[1] Interview recorded in Koh Sunhui, Seikatsushi no Shiryo 3: 1946-nen iko Rainichi, unpublished appendix to Koh Sunhui, 20 Seiki no Tainichi Chejudojin: Sono Seikatsu Katei to Ishiki, Tokyo, Akashi Shoten, 1998, pp. 127-128. I am very grateful to Professor Koh for allowing me access to this material.

[2] Myron Weiner, “Opposing Visions: Migration and Citizenship Policies in Japan and the United States”, in Myron Weiner and Tadashi Hanami eds., Temporary Workers or Future Citizens? Japanese and US Migration Policies, New York, New York University Press, 1998, pp. 3-27, quotation from p. 9

[3] Hiromi Mori, Immigration and Foreign Workers in Japan, London, Macmillan, 1997, p. 32.

[4] Yoko Sellek, “Nikkeijin: The Phenomenon of Return Migration”, in Michael Weiner ed., Japan's Minorities: the Illusion of Homogeneity, London, Routledge, 1997, pp. 178-210; quotation from p. 178.

[5] Y. Kuwahara, “Japan's Dilemma: Can International Migration be Controlled?”, in Myron Weiner and Tadashi Hanami eds., Temporary Workers or Future Citizens? Japanese and US Migration Policies, New York, New York University Press, 1998, pp. 355-383, quotation from p. 355.

[6] For example, Tessa Morris-Suzuki, ReInventing Japan : Time, Space, Nation, New York, M. E. Sharpe, 1998, pp. 175-176

[7] Mori, Immigration and Foreign Workers in Japan, p. 32.

[8] For example, Wolfgang Herbert, Foreign Workers and Law Enforcement in Japan, London, Kegan Paul International, 1996; see also Hiroshi Komai (trans. Jens Wilkinson), Migrant Workers in Japan, London, Kegan Paul International, p. 2.

[9] Wayne A. Cornelius, “Japan: The Illusion of immigration Control”, in Wayne A. Cornelius, Philip L. Martin and James F. Hollifield eds., Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1994, pp.375-410; quotation from p. 375.

[10] I have calculated these percentages by comparing the figures for legal registered aliens given in Cornelius loc. cit. with the figures for the total Japanese population given in Tsuneta Yano Memorial Foundation ed., Nippon: A Chartered Survey of Japan 1989-1990, Tokyo, Kokuseisha, 1989, p. 43.

[11] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri to sono Jittai - Showa 46- Nen, Tokyo, Okurasho Insatsukyoku, 1971, pp. 95-96.

[12] As we shall see, more rigorous registration also made it more difficult for “illegal migrants” to obtain residence documents. However, its principal effect seems to have been to ensure the registration of previously unregistered “legal” foreign residents.

[13] Kajita Takamichi, “The Challenge of Incorporating Foreigners in Japan: ‘Ethnic Japanese’ and ‘Sociologial Japanese’“, in Myron Weiner and Tadashi Hanami eds., Temporary Workers or Future Citizens?, pp. 120-147, citation from p. 139.

[14] ibid., p. 131.

[15] Ochiai Eishu, Ajiajin Rodoryoku Yunyu, Tokyo, Gendai Hyoronsha, 1974, p. 22.

[16] Asahi Shimbun, 8 May 1964 (evening edition), reproduced in Fujisaki Yasuo, Mikkosha, Tokyo, Rokufusha, 1977, pp. 213-214.

[17] See for example Sugihara Toru, Ekkyo suru Tami: Kindai Osaka no Chosenjinshi Kenkyu, Tokyo, Shinkansha, 1998;

[18] Japan National Police Agency website, www.npa.gov.jp/kokusai2/hakusho/14a/siryo.pdf, accessed 9 September 2003.

[19] Jeanyoung Lee, “Ethnic Korean Migration in Northeast Asia”, in Tsuneo Akaha ed., Proceedings of the International Seminar “Human Flows Across National Borders in Northeast Asia”, Center for East Asian Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies, Monterey Cal., 2-3 November 2001, p. 120.

[20] Yakabi Osamu, “‘Kokkyo’ no Kengen: Okinawa Yonaguni no Mitsuboeki Shusoku no Haikei”, Gendai Shiso, September 2003, pp. 186-201.

[21] Sugihara, Ekkyo suru Tami, p. 80.

[22] “Outlying Tsushima Islands”, report by Yaguchi Rokuzo, Chief of the Immigration Service Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 15 October 1949, in GHQ/SCAP Records RG 331, box. no. 380, folder no. 15, “Korea File no. 3, 1 April 1949 to 30 December 1949.

[23] The Nansei Islands included the Amami Islands and the Ryukyu Archipelago [Okinawa]. The Amami Islands were re-united with Japan in 1953, but the Ryukyu Archipelago was not returned until 1972, and even then the US retained a large network of military bases in the Archipelago.

[24] “Report on Stowaways”, attached to the memo “Korean Stowaways in Japan” from Lt. Col. Rue S. Link, Kyushu Military Government Headquarters, Fukuoka, to Commanding General, I Corps, APO 301, 19 August 1946; in GHQ/SCAP Records RG 331, Box no. 385, Folder no. 014, “Civil Matters, Binder #1, 2 January 1946 thru 19 January 1948 (Japan, Korea, Miscellaneous), pp. 1-2..

[25] For example, after Ireland obtained its independence, free movement across the border between Ireland and the UK continued to be permitted, while the 1962 Evian Accord between France and Algeria acknowledged the right of Algerians to enter the former colonial power.

[26] See for example Homu Kenshujo, Zainichi Chosenjin Shogu no Suii to Genjo, Tokyo, Kohokusha, 1975, 76-77.

[27] See Tessa Morris-Suzuki, “An Act Prejudicial to the Occupations Forces: Migration Controls and Korean Residents in Post-Surrender Japan”, Japanese Studies, vol. 24, no. 1, May 2004, pp. 4-28.

[28] “CSDIC Translations BCOF - Illegal Entry into Japan”, AWM 114, 423/10/42, 1948, Australian War Memorial, Canberra.

[29] For further details of SCAP's role in the introduction of the Alien Registration Ordinance, see Tessa Morris-Suzuki, “An Act Prejudicial to the Occupations Forces”.

[30] For example, Memorandum for Chief, Diplomatic Section from Alva C. Carpenter, Chief, Legal Section, “Japanese-Korean Nationality Conference”, 22 October 1951, in GHQ-SCAP Records, microfiche held in National Diet Library, Tokyo, fiche no LS 24687-24688; see also Kim T'ae-Gi's Sengo Nihon seiji to Zainichi Chôsenjin mondai: SCAP no tai-Zainichi Chôsenjin seisaku 1945-1952, Tokyo, Keisô Shobô, 1997; Chikako Kashiwazaki, “The Politics of Legal Status: The Equation of Nationality with Ethninational Identity”, in in Sonia Ryang ed., Koreans in Japan: Critical Voices from the Margin, London, Routledge, 2000, pp. 13-31.

[31] Quoted in Sato Katsumi, “Shutsunyukoku Kanrirei to Zainichi Choasenjin: Nyukokuho o Rikai suru ni atatte - sono Ni”, in Sato Katsumi ed., Zainichi Chosenjin no Shomondai, Tokyo, Doseido, 1971, pp. 238-264; quotation from p. 241; see also Sakanaka Hidenori, Nihon no Gaikokujin Seisaku no Koso, Tokyo, Nihon Kajo Shuppan, 2001, pp. 44-47.

[32] The British Nationality Act of 1948, for example, allowed former colonial subjects to enter, live and work in Britain on the same terms as all other British citizens. This measure was, of course, designed as a means to maintain Britain's political influence over its former colonies, and the rights it bestowed were gradually removed from the 1960s onwards. However, the Act did in practice protect former colonial subjects living in Britain from some of the dislocation and insecurity experienced by Koreans and Taiwanese in Japan. For further details, see Kathleen Paul, “Communities of Britishness: Migration in the Last Gasp of Empire”, in Stuart Ward ed. British Culture and the End of Empire, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2001, pp 180-199.

[33] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku ed., Shutsunyukoku Kanri to sono Jittai - Showa 39- nen, Tokyo, Okurasho Insatsukyoku, 1964, p. 16.

[34] Memorandum for Chief of Staff, 8th Army, “Suppression of Korean Illegal Entry”, 15 May 1949, in GHQ/SCAP Records (RG 311, National Archives and Records Service), Box no. 380, Folder no 15, Korea File no. 3, 1 April 1949 to 31 December 1949.

[35] “CSDIC Translations BCOF”, p. 14.

[36] John W. Dower, Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II, New York, W. W. Norton / The New Press, 1999, p. 407.

[37] Extracts from Civil Censorship Detachment intercepts, held in the GHQ/SCAP archive.

[38] Koh Sunhui, 20 Seiki no Tainichi Chejudojin, p. 210.

[39] In 1991, “Treaty Permanent Residence” was replaced by the rather more comprehensive “Special Permanent Residence” status. See Kim Ilhwa, “Zainichi Chosenjin no Hoteki Chii”, in Pak Chongmyeong ed. Zainichi Chosenjin: Rekishi, Genjo, Tenbo, Tokyo, Akashi Shoten, 1995, pp. 189-232; citation from p. 210

[40] However, the treaty specifically provided for the deportation of those involved in offences against foreign governments or embassies - a measure clearly designed to be used against Koreans in Japan who engaged in political acts hostile to the South Korean government.

[41] Kim, “Zainichi Chosenjin no Hoteki Chii”, p. 209. Greater access to welfare, housing etc. became available to foreign permanent residents after Japan ratified the United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees in 1981.

[42] Ibid., p. 208; see also Sonia Ryang, “Introduction: Resident Koreans in Japan”, in Ryang ed., Koreans in Japan, 1-12; citation from p. 4. The nationality of Koreans in Japan was divided between Kankokuseki - citizenship of the Republic of Korea (South Korea), and Chosenseki. Those with Chosenseki include people who define themselves as citizens of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and a substantial number who defined themselves above all as nationals of a future reunited Korea.

[43] Quoted in Yoshitome Roju, Omura Chosenjin Shuyojo, Tokyo, Nigatsusha, 1977, p. 38.

[44] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo: Nyukan Hassoku 30-shunen o Kinen shite, Tokyo, Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, 1980, p. 289.

[45] Ibid. p. 293.

[46] “Mitsunyukoku Chosenjin - go-rokuman kara nijumannin”, Asahi Shimbun, 16 June 1959.

[47] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri: Sono Genkyo to Kadai, Tokyo, Okurasho Insatsukyoku, 1975, pp. 120-121.

[48] Sakanaka Hidenori, Kongo no Shutsunyukoku Kanri Gyosei no Arikata ni tsuite, Tokyo, Nihon Kajo Shuppan, 1989, p. 131. (original published in 1977).

[49] Taniguchi Tomohiko, “Senzai Kyojusha ni Zairyuken o!”, Chosen Kenkyu, no. 190, June 1979, pp. 25-35, citation from p. 28.

[50] Koh, 20 Seiki no Tainichi Chejudojin, p. 184.

[51] Sakanaka, Kongo no Shutsunyukoku Kanri Gyosei, p. 129.

[52] The Immigration Control Bureau claimed that in the mid-1970s some “stowaways” were paying up to one million yen for their journey to Japan; Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri: Sono Genkyo to Kadai, p. 119. However, another source gives a figure of about 100,000 to 200,000 yen as the going rate; Ochiai, Ajiajin Rodoryoku Yunyu, p. 22.

[53] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku kanri: Sono Genkyo to Kadai., p. 126-127.

[54] Ibid. p. 127.

[55] Taniguchi, “Senzai Kyojusha ni Zairyuken o!” p. 30.

[56] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, p. 157; 5,109 people also received “special permission to stay” between 1952 and 1955, but at this stage published figures do not show what proportion were “illegal immigrants” and what proportion were people convicted of other offenses.

[57] Shitsunyukoku Kanricho, renamed the Nyuûkoku Kanricho in 1951.

[58] Sato ed., Zainichi Chosenjin no Shomondai, quotation from p. 295.

[59] The Justice Ministry took over migration control functions from the Foreign Ministry, which had operated an Immigration Control Office [Nyûkan Kanrichô] from October 1951; see Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, pp. 266-268.

[60] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri to sono Jittai- Showa 39- Nen, pp. 98-99.

[61] Ochiai, Ajiajin Rodoryoku Yunyu, p. 24; see also Morris-Suzuki, “An Act Prejudicial to the Occupation Forces”.

[62] I have discussed the role of the Japan Red Cross Society in these repatriations in more detail in Tessa Morris-Suzuki, “Tokubestushitsu no naka no Chinmoku: Shinhakkutsu Shiryo ga Kataru Kota Chosen Kikan Jigyo no Shinso”, Ronza, November 2004, pp. 172-182 and Tessa Morris-Suzuki, “Exposing Japan's Dark Role in Korean's Return”, Herald Tribune Asahi, 26 November 2004.

[63] Quoted in ibid., p. 207.

[64] Nakamura Shokichi, former head of the Immigration Control Bureau's Yokohama office; quoted in Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, p. 377.

[65] ”Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku ed., Shustunyukoku Kanri to sono Jittai - Showa 39- nen, p. 103.

[66] Letter reproduced in Koh Sunhui, Senzai Kyojusha Shiryoshu, unpublished appendix to Koh Sunhui, 20 Seiki no Tainichi Chejudojin, p. 113; See also Koh Sunhui, 20 Seiki no Tainichi Chejudojin, p. 210.

[67] Taniguchi “Senzai Kyojusha ni Zairyuken o!”, p. 31.

[68] Ibid p. 32.

[69] See for example Koh, Senzai Kyojusha Shiryoshu, p. 111.

[70] Sakanaka, Kongo no Shutsunyukoku Kanri Gyosei, p. 137.

[71] Yoon Hakjun, “Waga Mikkoki”, Chosen Kenkyu, no. 190, June 1979, pp. 4-23, quotation from p. 5.

[72] Ibid., p. 5.

[73] See Itanuma Jiro, “Omura Shuyojo Teppai no tame ni”, in Pak Seongkong ed., Omura Shuyojo, Kyoto, Kyoto Daigaku Shuppankai, 1969, pp. 1-42, citation from p. 24.

[74] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, pp. 158-159. In addition to mass deportations and those who paid for their own deportation, a small number of deportees - usually sailors who had failed to reboard their ships - were deported at the expense of the transportation company which had brought them to Japan.

[75] Tanaka Tomizo, former head of the Osaka Migration Control Office, quoted in Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, p. 351.

[76] Laurie Brocklebank, Jayforce: New Zealand and the Military Occupation of Japan 1945- 1948, Auckland, Oxford University Press, 1997; Telegram on “Epidemic of Cholera on LST Q076”, from 9th NZ Inf. Brg. To 8th Army, 6 August 1946, the file “[BCOF, Japan - General:] Communications and Reports Dealing with Illegal Entry of Koreans into Japan”, Series no. AWM114, Control symbol 130/1/34, 1946- 147, held in the Australian War Memorial archives, Canberra; see also Morris-Suzuki, “An Act Prejudicial to the Occupation Forces”.

[77] Homusho Omura Nyukokusha Shuyojo ed., Omura Nyukokusha Shuyojo 20-Nenshi, Tokyo, Homusho, 1970, p. 1.

[78] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku., Shutsunyukoku Kanri to sono Jittai - Showa 39-Nen, p. 109.

[79] Tanaka Tomizo, quoted in Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, p. 362.

[80] Oguro Shuntaro, former head of the Yokohama Migrant Detention Centre, quoted in Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, p. 343.

[81] Quoted in Yoshitome, Omura Chosenjin Shuyojo, p. 9

[82] See account by Tanaka Tomizo, who was at that time in change of deportations from Omura, in Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, pp. 360-361; also Yoshitome, Omura Chosenjin Shuyojo, pp. 46-47; Homusho Omura Nyukansha Shuyojo ed., Omura Nyukansha Shuyojo 20-Nenshi, p. 95.

[83] See Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, p. 370.

[84] Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku ed., Shutsunyukoku Kanri to sono Jittai- Showa 39- Nen, pp. 108-114.

[85] Homusho Omura Nyukokusha Shuyojo ed., Omura Nyukokusha Shuyojo 20-Nenshi, p. 56.

[86] Itanuma, “Omura Shuyojo Teppai no tame ni”, pp. 40-41.

[87] Kim Yongdal and Takayanagi Toshio eds., Kita Chosen Kikoku Jigyo Kankei Shiryo, Tokyo, Shinkansha, 1995, p. 341. Sonia Ryang, North Koreans in Japan: Language, Ideology and Identity, Boulder, Westview Press, 1997, pp. 113-115; Sonia Ryang, “The North Korean Homeland of Koreans in Japan”, in Ryang ed., Koreans in Japan, pp. 32-54; Kang Sangjung, Niccho Kankei no Kokufuku, Tokyo, Shueisha Shinsho, 2003, pp. 70-79.

[88] Homusho Omura Nyukokusha Shuyojo ed., Omura Nyukokusha Shuyojo 20-Nenshi, p. 97.

[89] For further information on the repatiration to North Korea, see Kim and Takayanagi, Kita Chosen Kikoku Jigyo Kankei Shiryo; Takasaki Soji, “Kikoku Undo to wa nan datta no ka” Part 1, Ronza, May 2004, pp. 114-143; Wada Haruki, “Kikoku Undo to wa nan datta no ka” Part 2, Ronza, June 2004, pp. 132-143; Sonia Ryang, North Koreans in Japan: Language, Ideology and Identity, Boulder, Westview Press, 1997, pp. 113-115; Sonia Ryang, “The North Korean Homeland of Koreans in Japan”, in Ryang ed., Koreans in Japan, pp. 32-54; Kang Sangjung, Niccho Kankei no Kokufuku, Tokyo, Shueisha Shinsho, 2003, pp. 70-79; Tessa Morris-Suzuki, “A Dream Betrayed : Cold War Politics and the Repatriation of Koreans from Japan to North Korea”, Asian Studies Review, vol. 29, no. 4, December 2005, pp. 357-382; Tessa Morris-Suzuki, Exodus to North Korea: Shadows from Japan's Cold War, Boulder, Rowman and Littlefield (forthcoming).

[90] Itanuma, “Omura Shuyojo Teppai no tame ni”, pp. 36-37.

[91] Yoshitome, Omura Chosenjin Shuyojo, p. 14.

[92] Itanuma, “Omura Shuyojo Teppai no tame ni”, pp. 27-28.

[93] Ibid., pp. 14-15 and 37-39.

[94] Oguro Shuntaro, quoted in Homusho Nyukoku Kanrikyoku, Shutsunyukoku Kanri no Kaiko to Tenbo, pp. 377-378.

[95] See for example Herbert, Foreign Workers and Law Enforcement in Japan, pp. 72-75.

[96] See for example Hokkaido Shimbun, 23 July 2001; Mainichi Shimbun, 24 January 2003; Asahi Shimbun, 20 November 2003;

[97] Nyukan Mondai Chosakai ed., Nyukan Shuyo Shisetsu: Sueden, Osutoria, Rengo Okoku. Soshite Nihon, Tokyo, Gendai Jinbunsha, 2001, p. 12.

[98] In a public statement issued on 7 August 2000, Amnesty International detailed complaints of serious human rights violations by guards at the Narita Landing Prevention Centre. - see http://www.incl.ne.jp/ktrs/aijapan/2000/08/000801.htm (accessed 24 Dec. 2003)

[99] See Tokyo Yomiuri Shimbun, 31 January 2003.

[100] For example Taniguchi. “Senzai Kyojusha ni Zairyuken o!”

[101] See for example Koh, 20 Seiki no Tainichi Chejudojin; Sugihara, Ekkyo suru Tami. On the potential of cross-border Korean networks, see also Hyun Mooam, “Takokuseki Minzoku Kyodotai no Mosaku: Tenkaki no Kankoku Nashonarizumu no Henyo to sono Yukue”, in Nishikawa Nagao, Kang Sangjung and Nishi Masahiko eds., 20 Seiki o ikani Koeru ka: Tagengo, Tabunkashugi o Tegakari ni shite, Tokyo, Heibonsha, 2000, pp. 144-174.