1 Wittkower, R., ‘Inigo Jones, Architect and Man of Letters’, RIBA Journal, LX (1953), pp. 83–90 Google Scholar; repr. in Wittkower, R., Palladio and English Palladianism (London, 1974)Google Scholar, but without the discussion that followed Wittkower’s paper delivered at the RIBA on 9 December 1952; Summerson, J., Inigo Jones (Harmondsworth, 1966), pp. 71–74 Google Scholar; Toplis, G., ‘The sources of Jones’s mind and imagination’ in Harris, J., Orgel, S. and R., Strong (eds), The King’s Arcadia: Inigo Jones and the Stuart Court (London, 1973), pp. 61–63 Google Scholar; Tait, A. A., ‘Inigo Jones’s “Stone-Heng”’ The Burlington Magazine, cxx (1978), pp. 154-59Google Scholar; Strong, R., Britannia Triumphans. Inigo Jones, Rubens and Whitehall Palace (London, 1980), pp. 55–64 Google Scholar; Fusco, A. C., Inigojones Vitruvius Britannicus: Jones e Palladio nella cultura architettonica inglese, 1600-1740 (Rimini, 1985)Google Scholar; Bold, J., John Webb. Architectural Theory and Practice in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1989), p. 14 Google Scholar.

2 Wittkower, ‘Inigojones’, p. 88.

3 Ibid., and Summerson, Inigo Jones, p. 71.

4 Wittkower, ‘Inigo Jones’, p. 86, and Rowe, C., ‘The theoretical drawings of Inigo Jones, their sources and scope’, London University MA thesis, 1947 Google Scholar.

5 Wittkower, ‘Inigojones’, p.84.

6 Ibid., pp. 87-88.

7 Ibid., p. 90.

8 J. Newman, ‘Inigo Jones’s architectural education before 1614’ in this volume.

9 For a further account of this aspect of Jones’s architectural development see Higgott, G., ‘The making of an architect: Inigo Jones’s second tour of Italy, 1613-14’, in Harris, J. and Higgott, G., Inigo Jones: Complete Architectural Drawings (London and New York, 1989), pp. 52–57 Google Scholar.

10 Notes in Jones’s copy of Palladio, A., I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura (Venice, 1601)Google Scholar at Worcester College, Oxford, Book I, p. 11. See facsimile edition published by Allsopp, B. (ed.), Inigo Jones on Palladio 2 vols (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1970)Google Scholar, loc. cit. The note is dated ‘1614/Baia/17 January’, but was written on 17 January 1615 when Jones was back in England and had reverted to the ‘Old Style’ Julian Calendar, in which the date of the new year changed on 25 March.

11 Jones’s Quattro Libri, 10th flyleaf verso (‘5th flyleaf verso’ in Allsopp, op. cit.).

12 The note, in Book IV, p.98, can be dated on its handwriting style to a period of one or two years after Jones returned from Italy in 1614. From this date onwards, Jones employed many of the italic letter forms he had used in Italy, including the lower-case ‘h’ with its rear leg well above the front leg, but in the period from 1614 to c. 1618 he combined these with features that had been common in his writing in the period 1610-13, notably the upper-case ‘B’, ‘C’, ‘P’, ‘R’ and ‘S’ in the initial position and the lower-case secretary ‘h’. By March 1619 (see below, note 67) these upper-case initial letters were much less frequent, the ‘C’ and ‘R’ having vanished, and his script had become more even and compact.

13 Jones’s Quattro Libri, Book II, p. 12. See also Harris and Higgott, pp. 53-54, Figs 12 and 13. Jones had noted on site, in the margin of Palladio’s plate of the elevation of the Palazzo Thiene: ‘Scamozo and Palmo Saith that thes designes wear of Julio Romano and executid by Palladio’. Not long after (probably when he was reviewing his Italian notes in January and February 1615), he squeezed in at the end of this note the comment ‘& So yt Seemes’, suggesting that he now sided with the opinions of Scamozzi and Palma Giovane on its attribution to Giulio Romano.

14 Inigo Jones’s Roman Sketchbook, Devonshire Collections, Chatsworth, fol. 77V.

15 Book I, p. 52. The note is written in the lower margin of the page, above another note referring to Genoa, which is in an identical hand and is dated ‘London 28 Jan: 1614’ (Old Style, i.e. 1615 New Style).

16 Roman Sketchbook, fols 76V and 76r respectively. The notes are dated ‘Thursday ye 19 January 1614’ and ‘Friday ye 20January 1614’, but as J. A. Gotch has shown (Inigo Jones, 1928, pp. 72-73, 81) the days referred to indicate that the year was 1615, when Jones was in London. See also J. Peacock, ‘Figurative Drawings’, in Harris and Higgott, Inigojones, pp. 285, 288-90.

17 A set of Tarquinio Ligustri’s engravings, perhaps the set once owned by Jones, is in the Taiman Album: engravings, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

18 This part of Jones’s note is quoted in full in Harris and Higgott, pp. 55-56.

19 Jones occasionally used ‘i’ in place of another vowel, as in the words Civered (‘covered’) and ‘hild’ (‘held’) in two notes written on site at the Pantheon, Rome, in 1614, on page 81 in Book IV of his Quattro Libri.

20 See Vitruvius, , The Ten Books of Architecture, trans. Morgan, M. H. (Harvard, 1914; repr. New York, 1960), I, ii, 5-7, pp. 14–16 Google Scholar. For an account of the origin and significance of Vitruvius’s theory of decorum see Onians, J., Bearers of Meaning: The Classical Orders in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance (Princeton, 1988), pp. 33–40 Google Scholar.

21 See Onians’s invaluable discussion of Serlio’s stylistic terminology in Bearers of Meaning, pp. 263–86.

22 Inigo Jones’s annotated copy of Serlio, Sebastiano, Architettura, Books I-IV and part of Book folio, V ed. (Venice, 1560-62)Google Scholar, Queens College, Oxford, IV, fol. 17r, see Newman, ‘Inigo Jones’s architectural education’, above, p. 39.

23 Commentary on p. 35 of I Dieci Libri, ‘… Ma non si deve credere, che solamente habbiano ad essere tre maniere di opere, perche Vitru. ne habbia tre sole numerata, percioche egli stesso nel quarto libro al settimo cap. vi agguigne la Toscano, & dice anche che vi sono altre maniere, & i moderni ne fanno, & la ragione lo richiede, per fare differenza da i nostri santi alli Dei falsi de gli antichi, & è in potere d’uno circonspetto & prudente Architetto de componere con ragione di misure molte altre maniere, servando il Decoro, & non servendo a suoi capricci’. For Jones’s early notes in Vitruvius’s Book I, chapter ii, see Newman, above pp. 27–28.

24 Jones’s annotated copy of Lomazzo’s Trattato is now in the collection of Mr Ben Weinreb. Study of the original was possible through the good offices of Mr Sydney Sabin and Mr Weinreb. The Trattato has been republished, with a modern commentary, by Ciardi, R. P. (ed.), Gian Paulo Lomazzo: scritti sulle arti, 2 vols (Florence, 1974)Google Scholar.

25 Book VI, chapter 46. Ornamental forms in the headings of chapters 43–50 include terms listed by Jones in his Roman Sketchbook note of 19 January 1615 (e.g. ‘trionfi’, ‘trofei’, ‘termini’, ‘vasi’, ‘quadrature’).

26 Note on p. 410 of Jones’s copy of the Trattato. This note and the following one are in a style of handwriting very similar to that of dated notes of the 1614-15 period in his Quattro Libri.

27 Ibid., p. 411.

28 Vasari, G., Delle vite de’ scultori, pittori, et architettori, vol. 1, part iii (Florence, 1568), p. 282 Google Scholar in Jones’s annotated copy at Worcester College, Oxford.

29 This word, with a large upper-case ‘S’, is consistent in style with Jones’s hand in the period c. 1613-18.

30 Quattro Libri, Book IV, p. 106. The note can be dated to the mid- or late 1630s by its position on the page and its compact italic style of handwriting, which includes the lower-case italic ‘e’ (as in ‘The’, first word). This letter form reappears in Jones’s writing in dated examples from the mid-i630s onwards (e.g. in note dated 1 December 1636 in Quattro Libri, Book IV, p. 105).

31 This note probably dates to the early or mid-1630s. It is in a compact italic hand, but has no italic ‘e’. The long lower-case secretary ‘s’ (in ‘usiali’) is a particular feature in dated notes of the early 1630s.

32 Quattro Libri, Book IV, chapter ix, p. 30: ‘La Cornice non ha il dentello incavato & è senza modiglioni: ma tra il dentello, & il gocciolatoio ha un’ Ovolo assai grande’. Jones translated this in about 1610 in the right-hand margin of the plate on page 35: ‘F In this Cornish ye Dentéis ar not Carved and ther ar no Carthuses but b[e]twene ye De[n]tell and ye Corrona this great Ovolo’.

33 This note, in the bottom margin of page 14 in Book IV of his Quattro Libri, was written not long after July 1633 (the date of the note which displaced it, immediately above in the left-hand margin). It is roughly contemporary with two notes on pages 162 and 163 in Jones’s annotated copy of Barbaro’s Vitruvius at Chatsworth. In the second of these Jones writes, ‘see my dessigne of the Antike freese wth gorgons heedes Ar: Ho: (Arundel House] whear thear are cartotzi with leaves in the frees as ye triglifies arre in ye dorrike’. Webb’s drawing (Fig. 2) may be a copy of Jones’s ‘dessigne’. The fragment was unearthed on the site of Arundel House in 1972 and is now in the Museum of London; see Harris, J., ‘The link between a Roman second-century sculptor, Van Dyck, Inigo Jones and Queen Henrietta Maria’, The Burlington Magazine, cxv (August, 1973) pp. 526-30Google Scholar.

34 The notes are on pages 14 (‘The Cimatio of the Architrave is exterordinari and gratious’), 47 and 60.

35 Note in right-hand margin of Book 1, p. 50, datable to the later 1630s.

36 Jones’s folio edition of Serlio, Queen’s College, Oxford, Book III, fol. 55r. The note dates c. 1614-18.

37 Note of c. 1619-30 in Book II, chapter xvii, p. 76, in Jones’s Quattro Libri. See Webb’s thumbnail sketch of Jones’s Newmarket entablature in Harris and Higgott, Inigo Jones, p. 102, Fig. 33.

38 Vitruvius, , Ten Books (ed. Morgan, ), I, ii, 8-9, p. 16 Google Scholar. Jones was familiar with Vitruvius’s principle of distribution from an early date. See Newman above, p. 29.

39 Jones’s Vitruvius, p. 131. See Ten Books (ed. Morgan, ), III, ii, 9, pp. 82–84 Google Scholar.

40 Ibid., V, i, 4-10, pp. 132-36.

41 Onians, in Bearers of Meaning, p. 34, repeats a common misconception that Vitruvius’s system of proportion is based entirely on the application of the module when he writes, ‘Throughout, column spacing, column height, base height, capital height, and the divisions of the entablature are given in terms of column diameters, the module by which all parts of the building can be measured’.

42 Ten Books (ed. Morgan, ), IV, viii, 2-3, pp. 123-24Google Scholar.

43 Ibid., III, v, 2-3, 11, pp.90, 94-96.

44 Ibid., III, v, 8–9, pp. 93-94. Jones carefully annotated this passage in his edition of Vitruvius, c. 1608–10. See Newman, above, pp. 31-32.

45 I Dieci Libri, p. 133, ‘Credo io, che questo stia in discretione, & destrezza, piu presto, che in arte o regola… Sono bene i termini delle cose, secondo il piu, & il meno, ma tra que termini, ove sia, chi voglia procedere con ragione, non ha perduto il modo di fermarsi piu in uno, che in altro luogo, quando la occasione gli dà di farlo.’ For the relevant passage in Vitruvius, see Morgan (ed.), III, iii, 11-13, pp. 84-86.

46 Ethics, 11, vi-ix. See Thomson, J. A. K., Tredennick, H. and Barnes, J. (eds), Artistotle, Ethics (Harmondsworth, 1976), pp. 100-10Google Scholar. Barbaro was a distinguished Aristotelian scholar who edited translations by his great uncle, Ermolao Barbaro, of Aristotle’s Rhetoric (1544) and Nicomachean Ethics (1544). See Wittkower, R., Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism (London, 1962), pp. 66–69 Google Scholar, where the influence of Aristotle on Barbaro’s I Dieci Libri is briefly discussed.

47 I Dieci Libri, p. 115 : ‘però dico io, che mescolando con ragione nelle fabriche le proportion! d’una maniera, o componendole, o levandole, né puo risultare una bella forma di mezo’.

48 Ibid., p. 164: ‘… perche ritrovando, che se delle colonne altre fussero piu alte sei parte, altre dieci del piede loro, per lo innato sentimento, col quale potemo giudicare, che tanta grossezza, overo tanta sottigliezza non ha del buono, comminciò a fare l’ufficio suo, & discorre, che cose fusse di mezo tra questi eccessi, che potesse piacere, & di subito si diede alla inventione della proportioni… ‘. See Alberti, Leon Battista, ‘On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans. Rykwert, J., Leach, N. and Tavenor, R. (London, 1988), Book IX, chapter 7, p. 309 Google Scholar.

49 Ibid., p. 165: ‘Io ho detto di sopra con l’auttorità di Vitru. che la ragione delle cose è in se vera, & durabile, onde con la proportione sene vive, & sta senza oppositione, ma non sempre diletta quel sentimento dell’ animo nostro, ilquale forse piu a dentro per ascosa forza di natura penetrando non consente a gli occhi, che la pura è semplice proportione alcuna fiata diletti… Et nella Musica finalmente ci sono alcuni suoni, i quali vengono alle orecchie con dolcezza, che però non sono tra le consonanze collocati, però dico, che ognuno deve cessare dalla meraviglia, quando ritrova in molte opere la misura alquanto variata da i precetti, perche egli è a bastanza tra’l maggiore, & minore eccesso contenersi, variando i mezi con guidicio, & sottigliezza d’avvertimento. & però da gli spacii, & vani tra le colonne Vitru. ha regolato l’altezza di quelle, nè mai è uscito de i termini.’

50 Ibid., p. 136. The note is an extension of Barbaro’s comment, ‘Pone adunque Vitru. i termini del piu, & de meno’.

51 Jones’s annotated copy of Vignola’s Regola … Libro primo et originale (Rome, 1607)Google Scholar at Worcester College, Oxford, Pl. xxxii (detail of cornice and rusticated corner).

52 See Oxford English Dictionary, rank, A(adj.), II, 6.c. ‘High or excessive in amount’: 1602. SHAKS. Ham.iv.iv.22. ‘Nor will it yield … A ranker rate, should it be sold in fee’.

53 Notes in the first series of notes occur mostly against illustrations of Palladio’s buildings in Book II, and are identified by the spellings ‘heyght’ and hygh’ and frequent initial upper-case letters; e.g. Jones’s note in Book II, p. 10: ‘thes Statues ar hyh [sic] with thear Plinth ye 6 Part of ye Pillor Eune [even] wth the Cornish of ye Bastard order’. Notes in the second series are mostly found against Palladio’s illustrations of Roman buildings in Book IV and are in Jones’s compact italic hand of the 1630s, with the spellings ‘hight’ and ‘high’; e.g. Book IV, p. 96 (Temple of Castor and Pollux, Naples); ‘thes statues ar in hight 1/4 part of ye collome & architrave’.

54 Notes in Book IV, pp. 53 (Temple of Vesta in Rome), 66 (Bramante’s Tempietto), 92 (Temple of Vesta at Tivoli: ‘this bacement and copolo is half the hight of the collumbes & arrchitra[v]e freese and corronish’); cf. Vitruvius, IV, viii, 1-3.

55 Book IV, pp. 19, 25, 33, 45, 131; cf. Vitruvius, IV, vii, 4: ‘Upon the columns lay the main beams, fastened together, to a height commensurate with the requirements of the size of the building.’

56 Book IV, pp. 14, 21, 45 (‘I obsearve that thes fondati are in breadth as much as this Abbacco of the capitals’), 54, 133 (no specific source in Vitruvius). His notes on coffering are amongst the latest he wrote in his Quattro Libri as they are always displaced to the tops and bottoms of margins, or within the illustrations, and have frequent italic ‘e’s They were presumably written when Jones was designing the coffering for the portico on the west front of St Paul’s Cathedral in the late 1630s.

57 Book IV, pp. 28, 29, 35 (Temple of Antoninus and Faustina: ‘this great ovolo is as broade shell and all as it is high’), 72, 80, 83, 97, 132; cf. Vitruvius, III, v, 11. The notes date to the later 1630s and must have been written when Jones was proportioning the cornice on the portico at St Paul’s Cathedral, which had a ‘great ovolo’ instead of modulions, after the cornice on the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina in Rome (see Fig. 15).

58 Notes on p. 40, most of which appear to have been written at the time of the inscription, ‘greenwich ye 3 of May 1637’.

59 I Dieci Libri, p. 282 ‘& però ben dice Vitru. che se bene la maggior cura, che ha l’Architetto, sia d’intorno le misure, & proportioni, però grande acquisto fa di valore, quando egli è forzato partirsi dalle proposte simmitrie, & niente lieva alla bellezza dello aspetto’. Jones’s note is datable to the 1630s.

60 Quattro Libri, Book I, p. 50, note in left-hand margin, datable mid-1620s to early 1630s: ‘Scamzo Li 6 fo 20 taxeth Palladio for this cornish wrongfully for having fewe members under ye modigliones not knowyng that ye modigliones & 2 faccie stod far from ye eye’.

61 Note, c. 1608-10, translating Barbaro’s comment on p. 27, ‘però bisogna che nell’opera sia una certa qualità, che contenti, & diletti gli occhi de’ riguardanti, & questa è detta da Vitru. Eurithmia’. See Newman, above, p. 28.

62 Notes on p. 257 of Jones’s copy of Architettura di Leon Battista Alberti tradotta in Lingua Fiorentina da Cosimo Bartoli (Monreale, 1565) at Worcester College, Oxford. Jones probably acquired his Alberti in Italy in 1613-14. Most of the notes in Book IX appear to have been written in the period e. 1614-19, and include, on p. 263, the entry, ‘16 fabri. 1615’ (OldStyle, i.e. 1616 New Style). Alberti’s leggiadria is concinnitas in the original Latin edition. See Alberti, On the Art of Building [above n. 48], pp. 301-03, 421-22.

63 Quattro Libri, Book I, chapter xxi. The sentence was translated by Jones, c. 1608-10. See Newman, above, p. 24.

64 Harris and Higgott, Inigo Jones, cat. no. 13, p. 66.

65 Jones would not have calculated the proportion mathematically, but used his dividers. He may also have thought of the diagonal proportion as just less than a square and a half (20:30), for he wrote next to Palladio’s illustration of this room shape: ‘Scamozio Taxeth Palldio for yousing ye diagonal figure as being so neear a squar and a half’.

66 Orrell, J., The Theatres of Inigo Jones and John Webb (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 24–27 Google Scholar, 113-48.

67 Notes marked ’C’, ‘E’, ‘F’ and ‘G’ dated 1 March 1618 (Old Style, i.e 1619 New Style) on p. 39, Book II, and all but the uppermost note in the left-hand margin of p. 40. For the classical sources of Jones’s Banqueting House interior, see Palme, Per, The Triumph of Peace (London and Uppsala, 1956), p. 176 Google Scholar ff.

68 Harris and Higgott, Inigo Jones, cat. no. 82, pp. 251-53.

69 Examples include two designs for gates at Oatlands, 1617, the Arundel House gate, 1618, and gates for New Hall, Essex, 1623. See Harris and Higgott, cat. nos 17, 18, 19, 40, 42, 43.

70 Ibid., cat. no. 3, p. 38. The only other façade design which reveals an exact sequence of squares is the elevation for a seven window house, c. 1638 (Ibid., cat. no. 87, pp. 260-61), which is 74 × 37 ft wall edge to wall edge and from the ground to under the main cornice. Jones’s contemporary design for a choir screen at Winchester Cathedral (Ibid., cat. no. 81, pp. 248-50) is approximately a double square, measured by the outermost vertical and horizontal scorelines (44 × 22ft 8 in. on the scale).

71 Ibid., cat. nos 33, 34 and 30; pp. 110-13, 103-05.

72 Ibid., p. 105 and Fig. 35. The overall length of Jones’s unsealed elevation, measuring across the ground-floor plinth, is 261 mm and the height from the ground to the top of the cornice is 132 mm. Neither dimension, however, is marked by scorelines on the drawing. Scamozzi’s elevation of the Trissino, Palazzo, in l’Idea della Architettura Universale (Venice, 1615), I, p. 260 Google Scholar, measures 48 × 24 units to the top of the cornice (each unit is 2 Vicentine feet) on the proportional grid in the illustration.

73 Five triglyphs and five metopes require 12½ modules. If the piers had been 3 ft wide, the column centres would have been 9 ft (i.e. 108 in.) apart, and 12½ X 8⅔ in. = 108⅓ in.

74 The columns are 9 ft 3½ in. apart on the scale, which is 12⅚ modules, i.e. ⅓ module in excess of 12½.

75 The 1:5 ratio between the height and width of the pediment triangle (measuring by the outer lines of the corona mouldings) compares with the 2:9 proportion recommended by Scamozzi (L’Idea, 11, p. 42). See also Harris and Higgott, pp. 128-31. The cornice is 17/12 modules high (1 ft 2 in. on the scale). This compares with Palladio’s 1⅙ modules and Vignola’s 1½.

76 The frieze panel may have been a device to avoid the problem of applying triglyphs and metopes to the whole frieze, since Webb’s arch width of 5 ft did not give him a convenient modular spacing between the column centres (7ft 11 in. = 107/12 modules approximately).

77 See also Harris and Higgott, p. 131 and, for a fuller analysis of Jones’s use of proportion and detail on Doric gateway designs, Higgott, G., ‘The Architectural Drawings of Inigo Jones: Attribution, Dating and Analysis’, University of London PhD Diss., 1987, pp. 163-93Google Scholar.

78 For Serlio’s rustic Tuscan order see Onians, Bearers of Meaning, pp. 272-73, and Ackerman, J., ‘The Tuscan/Rustic Order: A Study in the Metaphorical Language of Architecture’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XLII (1983), pp. 25–34 Google Scholar.

79 Harris and Higgott, cat. no. 77, pp. 236-37.

80 Serlio, , Architettura (Venice, 1560-62), Book IV, fol. 36VGoogle Scholar (no notes on this page in Jones’s annotated copy at Queen’s College, Oxford). For the translation of Serlio’s text see Onians, Bearers of Meaning, p. 273. Jones probably copied his Ionic base from Serlio’s large illustration on fol. 37.

81 The capitals are 2 ft 9½ in. (860 mm) high and the diameter of the column shaft at its base is 2 ft 3 in. (686 mm). Thus the capitals are approximately 1⅕ modules high instead of the customary 1⅙ modules. See London County Council, Survey of London, vol. XIII, The Parish of St Margaret, Westminster (Part II) (1930), Pl. 25.

82 Harris and Higgott, cat. no. 78, pp. 241-43.

83 St Paul’s Cathedral Works Accounts, Guildhall Library, London, MS25, 473: W.A.11, p. 71. See also Summerson, J., ‘Lecture on a master mind: Inigo Jones’, Proceedings of the British Academy, L (1965), pp. 190-91Google Scholar, and Harris and Higgott, p. 239.

84 I Dieci Libri, p. 139 (notes datable to early 1630s): ‘Barbaro makes the raill over the hallesters to rettorne to the midell of the pedistall. / I am of opinion that the raill shuld stand just with the architrave wch is as much as ye deminishing of the pillor at the topp so as you have beesides ye deminishinge of the pillor, all the proiecture of the base, but this must bee tried’. For a detailed discussion ofjones’s notes on the scamilli impares problem see Newman, J., ‘Italian treatises in use: the significance of Inigo Jones’s annotations’ in Guillame, J. (ed.), Les Traités d’Architecture de la Renaissance (Paris, 1988), pp. 438–39 Google Scholar.

85 Jones’s Quattro Libri, Book II, p. 10: ‘The setting out ye pedistall on the cornish ye saill of the base to bee equall wth the diminishing of the pillor above sheauth the way of ye scamilli impares…’

86 Ibid., Book III, p. 34. See Newman, ‘Italian treatises’, loc. cit.

87 See above, note 48.

88 Jones’s understanding of the classical concept of imitation (mimesis) is fully discussed by Peacock, John in ‘Inigo Jones and Renaissance art’, Renaissance Studies, vol. 4, no. 3 (1990), pp. 245-72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.