō Sekigun shōnen A (Shinchōsha, 2003), 42-43.

^xlix Ui Jun, “Kōsei no uragaeshi no repurika,” in Watanabe Ichie, Shiokawa Yoshinori, and Ōyabu Ryūsuke, eds., Shinsayoku undō 40-nen no hikari to kage (Shinsensha, 1999), 301.

^l Uegaki, 125.

^li Shutō Kumiko, “Yūsei hogo hō kaiaku soshi undō to ‘Chūpiren,‘” in Onnatachi no Genzai o Tou Kai, ed., Zenkyōtō kara ribu e (Inpakuto Shuppankai, 1996), 266.

^lii Mito Osamu, “Sabetsu ni mujikaku na kakumei shutai o dangai suru,” Jōkyō (September 1970), 88.

^liii The anti-nuclear power movement which arose in the wake of the Fukushima Daiichi incident of 2011 included a large number of participants from among the generation of the 1968 movement. The motivation and sentiments behind their participation, however, seemed to differ from those of younger participants. Participants from the 1968 generation tended to cite as their motivation a sense of guilt from having benefited from nuclear power, enjoying a life of affluence since the 1970s thanks in part to nuclear energy. However, participants from younger generations, especially contingent worker activists, seemed at least partly motivated by a critique of the “lifetime employment” system that was predominant in Japan until 1980s and was archetypically symbolized by the employment policies of electric power companies such as TEPCO. Most of the leading activists in the anti-nuclear movement after Fukushima fell into the latter category (see Oguma Eiji, ed., Genpatsu o tomeru hitobito: 3.11 kara kantei mae made (Tokyo: Bungei Shunjū, 2013)). Contemporary social movements in Japan, because they are arising in a declining economy, inevitably have a somewhat different character compared to the 1968 uprising, taking place as it did during a time of tremendous economic expansion. However, regardless of divergences arising from the directionality of the economy in terms of growing or declining, rapid economic and social change plays a major role in the rise of social movements.

^liv We should distinguish the term “reactive revolution” as I use it in this article from usual notions of “reactionary” politics. By using the word “reactive,” I simply mean to suggest that Japanese students literally “reacted” against the situation in which they found themselves. Although I argue that this “reaction” was “old-fashioned” in that it was based on a type of traditional moral economy, it is important to recognize that such reactions can often be classified as “progressive” or “innovative” as we can see in examples such as contemporaneous ecology movements around the world or efforts by Japanese students to install a sort of direct democracy on college campuses. If I may be allowed to make a comparison to a recent case I have not investigated in detail, when I visited the so-called “Umbrella Revolution” of pro-democracy protests in Hong-Kong in October 2014, several participants mentioned their anxiety about rapid social changes in two decades since the sovereignty transfer to China as one factor motivating the movement.

^lv E.P. Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the 18th Century.” Past & Present 50 (1971), 76-136.