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Richard of St Victor's Solutions to Problems of Architectural Representation in the Twelfth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 October 2016

Abstract

This article argues that Richard of St Victor's twelfth-century architectural drawings for his historical exegesis of Ezekiel's vision of the Temple of Jerusalem is more sophisticated than the historiography has suggested to date. In his commentary, Richard provided plans and elevations for a number of different buildings, including the Temple's gatehouse. When attempting to convey the dimensions of the gatehouse, he made a distinction between measurements taken as if along a flat plane and those that take the slope of the mountain into account, calling these planum and superficies respectively, words that indicate a strong correlation to contemporary practices in geometry. When he wished to illustrate the dimensions of a gatehouse's interior, he included a lateral section of the building, which is possibly the earliest in existence. The use of the term planum (similar in meaning to the subsequent word ‘plan’) and the appearance of a section are unusually early, although there is still no evidence that Richard's work directly influenced later architectural drawings.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain 2016 

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References

NOTES

1 See, for example, Bucher, F., Architektor: The Lodge Books and Sketchbooks of Medieval Architects (New York, 1979), pp. 15193 Google Scholar; and, more recently, Bork, Robert, The Geometry of Creation: Architectural Drawing and the Dynamics of Gothic Design (Farnham, 2011), pp. 24 Google Scholar.

2 A facsimile of this is available: Carl Barnes Jr., The Portfolio of Villard de Honnecourt (Farnham, 2009).

3 Branner, Robert, ‘Villard de Honnecourt, Reims and the Origin of Gothic Architectural Drawing’, Gazette des Beaux-Art, 61 (1963), pp. 129–46Google Scholar.

4 For a fuller account of Richard's life, see, Dumeige, Gervais, Richard de Saint-Victor et l'idée Chrétienne de l‘amour (Paris, 1952)Google Scholar.

5 Crossnoe, M., ‘Victorine Education, 1306–1419’, Medieval Prosopography, 22 (2000), pp. 165–80Google Scholar.

6 Rorem, Paul, Hugh of Saint Victor (Oxford, 2009), p. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, In., 1964), p. 85Google Scholar.

8 Boadt, Lawrence, ‘Ezekiel, Book of’, in The Anchor Bible Dictionary, 7 vols, ed. Freedman, David Noel (New York, 1992), II, pp. 711–22 (p. 713)Google Scholar. Translations from the Bible are taken from the New Revised Standard Version.

9 Richard examines the path and form of these waters in Chapter Twelve of In visionem Ezechielis. This is discussed in detail in Delano-Smith, Catherine, ‘The Exegetical Jerusalem: Maps and Plans for Ezekiel Chapters 40–48’, Imagining Jerusalem in the Medieval West, ed. Donkin, Lucy and Vorholt, Hanna (Oxford, 2012), pp. 4176 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 For more information about Rashi and his connection with contemporary Christian exegesis, see Hailperin, H., Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh, 1963), pp. 107–09Google Scholar.

11 A reproduction of the image can be found in Mikra'ot Gedolot Ha-Keter, ed. Cohen, Menachem, 14 vols (Ramat Gan, 2000), vol. V/2, p. 322Google Scholar. Thanks are due to Catherine Delano-Smith and Jordan S. Penkower for their help sourcing this image.

12 A schematic plan of the division of the Holy Land between the tribes of Israel appears after the text in Bodley 494. The image is highly reminiscent of an image by the well-known Jewish medieval scholar Maimonides (d. 1204). The connections between the two are discussed in Smith, Lesley, ‘Jews and Christians Imagining the Temple’, in Crossing Borders: Hebrew Manuscripts as a Meeting-Place of Cultures, ed. van Boxel, Piet and Arndt, Sabine (Oxford, 2009), pp. 99114 Google Scholar. For more information on Andrew of St Victor and the influence of Hebraic thought, see G. Hadfield, ‘Andrew of Saint Victor, A Twelfth-Century Hebraist. An Investigation of his Works and Sources' (doctoral thesis, University of Oxford, 1971).

13 Gregory, Saint the Great, Sancti Gregorii magni homiliae in Hiezechihelem prophetam, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 142 (Turnhout, 1971), p. 209Google Scholar.

14 Richard of St Victor, In visionem Ezechielis in Patrologia latina, ed. Migne, Jacques Paul, 221 vols (Paris, 1844–64; henceforth PL), CXCVI, cols 575A–BGoogle Scholar.

15 Cahn, Walter, ‘Architectural Draftsmanship in Twelfth-Century Paris: The Illustrations of Richard of Saint-Victor's Commentary on Ezekiel's Temple Vision’, Gesta, 15 (1976), pp. 247–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Architecture and Exegesis: Richard of St-Victor's Ezekiel Commentary and Its Illustrations’, The Art Bulletin, 76 (1994), pp. 5368 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Cahn, ‘Architecture and Exegesis’, p. 63.

17 Ibid., p. 61.

18 Cahn, ‘Architectural Draftsmanship’, p. 251.

19 For example, Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipal, MS. 14, fol. 13r, which depicts King David sitting in the centre of Jerusalem's city walls. On the wider implications of depicting crenellations, Christopher Wilson speculates that they are a deliberate attempt to evoke the heavenly Jerusalem: see Wilson, Christopher, The Gothic Cathedral: The Architecture of the Great Church, 1130–1530 (London, 2000), p. 34Google Scholar.

20 Delano-Smith, ‘The Exegetical Jerusalem’, p. 51.

21 Ibid., p. 45.

22 Schröder, Jochen, Gervasius von Canterbury, Richard von Saint-Victor und die Methodik der Bauerfassung im 12. Jahrhundert, 2 vols (Cologne, 2000), I, pp. 159–72Google Scholar.

23 PL, CXCVI, cols. 542D–543A.

24 Outlined in Mayeski, Mary A., ‘Early Medieval Exegesis: Gregory I to the Twelfth Century’, in A History of Biblical Interpretation: 2, The Medieval Though the Reformation Periods, 2 vols, ed. Hauser, Alan and Watson, Duane F. (Grand Rapid–Cambridge, 2009), II, p. 87Google Scholar.

25 Signer, Michael A., ‘ Peshat, Sensus Litteralis, and Sequential Narrative: Jewish Exegesis and the School of St Victor in the Twelfth Century’, Jewish History, 6 (1992–93), pp. 203216 (p. 204)Google Scholar.

26 PL, CXCVI, cols. 580D–581A.

27 The convention in the Middle Ages was to place East at the top of the drawing.

28 Sed quia difficile, seu etiam impossibile est longitudinem, et latitudinem, et altitudinem aedificiorum in plano sub eadem figura repraesentare, sufficere arbitror omnium horum quae diximus, situm, locumque conformasse, et lineis proportionalibus ductis omnium eorum quasi quoddam fundamentum jecisse: PL, CXCVI, col. 549B.

29 The Oxford English Dictionary reports that the first use of the English term ‘plan’ to describe a drawing was in the seventeenth century; see ‘plan’ OED Online. Oxford University Press (accessed on 22 March 2016). In Middle English, the terms ‘plattes’ or ‘plottes’ seems to be the most common equivalent term; see Salzman, L.F., Building in England Down to 1540 (Oxford, 1992), p. 15Google Scholar.

30 Vitruvius, De architectura, I.2.1. For a translation see, Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, ed. and trans. Rowland, Ingrid D. and Howe, Thomas Noble (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 2425 Google Scholar.

31 Ibid.

32 Doubts have been expressed about the existence of Arculf, and it has been suggested that he is Adomnan's creation. However, this suggestion does not affect Adomnan's terminology for his drawings; see O'Loughlin, Thomas, Adomnan and the Holy Places (London, 2007), pp. 6263 Google Scholar.

33 Adomnan, Adamnan's De Locis Sanctis, trans. Meehan, Denis (Dublin, 1958), pp. 4647 Google Scholar, 90–91.

34 A transmission note in the upper margin of the plans begins, Haec tibi dulcissime fili cozberte de posicione officinarum paucis exemplata direxi quibus sollertiam exerceas tuam (‘For thee, my sweetest son Gozbertus, have I drawn this briefly annotated copy of the layout of the monastic buildings'); see Horn, Walter and Born, Ernest, The Plan of Saint Gall, 3 vols (Berkeley, 1979), I, p. 9Google Scholar. There have been a number of competing translations into English for this line, and I give only the most well-known here. A line-by-line commentary may be found in Vogüe, Adalbert de, ‘Le Plan de Saint-Gall, copie d'un document officiel’, Revue Bénédictine, 94 (1984), pp. 295314 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 Hugh refers to it in his Didascalicon: The Didascalicon of Hugh of St Victor: A Medieval Guide to the Arts, trans. Taylor, Jerome (New York and London, 1961), III.2, p. 84Google Scholar.

36 Ouy, Gilbert, Les Manuscrits de l'abbaye de Saint-Victor: catalogue établi sur la base du répertoire de Claude de Grandrue, 2 vols (Turnhout, 1999), II, p. 509Google Scholar.

37 Vitruvius's De architectura is found in a relatively large number of manuscripts from throughout medieval Europe, and would appear to have been widely read; see Krinsky, Carol Herselle, ‘Seventy-Eight Vitruvius Manuscripts’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 30 (1967), pp. 3670 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 Et forte secundum morem terrae Palaestinorum debemus intelligere tectum portae planum esse: PL, CXCVI, col. 554C.

39 quis tu mons magne coram Zorobabel in planum. Zech., 4, 7.

40 Constat igitur inter duo aedificia quae templo adjacebant hinc inde spatium centum quadraginta cubitorum secundum planum utique inclusum fuisse: PL, CXCVI, col. 568D.

41 Sed, sicut superius monstratum est, ab Aquilone versus Austrum etiam secundum planum centum cubitos hoc atrium includebat: ibid., CXCVI, col. 573D.

42 Primo itaque consideremus, quot cubitos interius atrium ab Oriente in Occidentem secundum considerationem plani habeat, quod superficietenus in omnem partem absque omni ambiguo centum cubitorum erat: ibid., CXCVI, col. 573D.

43 Sed si orientalis via ab exteriori parte usque ad templi situm uniformiter ascendit, profiter pavimentum quod inter duas porticus centum cubitorum jacuit, non plus quam octaginta cubitos secundum considerationem plani obtinebit, quamvis superficietenus centum absque ambiguo habuerit: ibid., CXCVI, col. 574B.

44 Coulter, Dale, Per Visibilia ad invisibilia: Theological Method in Richard of St. Victor (d. 1173) (Turnhout, 2006), p. 70Google Scholar.

45 Cahn, ‘Architecture and Exegesis’, p. 59.

46 Si autem quaeritur de interiori atrio quantum ab una parte elevabatur, facile hoc et absque scrupulo a geometricae disciplinae perito deprehenditur.: PL, CXCVI, col. 575A.

47 Hujus rei certissimas regulas tradere possumus: ibid., CXCVI, col. 575A.

48 The name of the chapter for this section is: Quomodo, vel unde colligitur quoe sit ardvitas montis (‘In what way, or whence the slope of the mountain is determined’).

49 Necesse fuit multas et varias existere quaestiones: de planis figuris, de solidis corporibus, de incorporatione animae vivificantis sensibilem mundum: Plato, Timaeus a Calcidio Translatus Commentarioque Instructus, ed. Jensen, Povl Johannes and Waszink, J.H. (London, 1962), p. 58Google Scholar.

50 Perfecta porro corpora sunt solida quae ex tribus constant, longitudine latitudine crassitudine, prius epipedas, hoc est planas figuras, quae longitudinem modo et latitudinem, nullam vero profunditam habent: Ibid., p. 61.

51 Gerberti, postea Silvestri II Papae, Opera Mathematica, ed. Bubnov, Nicolaus (Hildesheim, 1963), p. 57Google Scholar.

52 Plano superficies dicitur quae aequaliter in rectis suis lineis continetur: PL, CXCVI, col. 1307B.

53 Euclid, The First Latin Translation of Euclid's Elements Commonly Ascribed to Adelard of Bath, ed. Busard, H.L.L. (Toronto, 1983)Google Scholar.

54 Superficies plana est ab una linea ad aliam extensio, in extremitates suas eas recipiens: ibid., p. 32 (1. 7).

55 A recent translation of this notoriously difficult text is Rudolph, Conrad, The Mystic Ark: Hugh of Saint Victor, Art, and Thought in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 ‘First, I find the center point on the surface where I wish to depict the Ark, and there – the point having been fixed – I draw a small square’: ibid., p. 397.

57 Rudolph, Conrad, First, I Find the Center Point: Reading the Text of Hugh of Saint Victor's The Mystic Ark (Philadelphia, 2004), pp. 7374 Google Scholar.

58 Carruthers, Mary, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 2008), p. 303 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also, eadem, ‘The Post as Master Builder: Composition and Locational Memory in the Middle Ages’, New Literary History, 24 (1993), pp. 881904 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Rudolph, Mystic, p. 2.

60 Hugh of Saint Victor, Hugonis de Sancto Victore De archa Noe; libellus de formatione arche, ed. Sicard, Patrice (Turnhout, 2001)Google Scholar.

61 ut intuentis animus eorum omnium locum, situm et numerum, qualitatem, quantitatem, proportionem facile possit ex ejus contemplatione colligere: PL, CXCVI, cols. 549A–550A.

62 Without Richard's autograph it is difficult to identify his specific wishes for the transmission of the diagrams.

63 For example, the width of the vestibules on either side of the entrance is given as 8 cubits but is 15 mm on the page (proportionate length would be 24 mm); the entrance to the vestibule is 6 cubits but is 13 mm on the page (proportionate length would be 18 mm); the width of the building's walls is 5 cubits but is 10 mm on the page (proportionate length would be 15 mm).

64 The width of the building is 60 cubits and it is 54 mm in length. On the page, 50 cubits are represented as 47 mm, 10 cubits as 7 mm, and 5 cubits as 5 mm.

65 In Bodley 494 the last plan of the gatehouse appears on fol. 139v, but the front and lateral elevations do not appear until fols 155v and 156r.

66 PL, CXCVI, col. 576C–D.

67 Cahn, ‘Architectural Draftsmanship’, p. 250. Cahn may misinterpret this section, because he does not understand why Richard has placed the steps inside the building, even though Richard states that there are two sets of steps; PL, CXCVI, col. 535B: Hinc est, quod de australi portico exterior legitur: Et in gradibus septem ascendebatur ad eam; et item australi interior: et octo gradus errant quibus ascendebatur per eam (‘Here is what is read about the southern exterior gate: There were seven steps ascending to it; and likewise to the southern interior side: and there were eight steps through which they ascended through it’).

68 Starting from the exterior side (i.e. the left side of lateral elevation) and moving upwards towards the inner side (i.e. moving right), these tituli read: vestibulum. viii. cub; sicut primi thalami; .v. cubita inter thalami; situs secundi thalami; .v. cubiti inter thalami; vestibulum. viii. cubitorum. These tituli also appear in Oxford, Bodleian Library, e Museo 62, as well as the earliest known manuscript witness, Paris, BnF, MS lat. 14519.

69 ab hinc sursum cenaculum primum ab exteriori latere.

70 Tabulatum cenaculi et erat pro recto thalami, and mensus est porta ab tecto thalami usque ad tectum eius xxv. cubitorum.

71 Tectum totius porticus.

72 Representatio porticus quasi a latere videretur. In this case the scribe seems to have slightly confused the matter: there is no space between the ‘a’ and ‘l’ of a latere, and it was originally rendered altere, but the corrector has added the necessary ‘a’ at a later stage.

73 Ackerman, James cited in Pacey, Arnold, Medieval Architectural Drawing (Stroud, 2007), p. 62Google Scholar.

74 Barnes Jr., The Portfolio, pp. 209–10. The section is made obvious by the attention paid to the soffit rolls below the flying buttresses.

75 Alexander, J.J.G., Medieval Illuminators and their Methods of Work (New Haven and London, 1992), p. 11Google Scholar.

76 Signer, Michael A., ‘Vision and History: Nicholas of Lyra on the Prophet Ezechiel,’ ed. Krey, Philip D.W. and Smith, Lesley, Nicholas of Lyra: The Senses of Scripture (Leiden, 2000), pp. 147–71 (p. 169)Google Scholar.

77 Ibid., p. 165.