1 Stooks, Charles Drummond A History ofCrondall and Yateley in the County of Hants (Winchester, 1905), p. 8 Google Scholar; Taylor, J. G. Our Lady of Batersey (Chelsea, 1925), pp. 71-72 Google Scholar (cited hereafter as ‘OLB’).

2 OLB, pp. 99-112; Colvin, Howard A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1600-1840 (1978), pp. 262—63 Google Scholar (cited hereafter as ‘Colvin, Dictionary’).

3 OLB, pp. 171-74 and pi. 19a.

4 Westminster Abbey Muniments, Infirmarer’s Roll 1379-80, quoted OLB, pp. 29 and 312.

5 That the tower’s stability was already a cause of concern is indicated by the wall anchors visible in the Boydell engraving of 1752 (PI. ia) and by the Vestry’s call for a report on ‘the state of the church Tower’ in 1769 (OLB, P- 99). . . , .

6 It would not be immediately apparent that the towers shown in Thomas Priest’s etching of 1738 (OLB, frontispiece), J. B. C. Chatelain’s ‘North View of Battersea of 11752-53, John Boydell’s engraving of‘Battersea Church, looking towards Chelsea’of 1752 (PL r a) and Hill’s drawing engraved in 1781 (OLB, pi. 4) are all one and the same structure.

7 Space has not allowed inclusion of the accounts as appendixes to the present paper, but transcripts have been placed in the library of the Society of Antiquaries.

8 The Battersea account is summarized on p. 71, and its opening page reproduced in facsimile in pi. 8, of OLB; selective use of the Crondall accounts is made by Stooks (n. 1 above).

9 Battersea Churchwardens’ Accounts, 11, 1604-46 (Battersea Reference Library, Lavender Hill, swn). The accounts in 1 (1559-1603/04) are printed in extenso in OLB, pp. 339-95. These important records are in a glass- fronted case in the library reference room; in an age of arson and vandalism they would now be housed more safely with the parish registers in the strongroom at the church. At Crondall the accounts are in the church chest in the chancel.

10 Ibid.

11 The History of the King’s Works (hereafter cited as HKW), ill (197s), 136.

12 HKW, hi, 410; iv, 250; was ‘Edward Crips the bricklayer’, who did 19V2 days’ work ‘about the church’ at Battersea in 1621, a son or grandson of Sir Richard Lee’s assistant ‘Cryppes’ who was to do the walling of one of the bastions at Berwick in 1561 (ibid., iv, 653)?

13 For Grandison’s offices and honours, see GEC, vi, 74-75.

14 As the date-stone and Grandison’s arms tells us, he built the brick tower at the church of his manor of Purley, Berks., in 1626.

15 OLB, pp. 67-68 and notes.

16 Ibid., pp. 173-74 and pi. ^r9^a-

17 HKW, hi, 142.

18 OLB, pp. 136-69; Michael Archer, The Painted Glass ofLydiard Tregoze (Swindon, n.d.).

19 OLB, pi. 8.?

20 In November 1641, 2J. od. was paid ‘for drawing the Oxfordshire stone which was left of building the Steeple out of the water’.

21 The date is given by an entry in the parish register at the end of Christenings for the year 1638: ‘This yeare 1638 the church and steeple were new builded’. The weather vane has the royal cypher and date, ‘cr 1639’. The writer is indebted for access to the register to the vicar of Ruscombe, the Revd A. J. Fearn.

22 This date is adopted from a well-cut ‘id 1629’ on a brick near the door; perhaps forjohn Dee, brother of William Dee of Rotherfield Greys, joint contractor with Augustine Grainger for the Battersea tower in 1639, or forjohn Dee, William’s son. Both Johns received legacies of 6d. under the will of William’s mother Mary Dee, late of Southrop in the parish of Hook Norton, dated I4june 1630 (Bodley, MSS Wills Oxon 166/1/31).

23 The Ruscombe vane (n. 21, above) is a replica of the original blown down in a storm in 18 52; the Battersea vane would probably have resembled it.

24 Augustine, son of Richard Grainger and Margaret Hauster, baptized at Henley 20january 1587/88. Inventory of goods and chattels of Richard Granger, Bricklayer, deceased, late of Rotherfield Greys, made I2june 1612, includes‘all his working tooles’, valued at 6d. (Bodley, MSS Wills Oxon 79/1/18). A bond of obligation in the sum of £24 entered into by Augustine Grainger of the parish of Rotherfield Greys, Oxon, Bricklaer, and sealed with his seal i6June iojamesl (1612), on behalf of his mother Margaret Grainger, widow, relict and Aministratrix of Richard Grainger, is ibid. 80/1/12.

25 William, son of Richard and Mary Dee, baptized at Henley 18 November 1599; married Ann Barnes at Henley 13 August 1621; William Dee ‘ofGrayes’ buried at Henley i8June 1679.

26 William Straford married Mary Pocock at Henley 15 November 1630; their sons William, John, and Richard Straford were baptized there on 13 May 1631, 20 April 1633, and 29 December 1639.

27 John Doyt (Dwyte, or Dwight), son of John Dwyte, baptized at Henley 1 August 1584; John Dwyte married Sara Farrey at Henley 8 April 1621; other entries in the Henley registers suggest the Graingers and Dwytes were connected by marriage.

28 Thomas Averie son of Thomas Averie, baptized at Rotherfield Greys 20 September 1635; there are innumerable Avery entries in the Henley registers between 1572 and 1653, and a few in the Rotherfield registers between 1640 and 1653.

29 The Rotherfield Greys registers are in Bodley; at the time of writing (February 1983), a transcript of the Henley registers, then still at the church, was being made preparatory to their transfer to Bodley.

30 This may be the explanation of an Evan Knolles subscribing £2 to the Battersea tower fund and purchasing 400 of the surplus bricks.

31 Coates, Charles History and Antiquities of Reading (1802), p. 188.Google Scholar

32 Ibid., p. 433, and pi. iv (facing p. 158).

33 HKW, hi, 131.

34 Ibid., p. 413.

35 Walpole Society vn (1918-19), 144.

36 Cf. the extract from the Churchwardens’ Minute Book here reproduced as Pis 2a and b, where he is named as a surveyor of the highways in 1628 and 1631; in the Middlesex Sessions Records (1935-41) he is named as chief constable for the Hundred of Spelthorne between 1613 and 1618. In that capacity he appeared with Robert Wickes on behalf of the inhabitants of Staines at the Sessions of the Peace held on 1 May 1618, and promised that the inhabitants would repair Longford Bridge (ibid., 1, 452). With Robert Wickes and Walter Holt he was assessor for the subsidy in 1629 (PRO E179/142/309); he served as churchwarden in 1622, 1633, and 1634. The date of his baptism is missing; he married — Peters 7 November 1600 and was buried 17 April 1652.

37 The Staines parish registers and churchwardens’ book are in the Greater London Record Office. The earliest register, 1539-r. 1660 (GLRO DRO 2/A1/1), was purchased on the open market by MrH. Scott Freeman c. 1927 and given by him to Staines Corporation in 1953.

38 For Soame, see j. and Venn, J. A. Alumni Cantabrigienses, part 1, iv, 120 Google Scholar; Foster, Joseph Alumni Oxonienses 1500-1714, 1388.Google Scholar

39 HKW, hi, 148.

40 Cunningham, Peter Inigo Jones (1848), p. 42.Google Scholar

41 Whiffen, Marcus Stuart and Georgian Churches Outside London 1603 to 1S37 (1947), 10, n. 1.Google Scholar

42 Pevsner, Nikolaus The Buildings of England, Middlesex (1951), p. 143.Google Scholar

43 Reynolds, Susan in VCH Middlesex m (1962), 18.Google Scholar

44 As carved, the surname had a fifth letter, probably an ‘e’, which appears to have been blocked out with a piece of inserted stone.

45 London Stone, 260 yards west-south-west of the church, possibly a seventeenth-century renewal of the stone erected in 128 s to mark the western limits of the jurisdiction of the City of London over the Thames, had been reset on its present pedestal, plinth, and steps in 1781 (RCHM Middlesex, p. 112); safeguarding of the one notable local memorial may well have led to a demand for renewal of the other while there was still something to copy.

46 GLRO, DRO2/B2/1.?

47 Walter Holt of Staines, gent. (ob. 1642), was the second surviving son of the six children of Richard Holt of Staines, gent. (ob. 1609). The registers show that he and his wife Ursula had sixteen children, of whom seven lived to survive him. He had property in Staines, Yeoveney, Ashford, Laleham, and Wraysbury, including lands held on lease from the Dean and Canons of Windsor, of whom of course Dr Some the vicar was one. By his will of 10 April 1642 (PCC, 10 Crane) he left money bequests amounting to over £900; to his second son Walter Holt he left ‘the house wherein I now dwell called by the name of Brick House & all my 6 acres of ground planted with Cherries and other kinds of fruites called by the name of Dunken garden; also £100 to be paid within 6 months after he shall come out of his Apprenticeshipp’. His wealth allows the supposition that he may have been a principal contributor to the building of the tower, and it is notable that he was Vicar’s warden for the three years 1630, 1631, and 1632; he left 40s. ‘to Dr. Some ifhe is still Vicar at my death and pleases to preach a funeral sermon’. One of the overseers of his will was ‘My kinsman Mr Andrew Durdent of Yeveney the younger’. Very possibly ‘Brick House’, with its 6-acre ‘Dunken garden’, still survives as ‘Dumcroft’ retie Duncroft, also dated 1631 (Pevsner, Bldgs. of England, Middlesex (1951), p. 144).

48 Daniel Enderby’s earliest mention in the Staines register is under date 29 March 1625 (burial ofjudith, his first wife; they had a daughterjudith, ob. 1638); Hanna and Daniel Enderby, children by his second wife were baptized at Staines in 1632 and 1634. He was probably a City merchant and to be identified with the Daniel Enderby baptized at St Martin Pomeroy on 16 April 1592 (Guildhall MS 4392), of which parish his father Daniel Enderby was churchwarden in 1598-99 (ibid.); if so, he was a nephew of Abraham Enderbie, citizen and Founder of London, ob. 1603 (Will, PCC, 92Bolein) and of Sara Enderbye, ob. 1608 (Will, Guildhall, Commissary ofLdn., Reg. 21, fo. 43); note that all the above forenames are Jewish and that Founders’ Hall (cf. Stow’s Survey ed. Kingsford, 1, 283-84) and St Martin Pomeroy were both on the edge of the Jewry. Our present Daniel was churchwarden at Staines in 1629, ’30 and ’31.

49 Until 1658, when the accounts proper commence, GLRO DRO 2/B2/1 (‘Churchwardens Accounts, April 161 i-April 1681 ’) contains only particulars of parish officers elected year by year.

50 PCC, 67 Ridley; probate granted to his widow Alice Gillett 8July 1629. He signed the Vestry minutes for the last time at Easter 1628 (PI. 3a).

51 HKW, hi, 126.

52 GLRO, Acc 809/PR 177/158.

53 Winkfield’s location on the edge of Windsor Great Park makes a connection with the ‘Works’ more than possible: Thomas Wise (b. 1618), described on his mural tablet as ‘Master Mason of England to King Charles the Second and King James the Second’, was buried in the church in December 1685.

54 Archaeologia Cantiana, xxviii, 10-13.

55 Colvin, Dictionary, p. 965.

56 Colvin, H. M. ‘Haunt Hill House, Weldon’, in Jope, E. M. (ed.), Studies in Building History (1961), pp. 223-28.Google Scholar

57 7-8 George IV, cap. cvii.

58 The restoration of the tower and the design and building of the new church were amongst the earliest works of Watson, John Burges 1803-81 (Colvin, Dictionary, p. 869).Google Scholar

59 Summerson, John Inigo Jones (1966), p. 18.Google Scholar

60 Walpole Society vn, 87.

61 On Kinsman’s expertise and professional relationship with Colvin, Jones, cf. Dictionary, p. 495.Google Scholar It has not proved possible to trace the source of the tradition, recorded in 1798 in the Mary Berry edition of Walpole’s Anecdotes of Painting (Works of Horatio Walpole, 111, 275), that one ofjones’s residences was at Staines. This is perhaps most likely to have derived from a now lost note of Vertue’s; there is no reference to it in the six volumes of Vertue’s Note Books printed by the Walpole Society, but cf. Walpole’s statement in 1759 when he was beginning work on the Anecdotes (Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. Lewis, W. S. 16 (Yale, 1951), 27)Google Scholar, ‘. . . the materials I have already in great quantities in Vertue’s MSS. But he has collected little with regard to our architects, except Inigo Jones' (author’s italics); Lewis’s footnote (ibid.) is misleading: the three columns of‘jottings on Jones’ are on pp. 126-28, not 127-29 of Vertue Notebooks vi (Walpole Society xxx (1955)), and very few of the jottings in question appear to relate in any way to Jones. Nevertheless colour is lent to the tradition by the close associations with Staines, here demonstrated, of the Wicks and Durdant families. For Jones’s presence there in 1631, when he was in attendance on the commissioners appointed for viewing the Thames from Staines to Oxford, see Dom, Cal. S.P.. 1631-33, p. 133-62 Google Scholar Mainly concerned with taking down the medieval central tower (for the background, see Stooks, op. cit., p. 7).

63 Rotherwick has a squat seventeenth-century brick tower of no great distinction. The registers give no clue for more precise dating, but there is a stamped or incised brick, badly weathered, which may have read ‘j.c 1641’ (The Buildings of England, Hampshire and I.O. W. (1967), p. 489, ascribes it to the late seventeenth century. Two children of a John Coles were baptized in 1654 and 1656, but references to the family are few (registers in Hants RO, Winchester).

64 Registers of St Mary’s and St Nicholas’ Guildford (Guildford Muniment Room) contain numerous entries to a Warwick family or families who were carpenters, the first being a John Warwick, buried 11 December 1610; he was probably grandfather of John, W., baptized 30 September 1616, and Thomas, W., both carpenters (see also Guildford Freemen's Books, ed. Hector Carter (Guildford, 1963).Google Scholar

65 Probably, like the Warwicks, of Guildford. A ‘Mr. Bower’ is named in papers concerning the Wey navigation in 1655 (GMR 129/44/1), an Andrew Bowyer is baptized at St Nicholas in 1631 and an Anne Boyyer buried there in 1656. In the context, Vincent’s services must be assumed to relate to the old rather than the new tower.

66 There appears to be nothing in the accounts to support Stooks’s statement (loc. cit., n. 1 above) that the churchwardens ‘went about looking at other towers, and eventually fixed upon the tower of Battersea Church as the best pattern to go by. They then sent the masons to view the tower and to take measurements’.

67 For Nicholas Love, see DNB. A mural inscription naming Love as ‘. . . Anglicani de Wintonia in comitatu Southamtoniae qui post discrimina rerum et pugnam pro patria tandem in domino requierit a laboribus suis ... is one of five memorials to English regicides at Vevey. (Information kindly provided byJean-Pierre Chapuisat.)

68 Blackstone, B. ed., TheFerrar Papers (Cambridge, 1938), pp. 9-94.Google Scholar

69 Ibid., p. 276; quoted by Whiffen, Marcus Stuart and Georgian Churches Outside London 1603 to 1837 (1947), p. 12.Google Scholar

70 Ibid., p. xvii.

71 E.g. V.C.H. blunts, hi (1936), p. 90; Nikolaus Pevsner, The Buildings of England, Bedfordshire, Huntingdon and Peterborough (1968), p. 282.

72 Hunts, V.C.H.. 111, 90, n. 61.Google Scholar

73 G.E.C. hi, 309-10; vii, 609-10.

74 RCHM, Inventory of Historical Monuments in the County of Huntingdon ( 1926), p. 179.

75 Ibid., p. 180.

76 Martin, Hugh ed., The Private Prayers of Lancelot Andrewes (1957), p. 9.Google Scholar

77 In a letter of 1648 Drake asks Ferrar for his prayers and the continuance of his old affections (Blackstone, op. cit., p. 300).

78 Blackstone, op. cit., p. 58.

79 Ibid., p. 275.

80 Thus in G.E.C. x, 832, but one wonders if‘Hunts’ is intended.

81 Blackstone, op. cit., p. 59.

82 HKW, iv, 328.

83 Colvin, Howard ‘Peter Mills and Cobham Hall’, in The Country Seat (1970), p. 43.Google Scholar

84 See, e.g., the view from the west, HKW, in, pi. 6.

85 Parry, Graham Hollar’s England (Salisbury, 1980)Google Scholar, fig. 80.

86 Summerson, John Inigo Jones (1966)Google Scholar, fig. 41.

87 Ibid.

88 An example is the way in which the putlog holes, having been cut out of the ashlar face stones, are afterwards plugged back almost invisibly.

89 In regard to some intended details the tower appears not to have been quite finished; the lozenge-shaped clock faces were never installed and an inscription or date stone over the west door remains uncarved.

90 Colvin, H. M. ‘The Study of Architectural History in England’, address delivered at the inaugural meeting of the Society at York, 1 June 1957.Google Scholar