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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 March 2025
Through the first year of his second term as Prime Minister (December 2012-December 2013) Abe Shinzo's government stirred concern on the part of neighbour countries, Japan's key “ally” the United States, and global opinion generally. Despite some suggestion of economic recovery under “Abenomics,” there was something inexplicable about Japan. Abe's revisionist historical views, his commitment to Yasukuni, and his hard-line stance on territorial disputes, had plunged relations with China and South Korea to new depths, while raising the level of tension with the United States. When Abe spoke of “liquidating the post-war” regime so as to replace it with a “new” or “beautiful” Japan, he meant one whose citizens would be expected, indeed required, to love it, with a drastically revised new constitution that would widen state prerogatives and narrow citizen rights, a “national defense army” replacing the existing Self Defense Forces and national security reinforced by a tightened, draconian “secrets protection” law and a Prime Ministerial National Security Council (both now in place). The door also opened to the export of Japanese weapons and nuclear power plants as well as the dispatch of Japanese soldiers to global theatres under a doctrine of “collective self-defense.” His is a vision more radical than that of any previous post-war Prime Minister, including his grandfather, Kishi Nobusuke, Prime Minster 1957-1960, who in 1960 pushed through the US-Japan Security Treaty agreement against massive opposition.
1 Gavan McCormack and Satoko Oka Norimatsu, Resistant Islands – Okinawa Confronts Japan and the United States, Rowman and Littlefield, 2012.
2 For full details of the eight-part series (nine with addition of the present article) on Okinawa published on this site between November 2013 and January 2014 see note at the end of this text.
3 Following his re-election, Inamine Susumu declared his intention to visit the United States in the near future to appeal to public opinion over Okinawa's “colonial situation.” (“Saisen no Inamine shicho, ‘shokuminchi jotai’ o Beikoku de uttaetai,” Ryukyu shimpo, 21 January 2014.)
4 On the extraordinary manoeuvring to compel the withdrawal of Shimabukuro and unification of the Nago conservative camp around Suematsu, see Nonaki Daiki, “Shusho kantei, jiminto, ‘Sankei shimbun’ Tokyo kara no ozomashii ‘ipponka’ atsuryoku,” Shukan kinyobi, 10 January 2014, pp. 10-12.
5 19,839 votes to 15, 684 in a 76.71 per cent poll.
6 Advertisements in the two Okinawan newspapers on 17January (Inamine) and 18 January (Suematsu) 2014.
7 “Inamine shi saisen, hokoritakai rekishiteki shindan Nichibei wa Henoko o dannen seyo,” Ryukyu shimpo, 20 January 2014.
8 Details in preceding essay, “Bitter soup for Okinawans – The Governor's year-end betrayal,” The Asia-Pacific Journal – Japan Focus, 6 January 2014.
9 It was the first such resolution to be adopted in Okinawan history. “Naha shigikai, Henoko shonin ni kogi ‘koyaku to mujun’ shiteki,” Ryukyu shimpo, 7 January 2014.
10 “Chiji jinin yokyu o kaketsu, sansei tasu, kengikai hajime,” Okinawa taimusu, 11 January 2014.
11 “Over 120 plaintiffs join lawsuit for withdrawal of Henoko relocation approval,” Ryukyu shimpo, 21 January 2014.
12 “Chiji mikkai, kenmin e no niju no uragiri da,” editorial, Ryukyu shimpo, 25 January 2014.
13 Sori kantei, “Nakaima Okinawa chiji to no mendan,” 25 December 2013.
14 “Nago shicho sen, shubansen ni Sumatsu, Inamine shi, shiji kakudai e zenryoku, Okinwa,” Jiji tsushin, 16 January 2014.
15 “Zaigen wa kizon yosan nai,” Ryukyu shimpo, 18 January 2014.
16 Ibid.
17 “‘Jakusha ijime’ no tenkei,” Ryukyu shimpo, 23 January 2014.
18 Personal communications.
19 For details, Norimatsu and McCormack, Resistant Islands, passim.
20 “Min-i futatabi, Inamine shi saisen,” part 1, Ryukyu shimpo, 22 January 2014.
21 “Nago shi seron chosa, shimin no yokyu ya gimon ni kotaeyo,” editorial, Ryukyu shimpo, 15 January 2014.
22 Ibid.
23 Ishiba on Sunday 12 January, quoted in Eric Johnston, “Incumbent leading in Nago race,” Japan Times, 17 January 2014.
24 Okinawa Defense Bureau - Henoko Project PDF.
25 “Shichosen seifu hanno, min-i mushi wa yurusarenai,” editorial, Ryukyu shimpo, 21 January 2014.
26 “‘Jakusha ijime’,” ibid.
27 “Henoko isetsu, Nago shicho no bogai ni sonae tokumei tanto, seifu, daishikko, sosho nado taisho hoshin,” Sankei Shimbun, 22 January 2014.
28 “Henoko nyusatsu kokoku, minshu kokka no jisatsu koi da,” editorial, Ryukyu shimpo, 22 January 2014
29 One article, more perceptive than most, appeared in the New York Times. Martin Fackler, “In a city on Okinawa, Mayor's reelection real blow to Marine base relocation plan,” New York Times, 20 January 2014.
30 Matsumoto Tsuyoshi, “Nago shicho sen,” (special essay), Ryukyu shimpo, 23 January 2014.
31 “Henoko teitai sasezu, Suga shi, kensei enen to,” Okinawa tamusu, 21 January 2014
32 McCormack and Norimatsu, p. 164.
33 From around 7:30 in the morning of the day following his election triumph, Inamine was in his customary position as road crossing attendant outside the local school. (“Toko jido ni haitachi,” Ryukyu shimpo, 21 January 2014.)
34 “Hamure shi hatsugen – zai Oki kaiheitai tettai no teiki o,” editorial, Ryukyu shimpo, 18 January 2014.
35 McCormack and Norimatsu, p. 203.
36 Peter Ennis, “New election revives doubts that US Marine facility at Henoko will be built,” Dispatch Japan, 20 January 2014.
37 Quoted in Ennis, ibid.
38 For reference to those reports, click here.
39 “Shicho sen seifu hanno,” op. cit.
40 “International scholars and peace advocates support Okinawan struggle to oppose the Henoko landfill,” Ryukyu shimpo, 8 January 2014, (in English), and (in Japanese).
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