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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 May 2025
“Dear Bess…. Hoover would give his right eye to take over [from the Secret Service] and all Congressmen and Senators are afraid of him. I’m not and he knows it. If I can prevent [it] there’ll be no NKVD or Gestapo in this country. Edgar Hoover's organization would make a good start toward a citizen spy system. Not for me.”
1 As reported by FBI Special Agent Arthur Murtagh, in Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 376; citing Pike Report, Pt 3, 1968.
2 April 1887 letter to the Anglican Bishop of London, Mandell Creighton; in John Emerich Edward Dalberg-Acton, Essays on Freedom and Power (Boston: Beacon Press, 1949), 364.
3 Brian Fitzgerald, McCarthyism: The Red Scare (Minneapolis, Minn.: Compass Point Books, 2007), 16.
4 Peter Dale Scott, “The Doomsday Project, Deep Events, and the Shrinking of American Democracy,” Japan Focus, January 24, 2011, link.
5 Patrick A. Thronson, “Toward Comprehensive Reform of America's Emergency Law Regime,” University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, Vol. 46, No. 2, Winter 2013, 737.
6 See “How the Anti-Terrorism Bill Allows for Detention of People Engaging in Innocent Associational Activity,” ACLU, October 23, 2001, link.
7 Len Colodny and Tom Schachtman, The Forty Years War: The Rise and Fall of the Neocons, from Nixon to Obama (New York: HarperCollins, 2009), 390. As we shall see below, Mitchell blocked implementation of the Huston Plan at the urging of Hoover, who was opposed to such cooperation between the FBI and CIA.
8 Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Report, Book II - Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans (henceforth Church Committee, Book II), 91. For whatever reason, The Church Committee Report is silent about the detention provisions of the Huston Plan (loc. cit., 112-15).
9 Benjamin O. Fordham, Building the Cold War consensus: the political economy of U.S. national security policy, 1949-51 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 153: “Title II of the act authorized the arrest and detention of suspected subversives in the event of an ‘internal security emergency.’“
10 See e.g. Athan Theoharis, Spying on Americans: Political Surveillance from Hoover to the Huston Plan (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978), 99-100; Paul D. Borman, “The Selling of Preventive Detention 1970,” Northwest Law Review, 65 (January-February 1971), 879-931.
11 Athan Theoharis, ed., The FBI: A Comprehensive Guide (Phoenix: Oryx Press, 1999), 158. We shall see below (at footnote 131) that Hoover had never been constrained by the procedures of the Internal Security Act when it was passed.
12 As we shall see below (at footnote 127) the new Administrative Index (ADEX). was in turn discontinued in 1978. But the list was again not destroyed, and remained available for use by a committee of Continuity of Government (COG) planners (including Rumsfeld and Cheney) in the new Reagan Administration. It has been in active use since 9/11.
13 In three magisterial books (Blowback, Nemesis, and Dismantling the Empire) Chalmers Johnson documented how America's imperial overstretch abroad has become a threat to the republic itself. This essay looks at a parallel threat to the republic that has arisen from within.
14 See Mark Perry, Eclipse: The Last Days of the CIA (New York: William Morrow, 1992), 47-49, 319-320; Gregory F, Treverton, Covert Action: The Limits of Intervention in the Postwar World (New York: Basic Books, 1987); David Aaron, Los Angeles Times, October 18, 1987, http://articles.latimes.com/1987-10-18/books/bk-15321_1_covert-action: “CIA Director William Casey, angry at his experts on terrorism for coming up with little evidence linking the Soviet Union to terror groups, ordered them to read Claire Sterling's famous book “The Terror Network.” They did and found that virtually all of the examples she cited turned out to be CIA disinformation-false stories planted in the foreign press that she unwittingly used in good faith.”
15 April 1887 letter to the Anglican Bishop of London, Mandell Creighton; in John Emerich Edward Dalberg-Acton, Essays on Freedom and Power (Boston: Beacon Press, 1949), 364.
16 McCarthy's “certain manic brilliance” was noted at the time by commentator Eric Sevareid (Conrad Black, Richard Milhous Nixon: the invincible quest [London: Quercus, 2007], 310). Cf. Eli Sagan, Citizens and Cannibals, the French Revolution, the struggle for modernity, and the origins of ideological terror (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield), 328: “Richard Nixon…manifested many attributes that can accurately be called ‘paranoid.’ But when the Watergate crisis came to its frightful climax, many sensitive, thoughtful people in Washington were fearful that the president would go over the line and move on from paranoid behavior to paranoia itself. In the last days before Nixon resigned, Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger apparently informed all U.S. commanders that any orders from the White House concerning troops or weapons had to be approved by him, before being executed.”
17 For Angleton as “the CIA's manic molehunter,” see Lori Lyn Bogle (ed.) The Cold War (New York: Routledge, 2001), 64. For North's “nearly manic devotion to duty” see Donald Worster, Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of the American West (New York : Oxford University, 1992), 153. Cf. Paul Berman, Power and the Idealists (Brooklyn, NY: Soft Skull Press), 135: “Rumsfeld … in the judgment of his non-admirers…gave off a manic and scary vibe.”
18 Likewise Rumsfeld's and Cheney's fellow Vulcan, Paul Wolfowitz, after leaving the Pentagon, was forced out of his position as president of the World Bank because of similar hubristic excesses, such as granting his mistress salary raises far in excess of those allowable under Bank rules. Both Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz were ousted after successful revolts by their own subordinates. For Rumsfeld's downfall after “the revolt of the generals” against his “reign of terror,” see Andrew Cockburn, Rumsfeld: His Rise, Fall, and Catastrophic Legacy (New York: Scribner, 2007), especially 210-23.
19 Peter Dale Scott. “Northwards without North: Bush, Counterterrorism, and the Continuation of Secret Power,” Social Justice, Summer 1989; reprinted as “North, Iran-Contra, and the Doomsday Project: The Original Congressional Cover Up of Continuity-of-Government Planning,” Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, February 21, 2011, link. I offer the notion of personal power autointoxication as a more personalized and more sympathetic interpretation of the phenomenon increasingly described by some criminologists as “state criminality.” See e.g. G. Barak, “Crime, criminology and human rights: Towards an understanding of state criminality,” Journal of Human Justice, 1990; Lance deHaven-Smith, “Beyond Conspiracy Theory: Patterns of High Crime in American Government,” American Behavioral Scientist (February, 2010), 795-825. Some of my critique of “state crimes” analysis can be found in “Systemic Destabilization in Recent American History: 9/11, the JFK Assassination, and the Oklahoma City Bombing as a Strategy of Tension,” The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, September 23, 2012, http://japanfocus.org/-Peter_Dale-Scott/3835.
20 Our economy's recent recurrent flux between exaggerated bubble (moving in Alan Greenspan's terms from “irrational exuberance” to “infectious greed”) and then recession, has been compared by a psychologist to “the cycle of manic depression” (Peter C. Whybrow, American Mania: When More is Not Enough [New York: W.W. Norton, 2005], 127).
21 Scott, “The Doomsday Project, Deep Events, and the Shrinking of American Democracy,” Japan Focus, January 24, 2011, link.
22 Tim Weiner, “The Pentagon's Secret Stash,” Mother Jones Magazine, Mar-Apr 1992, 26.
23 Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2007), 185-87; citing Executive order 12656 of 18 November 1988.
24 Andrew Cockburn, Rumsfeld: His Rise, Fall, and Catastrophic Legacy (New York: Scribner, 2007), 88; quoted in Scott, Road to 9/11, 187.
25 CNN, November 17, 1991, quoted in Shirley Anne Warshaw, The Co-presidency of Bush and Cheney [Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Politics and Policy, 2009], 162.
26 The xenophobia of the 18th century was of course perpetuated in the nativist movements such as the Know-Nothings in the 19th Century and the anti-Bilderberg right today; see David Harry. Bennett, The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History (New York: Vintage, 1990). Some historians, notably Richard Hofstadter, have analyzed McCarthyism itself as a replication of 19th century nativist populism (Richard Hofstadter, “The Paranoid Style in American Politics” (Harper's Magazine, November 1964), 77-86, link). But to understand McCarthyism, both then and now, this paper will focus on the extent to which McCarthy's fear tactics were both inspired and guided from above, and principally by Hoover.
27 John Ferling, Adams vs. Jefferson: The Tumultuous Election of 1800 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).
28 Described below in this essay. Cf. Lou Dubose and Jake Bernstein, Vice: Dick Cheney and the Hijacking of the American Presidency (New York: Random House, 2006), 32-40; Sidney Blumenthal. “The long march of Dick Cheney,” Salon, November 24, 2005; Scott, The Road to 9/11, 51-54.
29 Jon Meacham, Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power (New York: Random House, 2012), 314; citing The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian Boyd (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1950), XXX. 348.
30 Department of Homeland Security, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, ENDGAME: Office of Detention and Removal Strategic Plan, 2003-2012, 11; link; cf. Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 240. This document was removed from the DHS website after I and others reported on it, but is readable on line in its original form.
31 The massive internment and relocation of Japanese-Americans was a program initiated by the U.S. Army, not Hoover. On the other hand Hoover, at FDR's direction, began covert surveillance of Axis nationals in Latin-American countries. More than four thousand ethnic German civilians were ultimately deported to the United States where most were interned in detention camps. See Heidi Donald, We Were Not the Enemy: Remembering the United States’ Latin-American Civilian Internment Program of World War II (Bloomington, IN: iUniverse, 2007).
32 Glenn Greenwald, “Three key lessons from the Obama administration's drone lies,” Guardian (London), April 11, 2013, here. Cf. Micah Zenko, “An Inconvenient Truth: Finally, proof that the United States has lied in the drone wars,” Foreign Policy, Aril 11, 2013, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/04/10/an_inconvenient_truth_drones#.UWXow7ir6Xk.twitter.
33 William Binney, quoted in Jane Mayer, “The Secret Sharer: Is Thomas Drake an enemy of the state?” New Yorker, May 23, 2011, http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2011/05/23/110523fa_fact_mayer?currentPage=all.
34 “Even as some senior former American security officials question whether the strikes are beginning to do more harm than good, 65 percent of Americans questioned in a Gallup poll last month approved of strikes to kill suspected foreign terrorists; only 28 percent were opposed” (Shane, “Targeted Killing Comes to Define War on Terror, New York Times, April 8, 2013, 3). As in the McCarthy era, public xenophobia is trumping common sense. See Martha Stout, The Paranoia Switch: How Terror Rewires Our Brains and Reshapes Our Behavior–and How We Can Reclaim Our Courage (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007), described as “a groundbreaking clinical, neuropsychological, and practical examination of what terror and fear politics have done to our minds, and to the very biology of our brains.”
35 See e.g. Tom Engelhardt, “The Enemy-Industrial Complex,” TomDispatch, April 15, 2013, http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175687/tomgram%o3A_engelhardt%o2C_the_cathedral_of_the_enemy/:
“All these years, we’ve been launching wars and pursuing a “global war on terror.” We’ve poured money into national security as if there were no tomorrow. From our police to our borders, we’ve up-armored everywhere. We constantly hear about “threats” to us and to the “homeland.” And yet, when you knock on the door marked “Enemy,” there's seldom anyone home.
Few in this country have found this striking. Few seem to notice any disjuncture between the enemy-ridden, threatening, and deeply dangerous world we have been preparing ourselves for (and fighting in) this last decade-plus and the world as it actually is, even those who lived through significant parts of the last anxiety-producing, bloody century.” Engelhardt accurately blames this psychotic condition on neocons, who “they needed an American public anxious, frightened, and ready to pay.” But his trenchant essay ends of a note of gloom, even despair: “They may indeed be a crew of Machiavellis, but they are also acolytes in the cult of terror and global war…. It's their religion. They are, after all, the enemy-industrial complex and if we are in their grip, so are they. The comic strip character Pogo once famously declared: ‘We have met the enemy and he is us.’ How true. We just don’t know it yet.”
36 Weiner, Enemies, 443. A classified U.S. intelligence report of around 2006 concluded that Iraq had become a “cause célèbre for jihadists, breeding a deep resentment of U.S. involvement in the Muslim world and cultivating supporters for the global jihadist movement” (Mark Mazzetti, The Way of the Knife: The CIA, a Secret Army, and a War at the Ends of the Earth [New York: Penguin Press, 2013], 138).
37 The counter-productivity is of course welcome to those who profit from the American war machine, as well as to those multinational corporations who welcome an American military presence around the globe. See Peter Dale Scott, “Why Americans Must End America's Self-Generating Wars,” Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, August 26, 2012, http://japanfocus.org/-Peter_Dale-Scott/3819.
38 FBI manual quoted in Weiner, Enemies, 447-48.
39 David K. Shipler, “Terrorist Plots, Hatched by the F.B.I.” New York Times, April 28, 2012, link. Cf. Trevor Aaronson, The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Manufactured War on Terrorism (Brooklyn, NY: Ig Publishing, 2013). Cf. Rick Perlstein, “How FBI Entrapment Is Inventing ‘Terrorists’ - and Letting Bad Guys Off the Hook,” Rolling Stone, May 15, 2012, http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/blogs/national-affairs/how-fbi-entrapment-is-inventing-terrorists-and-letting-bad-guys-off-the-hook-20120515.
40 Robert W. Worth, Mark Mazzetti and Scott Shane, “Drone Strikes’ Risks to Get Rare Moment in the Public Eye,” New York Times, February 5, 2013, link. On CIA and JSOC killer squads in general, see Mazzetti, The Way of the Knife.
41 Jonathan Turley, “The NDAA's historic assault on American liberty,” Guardian (London), January 2, 2012: “The almost complete failure of the mainstream media to cover this issue is shocking…. On the NDAA, reporters continue to mouth the claim that this law only codifies what is already the law. That is not true. The administration has fought any challenges to indefinite detention to prevent a true court review. Moreover, most experts agree that such indefinite detention of citizens violates the constitution.”
42 Dana Priest and William Arkin, Top Secret America: The Rise of the New American Security State (New York: Little Brown, 2011), 52.
43 Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 310-11; cf. David Alan Scherer, The Dawn of Hooverism: J. Edgar Hoover His Impact and Legacy Upon McCarthyism (dissertation, Simmons College, Boston, 2011).
44 This is a welcome corrective to the efforts of Richard Hofstadter, David Caute, and others to depict McCarthyism as an example of populist paranoia. See above, footnote 18.
45 Ellen Schrecker, Many are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America (Boston: Little Brown, 1998), 203.
46 Schrecker, Many are the Crimes, 215-16; cf. Burton Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar: The Historic Face-Off Between the Kennedys and J. Edgar Hoover that Transformed America (New York: Basic Books, 2008), 139.
47 Anne Applebaum, in an important recent book, has reminded us how brutal and alarming was Stalin's repression in Eastern Europe (Anne Applebaum, Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956 [New York: Doubleday, 2012]).
48 This does not mean that Hoover was politically neutral or objective. His long-time preference for and aid to pro-FBI right-wing politicians like Ronald Reagan is well documented by Seth Rosenfeld (Subversives: The FBI's War on Student Radicals, and Reagan's Rise to Power [New York: Macmillan, 2012]). But unlike the Doomsday planners he worked within the political system (with all of its corrupt and even criminal elements), not to supplant it by a shadow government. I’d be surprised if this distinction held up well.
49 Anthony Summers, Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1993), 353.
50 Peter Lance, Triple Cross: How bin Laden's Master Spy Penetrated the CIA, the Green Berets, and the FBI – and Why Patrick Fitzgerald Failed to Stop Him (New York: Regan/ HarperCollins, 2006), 123-25. Cf. Toronto Globe and Mail, November 22, 2001; Weiner, Enemies, 397.
51 Ali H. Soufan, The Black Banners: The Inside Story of 9/11 and the War Against al-Qaeda (New York: Norton, 2011), 75-77.
52 J.M. Berger, “Paving the Road to 9/11,” Intelwire, link: “Ali Mohamed was the utility player who created al Qaeda's terrorist infrastructure in the United States – a series of connections, ideas, techniques and specific tools used by the [9/11] plot's hijackers and masterminds…. Mohamed described teaching al Qaeda terrorists how to smuggle box cutters onto airplanes.”
53 Lance, Triple Cross, 123-24.
54 Soufan, The Black Banners, 561.
55 “D.E.A. Deployed Mumbai Plotter Despite Warning,” New York Times, November 8, 2009; cf. Scott, American War Machine, 246-47. Cf. The Globe and Mail (Canada), May 26, 2011: “FBI thought Mumbai massacre plotter worked for them, court told.” Another much simpler domestic example of this puzzle is Richard Aoki, the FBI informant who in the 1960s supplied the Black Panthers in Oakland with arms (Seth Rosenfeld, Subversives: The FBI's War on Student Radicals, and Reagan's Rise to Power [New York: Macmillan, 2012], 418-24, etc.).
56 Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 151-60. For a summary, see Peter Dale Scott, “Bosnia, Kosovo, and Now Libya: The Human Costs of Washington's On-Going Collusion with Terrorists,” Asian-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, July 29, 2011, http://japanfocus.org/-Peter_Dale-Scott/3578.
57 Cf. Washington Post, June 1, 2012: “Soufan's case was unusual because he never worked for the CIA. The PRB's [Publications Review Board's] authority [i.e. legal authority] is grounded in the secrecy agreements signed by agency employees that require them to submit any material prepared for public disclosure ‘either during my employment … or at anytime thereafter.’“ In other words, the CIA's PRB had no legal right to censor Soufan's book, but did so anyway - an example of the blurring of past bureaucratic distinctions in today's shadow state.
58 E,g, Sebastian Rotella, “Key witness ties Pakistan's spy agency to terror group,” Washington Post, May 24, 2011: “In his opening statement, Rana's attorney argued that Headley had manipulated Rana just as he had manipulated multiple wives, extremist groups and government agencies. Charles Swift also raised the possibility that Headley may have continued working for the U.S. government well after he started training with Lashkar.” This is the closest Rotella came to mentioning the role of the DEA in releasing Headley at all. One day earlier, in the London Guardian of May 23, the same Sebastian Rotella wrote much more directly that “Headley is a former informant for the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).” Cf. Sebastian Rotella, “Feds Confirm Mumbai Plotter Trained With Terrorists While Working for DEA,” ProPublica, Oct. 16, 2010, link: “Federal officials acknowledged Saturday that David Coleman Headley, the U.S. businessman who confessed to being a terrorist scout in the 2008 Mumbai attacks, was working as a DEA informant while he was training with terrorists in Pakistan.”
59 E.g. Toronto Globe and Mail, May 26, 2011: “FBI thought Mumbai massacre plotter worked for them, court told.”
60 Daniel Coleman, Affidavit, Sealed Complaint, United States of America v Ali Abdelseoud Mohamed, U.S. District Court, Southern District of New York, September 1998 (obtained by INTELWIRE.com), p.7, link-facebook.
61 Burton Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar: The Historic Face-Off Between the Kennedys and J. Edgar Hoover that Transformed America (New York: Basic Books, 2008), 67. The term is aptly borrowed from Irish history.
62 Hans H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (eds.), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Routledge, 1991), 78.
63 Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998), 204-06.
64 Warren Report, 801.
65 Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 131-33 (narcotics), 204-06 (gambling), 163 (Yaras).
66 Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 202-04; citing U.S. Congress, Senate, Organized Crime and Illicit Traffic in Narcotics, Hearings (1964), 997; Seth Kantor, Who Was Jack Ruby? (New York: Everest House, 1978), 12.
67 Scott, Deep Politics, and the Death of JFK 204; citing World Petroleum, February 1964.
68 For the 9/11 Commission Report and Marginalization, see Peter Dale Scott, “9/11 as a Deep Event: How CIA Personnel Helped Allow It To Happen,” in James R Gourley, ed., The 9/11 Toronto Report: International Hearings on the Events of September 11, 2001 (Seattle, WA: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012), 109-28; Kevin Fenton. Disconnecting the Dots: How 9/11 Was Allowed to Happen (Eugene, OR: Trine Day, 2011).
69 Peter Finn and Joby Warrick, “Detainee's Harsh Treatment Foiled No Plots,” Washington Post, March 29, 2009, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/03/28/AR2009032802066.html.
70 “Zayn al Abidin Muhammad Husayn v. Robert Gates, Respondents Memorandum of Points and Authorities in Opposition to Petitioner's Motion for Discover and Petitioner's Motion for Sanctions. Civil Action No. 08-cv-1360 (RWR), September 2009.;” quoted by Kevin Ryan, “Abu Zubaydah Poses a Real Threat to Al Qaeda,” WashingtonsBlog, October 25, 2012, check it.
71 In 2010 the State Department appointed Todd Leventhal “Chief of the Counter Misinformation Team, U.S. Department of State” (link) and “launched an official bid to shoot down conspiracy theories…. The “Conspiracy Theories and Misinformation” page. insists that Lee Harvey Oswald killed John F Kennedy alone, and that the Pentagon was not hit by a cruise missile on 9/11” Daily Record [Scotland], August 2, 2010. When last consulted in 2012 the claim that Oswald “acted alone” remained, but the supporting page had been suspended (cf. link). The site now links to essays by private authors, beginning with John Ray, described as “a sophomore decision science major at Carnegie-Mellon University.”
72 Scott, Deep Politics, 45 (with supporting details).
73 CIA Dispatch of April 1, 1967, NARA #104-10138-10379: reproduced at http://www.namebase.org/foia/jfk01.html.
74 Weiner, Enemies, 24-25, 29, 31.
75 Weiner, Enemies, 15-16.
76 Weiner, Enemies, 28.
77 Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 127.
78 Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 244-45.
79 Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 207. However Hoover had already begun to violate Stone's edict by 1933, when he began to collect “derogatory information” on Alfred Einstein (Fred Jerome, The Einstein file: J. Edgar Hoover's secret war against the world's most famous scientist [New York: St. Martin's Press, 2002], jacket; link) and 1934, when on FDR's urging he ordered what he termed a “so-called intelligence investigation” of pro-Nazi elements, primarily the German-American Bund (Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 205).
80 Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 204. Cf. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House: The Shocking True Story of the Conspiracy to Overthrow FDR (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2007); Sally Denton, The Plots Against the President: FDR, A Nation in Crisis, and the Rise of the American Right (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2012), 200-01.
81 Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 205.
82 Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar, 51; Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 206-08; Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Report, Book II - Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans (henceforth Church Committee, Book II), 30.
83 Hoover first named the revived Division Five of the FBI as the Security Division, then the Domestic Intelligence Division, and then the Intelligence Division.
84 Marc Aronson, Master of Deceit: J. Edgar Hoover and America in the Age of Lies (Somerville, MA: Candlewick, 2012), 85. Aronson erroneously attributes FDR's authorization to the first Butler contact with Hoover, instead of the second.
85 “Intelligence Division operations were cloaked in secrecy; were less accountable to public scrutiny…and spilled over into unethical or illegal conduct. Coexisting with the professional culture of the criminal division was a ‘counterculture’ that developed in the hidden side of the Bureau's intelligence operations” (Theoharis, ed., The FBI: A Comprehensive Guide, 183).
86 Sheldon Marcus, Father Coughlin: The Tumultuous Life Of The Priest Of The Little Flower (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), 216ZZ.
87 A.S. Richard Sipe, The Serpent and the Dove: Celibacy in Literature and Life (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2007), 44-45.
88 Weiner, Enemies, 144; Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 350n. Cf. Kai Bird, The Chairman, 281.
89 Anthony Summers with Robbyn Swan, The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon (New York: Viking, 2000), 64-65; Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 378-80.
90 For Hoover's role in shaping Reagan's political career, see Rosenfeld, Subversives.
91 Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar, 15.
92 Robert A. Caro, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The Passage of Power (New York: Knopf, 2012), 291. Burton Hersh believes the allegation that LBJ used information from Hoover to secure his position on the 1960 Democratic ticket (Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar, 15-16).
93 Weiner, Enemies, 179-80. McLeod's staff also consisted mostly of former FBI agents, using extralegal techniques such as “surveillances, mail openings, wiretaps, and break-ins” (Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 408-09). McLeod's office was established during the Eisenhower administration by Presidential Executive Order 10450 of April 27, 1953.
94 Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover, 409.
95 James C. Thomson, “How Could Vietnam Happen? An Autopsy,” Atlantic Monthly, April, 1968, link. Cf. Christopher Gerard, “On the Road to Vietnam: ‘The Loss of China Syndrome,’ Pat McCarran, and J. Edgar Hoover,” Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 37 [1994].
96 Hans Morgenthau, “The Corruption of Patriotism,” New Republic, 1955; reprinted in Hans Morgenthau (ed.) Politics in the Twentieth Century, I, 407. Cf. Eric Wilson (ed.) The Dual State: Parapolitics, Carl Schmitt and the National Security Complex (Farnham, England: Ashgate, 2012), 1-3, 21-27, etc.
97 Ola Tunander, “Democratic State versus Deep State: Approaching the Dual State of the West,” Government of the Shadows: Parapolitics and Criminal Sovereignty, ed. Eric Wilson and Tim Lindsey (London: Pluto Press, 2008), 56-72.
98 Scott, The Road to 9/11, 252, 258; Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War (Ipswich, MA: Mary Ferrell Foundation, 2008), 15-16; Peter Dale Scott, American War Machine: Deep Politics, the CIA Global Drug Connection, and the Road to Afghanistan (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010), 21.
99 Scott, Deep Politics, xi-xii; discussion in Eric Wilson, “The Concept of the Parapolitical,” in Wilson (ed.), The Dual State, 1-27.
100 David von Drehle, “FBI's No. 2 Was ‘Deep Throat’: Mark Felt Ends 30-Year Mystery of The Post's Watergate Source,” Washington Post, June 1, 2005, link; Bob Woodward, The Secret Man: The Story of Watergate's Deep Throat (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006).
101 John Acacia, Clark Clifford: The Wise Man of Washington (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2009); Peter Dale Scott, “The Vietnam War and the CIA-Financial Establishment,” in Mark Selden (ed.), Remaking Asia: Essays on the American Uses of Power (New York: Pantheon, 1974), 107-26; Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War (Ipswich, MA: Mary Ferrell Foundation, 2008), 185, reporting on New York Times editorial of January 6, 1968.
102 Michael Temple, The British press (Maidenhead, England: Open University Press, 2008), 123-24, 133; Tom Crone, Law and the media: an everyday guide for professionals (Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 1991), 15.4.
103 Don Van Natta, Jr., “Bush Was Set on Path to War, Memo by British Adviser Says,” New York Times, March 27, 2006.
104 “Bush ‘plotted to lure Saddam into war with fake UN plane,’“ Independent (London), February 3, 2006; “Bush and Blair ‘plotted to provoke Saddam into war,’“
Daily Mail (London), February 3, 2006; “Bush wanted spy plane in UN colours to trick Saddam, claims book,” Herald (Glasgow), February 3, 2006.
105 E.g. “Iraq fallout: Confidential memo reveals US plan to provoke an invasion of Iraq,” Guardian (London), June 21, 2009. In the interests of accuracy, I should note that the Times repeated the Van Natta story in its wholly owned subsidiary, The International Herald Tribune, March 28, 2006.
106 Scott, American War Machine, 77, 84; cf. Donald J. Mabry (ed.), The Latin American narcotics trade and U.S. national security (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989.), 24; McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 124.
107 William O. Walker III, Opium and Foreign Policy (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 206.
108 Scott, Deep Politics, 167; citing San Francisco Chronicle, January 3, 1959, 4; New York Times, January 15, 1959, 4.
109 Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall. Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies and the CIA in Central America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998), 172-85. The press in this period did not just transmit government lies; it occasionally transmitted gross lies of its own. See Cocaine Politics, 179-81, a manufactured lie in the Washington Post of July 22. 1987, whose falsity I could confirm as an eyewitness.
110 Cockburn, Whiteout, 29.
111 Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008).
112 Summers with Swan, The Arrogance of Power, 65-66; Kevin Cunningham, J. Edgar Hoover: Controversial FBI Director (Minneapolis, Minn.: Compass Point Books, 2006), 66.
113 Caro, 290. Cf. B. Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar, 364: “One of Rometsch's more durable recent relationships, Anderson emphasized [in a July 1963 column], had been with a Soviet embassy attaché. Delaware's puritanical Republican Senator John J. (‘Whispering John’) Williams noticed the item. So did J. Edgar Hoover.”
114 B. Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar, 364.
115 “Bowtie” file, link, 35, cf. 4.
116 Summers, Official and Confidential. 306-07.
117 Summers, Official and Confidential. 311.
118 Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-63 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), 906.
119 B. Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar, 367.
120 Michael R. Beschloss, The Crisis Years (New York: Edward Burlingame Books, 1991), 616-17; quoted in Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 232.
121 B. Hersh, Bobby and J. Edgar, 368-69.
122 Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 230-40. Cf. Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA (New York: Random House, 1984.
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