1 Palladio, Andrea, I quattro libri dell'architectura (Venice, 1570).Google Scholar For a modern translation equipped with an excellent glossary, see Palladio, Andrea, The Four Books on Architecture, ed. Schofield, Richard and Tavernor, Robert (Cambridge, Mass., 1997)Google Scholar. For a rounded discussion of the treatise, see Boucher, Bruce, Andrea Palladio: the Architect in His Time (New York, London and Paris, 1993), pp. 231–63.Google Scholar Palladio had already produced some material on the orders for the treatise by the mid-1550s, as Daniele Barbara records in his Vitruvius edition (as below n. 14, ed. 1567, p. 303), although much of the material was prepared after the publication of Vignola's treatise in 1562.

2 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 6 (‘…quei precetti, che universali sono…’) and pp. 18–50Google Scholar.

3 Palladio's work is extensively covered in many publications, for which the modern foundations were laid by Zorzi, Giangiorgio, Le opere pubbliche e i palazzi privati di Andrea Palladio (Venice, 1965)Google Scholar; idem, Le chiese e i ponti di Andrea Palladio (Venice, 1967)Google Scholar; and idem, Le ville e i teatri di Andrea Palladio (Venice, 1969)Google Scholar. Detailed coverage is provided by Puppi, Lionello, with contributions from Donata Battilotti, Andrea Palladio (ed. Milan, 1999)Google Scholar. For a brief and up-to-date listing of Palladio's work (supplying the dates used here for his various schemes), see the website of the Palladio Museum in Vicenza: http://mediateca.palladiomuseum.org/palladio/opere.php.

4 Various aspects of the presentation of the orders in the Quattro libri are explored by Günther, Hubertus, ‘Palladio e gli ordini di colonne’, in Andrea Palladio: nuovi contributi, ed. Chastel, André and Cevese, Renato (Milan, 1990), pp. 182–97Google Scholar; and Mitrović, Branko, ‘Palladio's Theory of Classical Architecture in the First Book of I quattro libri dell'architettura ’, Architectural History, 42 (1999), pp. 110–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar These matters will be addressed further in the final section of this article.

5 Aspects of this development are covered e.g. by Pagliara, Pier Nicola, ‘Vitruvio: da testo a canone’, in Memoria dell'antico nell'arte italiana, ed. Settis, Salvatore (Turin, 1986), pp. 3–85.Google Scholar See also Clarke, Georgia, ‘Vitruvian Paradigms’, Papers of the British School at Rome, 70 (2002), pp. 317–44 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Alberti, Leon Battista, L'architettura, ed. Bartoli, Cosimo (Florence, 1550, and Venice, 1565). For Bartoli's publications of Alberti's treatise Google Scholar, see Bryce, Judith, Cosimo Bartoli, 1503–1572; the Career of a Florentine Polymath (Geneva, 1983), pp. 185–92.Google Scholar

7 See Günther, Hubertus, ‘Serlio e gli ordini architettonici’, in Sebastiano Serlio, ed. Thoenes, Christof (Milan, 1989), pp. 154–68.Google Scholar

8 See especially Thoenes, Christof in Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola, ed. Tuttle, Richard J. et al. (Milan, 2002), pp. 333–66.Google Scholar

9 Palladio, I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 15; Book 4, p. 64.Google Scholar

10 Ottavio Bertotti Scamozzi, Le fabbriche e i disegni di Andrea Palladio, 4 vols (Vicenza, 1776–83)Google Scholar. For Bertotti Scamozzi, see Olivato, Loredana, Ottavio Bertotti Scamozzi, studioso di Andrea Palladio (Vicenza, 1975);Google Scholar and Kamm-Kyburz, Christine,Der Architekt Ottavio Bertotti Scamozzi 1719–1790: ein Beitrag zum Palladianismus im Veneto (Bern, 1983).Google Scholar

11 Bertotti Scamozzi's measurements are given in the local unit of measure, the Vicenza foot, and their accuracy is attested to, generally, by Howard, Deborah and Longair, Malcolm, ‘Harmonic Proportion and Palladio's Quattro libri ’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 41 (1982), pp. 116–43 (p. 129)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and by Mitrović, , ‘Palladio's Theory of Classical Architecture’, pp. 120–21.Google Scholar It appears the case, too, that the size of Bertotti Scamozzi's foot corresponds closely (despite occasional claims to the contrary) to the usually specified size of the Vicenza foot (1ft = 35.7cm); see Martini, Angelo, Manuale di metrologia (Turin, 1883), p.823.Google Scholar Dimensions for the orders are given infrequently in other surveys, so it is only possible to confirm Bertotti Scamozzi's reliability in a very few instances. Villa Cornaro at Piombino Dese, for example, is the subject of a recent and detailed survey: see Palladio, Andrea: Villa Cornaro in Piombino Dese, ed. Mitrović, Branko and Wassell, Stephen R. (New York, 2006), in particular pp. 26–27,42 and 46.Google Scholar This gives the lower Ionic an average diameter of 69.68 cm and heights of 620.5 cm (front) and 638.0 cm (rear), to produce ratios of 1:8.90 and 1:9.16; and the upper Corinthian order an average diameter of 56.53 cm and heights of 593.0 cm (front) and 592.5 cm (rear), to produce ratios of 1:10.49 and 1:10.48. Bertotti Scamozzi gave the lower storey a diameter of 69.9cm (1.96ft) and a height of 632 cm (17.71 ft), producing a ratio of 1:9.04; and the upper storey a diameter at 57.5 cm and a height at 593 cm, producing a ratio of 1:10.17. Occasional dimensions for the orders are included on the survey drawings held at the Palladio Museum (and featured on their website; see above n. 3) and, although these are not necessarily more accurate, they further confirm Bertotti Scamozzi's reliability. The few measurements provided, which are for Palazzo Antonini in Udine (Ionic and Corinthian), Palazzo Porta Festa in Vicenza (Ionic), Villa Badoer at Fratta Polesine (Doric and Ionic), Villa Cornaro at Piombino Dese (Ionic) and Villa Thiene at Quinto (Doric), mostly correspond very closely with the figures specified by Bertotti Scamozzi.

12 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 15 Google Scholar; see also ibid., general preface, p. 3 (‘… con le proprie mani[ho] misurato i fragmenti di molti edificij antichi…’); Book 1, p. 5 (‘… cominciai à misurare minutissimamente con somma diligenza ciascuna parte loro …’); and Book 4, p. 3 (‘… sono stati misurati da me con somma consideratione …’).

13 Ibid., Book 1, p. 5 (‘… mi proposi per maestro, e guida Vitruvio …’) and 15.

14 Vitruvius, , I died libri dell'architettura, ed. Barbaro, Daniele (Venice, 1556 and 1567)Google Scholar; see Cellauro, Louis, ‘Palladio e le illustrazioni delle edizioni del 1556 e del 1567 di Vitruvio, Saggi e memorie di storia dell'arte, 22 (1998), pp. 55–128 Google Scholar; idem, ‘Daniele Barbaro and his Venetian Editions of Vitruvius of 1556 and 1567’, Studi veneziani, 40 (2000), pp. 87–134 Google Scholar; and idem, ‘Daniele Barbaro and Vitruvius: the Architectural Theory of a Renaissance Humanist and Patron’, Papers of the British School at Rome, 72 (2004), pp. 293–329 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Vitruvius, , De architectura, IV, 7, 2–5Google Scholar.

16 Serlio, Sebastiano, Tutte l'opere d'architettura et prospetiva (Venice, 1619), Book 4, ff. 127V–129Google Scholar; Vignola, Jacopo Barozzi da, Regola delli cinque ordini d'architettura (Rome, 1562), pi. 4–8 Google Scholar; Cataneo, Pietro, L'architettura (Venice, 1567), PP. 111–13.Google Scholar

17 Vitruvius, , I died libri, ed. Barbaro, (1567), pp. 143 and 196.Google Scholar

18 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 128v Google Scholar ('questo sarà quando l'opera si vorrà far più delicata’).

19 See e.g. Richard Schofield in Torre, Stefano Delia and Schofield, Richard, Pellegrino Tibaldi architetto e il S. Fedele di Milano (Milan, 1994), pp. 69–78 Google Scholar.

20 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 3, ff. 80v and 82v–86Google Scholar.

21 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 19 Google Scholar. Serlio had described their orders as ‘Rustic’, which for him was closely equivalent to Tuscan; see Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 126v Google Scholar; Palladio, cf., I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 15 Google Scholar (referring to amphitheatres).

22 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 2, p. 60 Google Scholar. The proportions of the extant columns are determined from measurements given on survey drawings in the Palladio Museum (see above n. 11) — the heights supplied by Bertotti Scamozzi being for the building's exterior and not the colonnades. The proportions in the Quattro libri illustration are likewise of around 1:7½ (see Table 4).

23 As n. 19.

24 The bases of these half-columns have no plinths.

25 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 139–142 Google Scholar; Vignola, , Regola, pl. 9–14 Google Scholar; Cataneo, , L'architettura, pp. 113–19Google Scholar.

26 Vitruvius, , De architectura, IV, 1,6 and 8Google Scholar; v,9,3.

27 Palladio also cites the Doric ‘Temple of Piety’ (the southern temple in Rome's Forum Holitorum; see below n. 68) and the ancient theatre in Vicenza: Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 22 Google Scholar. For his own drawing of the Theatre of Marcellus (London, R.I.B.A., Palladio, vol. x, 20), see e.g. Zorzi, Giangiorgio, I disegni delle antichità di Andrea Palladio (Venice, 1959), p. 92 Google Scholar.

28 Measurements are provided by Desgodetz, Antoine, Les Édifices antiques de Rome (Paris, 1682), p. 293 Google Scholar. Desgodetz's illustrations of Rome's antiquities are far superior in their accuracy to those in previous publications, including Palladio's Book 4 on temples which is often explicitly criticised.

29 Palladio, explains that the bottom part of the shaft can be made from the same piece of stone as the base: I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 22 Google Scholar.

30 For Palladio's drawing of various details from the Basilica Aemilia, see e.g. Zorzi, , I disegni delle antichità, p. 104 Google Scholar; see also at n. 111 below. The cornice was drawn, previously, in the Codex Coner; see Ashby, Thomas, ‘Sixteenth-Century Drawings of Roman Buildings Attributed to Andreas Coner, Papers of the British School at Rome, 2 (1904), pp. 1–96 (pp. 43–43, no. 77)Google Scholar.

31 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 139 Google Scholar.

32 Palladio, specifically mentions the Porta dei Leoni in this context: I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 22 Google Scholar. The gate's pedestal is illustrated by Serlio, (Tutte l'opere, Book 3, f. 116)Google Scholar. The flared plinth is also seen in Palladio's executed schemes (see Fig. 32) but only intermittently.

33 See Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 140 and 141v–42Google Scholar.

34 Vitruvius, , De architectura, IV, 3,9Google Scholar. A local example of such fluting is to be found on the earlier of the two façades of the Porta dei Leoni in Verona (Serlio, Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 116V–17).

35 Vitruvius, , De architectura, IV, 3,4–8Google Scholar.

36 The cornice is represented more exactingly in one of the plates of details (Palladio, I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 27) which also shows the typically Doric ornamentation on the underside of the corona, this being closely based on that from the Theatre of Marcellus which is recorded in the Codex Coner; see Ashby, , ‘Sixteenth- Century Drawings of Roman Buildings’, p. 42, no. 76Google Scholar.

37 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 26 Google Scholar; Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 141 Google Scholar.

38 For example, the Doric columns of the ‘Temple of Piety’ (mentioned by Palladio: see n.27) have proportions, according to Serlio's measurements, of around 1:7.7 (see Tutte l'opere, Book 3, f.60), while the Doric half-columns of the Colosseum have proportions of around 1:9.5; see Desgodetz, , Les Édifices antiques, p. 259 Google Scholar.

39 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 187–88Google Scholar.

40 Ibid., Book 4, f. 187 (‘… di far le colonne più gracile [quando] più tosto per ornament, che per sostegno.’).

41 See above no. 24.

42 The deployment of the base is a departure from the Theatre of Marcellus, which served both buildings as a principal prototype, but it is presaged by Sansovino's Library of St Mark's in Venice (1537).

43 See Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 3, f. 69V Google Scholar; Book 4, f. 140. A minor variation in Palladio's practice, however, is seen in the Doric capitals of the Villa Emo at Fanzolo, which, beneath the echinus, feature a cima recta molding rather than three rings.

44 For detailed discussion of the use of the Doric order in early sixteenth-century architecture, see Christiane Denker Nesselrath, Die Säulenordnungen bei Bramante (Worms, 1990)Google Scholar; Günther, Hubertus, ‘Die Anfänge der modernen Dorica’, in L'Emploi des ordres à la Renaissance, ed. Guillaume, Jean (Paris, 1992), pp. 97–117 Google Scholar.

45 The fluted Doric pilasters on the side elevation of the Loggia del Capitaniato are an exception.

46 See Burns, Howard, ‘Raffaello e “quell'antiqua architettura”’, in Raffaello architetto, ed. Frommel, Cristoph L. et al. (Milan, 1984), pp. 381–96 (p. 387)Google Scholar. See also below at n. 118.

47 Ibid. The guttae are shown in an early drawing by Giuliano da Sangallo (Codex Barberini, f. 4V).

48 They are once again featured in the vestibule of S. Maria della Carità.

49 For the Colosseum cornice, see Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 3, f. 81 Google Scholar; Desgodetz, , Les Édifices antiques, pp. 261, 265 and 271Google Scholar; see also below at n. 69. The Palazzo Chiericati cornice has the slab positioned directly underneath the corona, like an ancient cornice illustrated in the Codex Coner; see Ashby, , ‘Sixteenth-Century Drawings of Roman Buildings’, p. 41, no. 72Google Scholar.

50 The decoration is identical to that once ornamenting the frieze of the Mausoleum of Hadrian and recorded in an early sixteenth-century drawing (Florence Uffizi A4330V); see Bartoli, Alfonso, I monumenti antichi di Roma nei disegni degli Uffizi di Firenze, 6 vols (Florence, 1914–22), IV, fig. 621Google Scholar.

51 Why Palladio should have chosen to treat the Doric entablature in this way is not clear; but it may be that the dentils, which are directly beneath the corona, were conceived as being directly analogous to the modillions used for the entablatures of both the Ionic and Corinthian storeys above.

52 Vitruvius, , De architectura, IV, 1, 7–8Google Scholar; V, 9,4.

53 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 158V–62Google Scholar; Vignola, , Regola, pl. 15–20 Google Scholar; Cataneo, , L'architettura, pp. 120–24Google Scholar.

54 Another general type, with a neck beneath the scrolls, is illustrated by Serlio (Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f.160v), and this (discussed in more detail below) was very popular in early sixteenth-century practice.

55 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, pp. 50–51 Google Scholar; Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 159–160 Google Scholar.

56 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, pp. 50–51 Google Scholar; The subsequent illustration of Desgodetz (Les Édifices antiques, p. 102) shows that the capitals are actually decorated rather more simply.

57 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, pp. 31 and 34Google Scholar; Vitruvius, , De architectura, III, 5,3Google Scholar.

58 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 161v Google Scholar; Vitruvius, , I died libri, ed. Barbaro, (1567), p. 154 Google Scholar. Vitruvius, on two occasions, refers to the Ionic order as the ‘pulvinate’: De architectura, I,2,4 and IV, 1,12.

59 Vitruvius, , De architectura, III, 5,11Google Scholar; Vitruvius, , I died libri, ed. Barbaro, (1567), p. 154 Google Scholar.

60 An exception is the Temple of Saturn, as mentioned below.

61 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 170 and Book 3, f. 54 and 112Google Scholar. This principle was informed by a comparable pronouncement made by Vitruvius concerning the combination of dentils with mutules for the Doric order: Vitruvius, , De architectura, IV 2,-5Google Scholar. For further analysis, see Mitrović, , ‘Palladio's Theory of Classical Architecture’, pp. 116–19Google Scholar.

62 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, pp. 78 and 127Google Scholar.

63 Villa Chiericati at Vancimuglio (c.1555) has very slender Ionic columns which may be a product of its protracted building history. Villa Valmarana at Lisiera (c.1563) has unusually squat Ionic columns that may well be a consequence of the abandonment of building work mid-way through construction.

64 Serlio illustrates this kind of capital in a diagram that appears to be based on the Temple of Portumnus (Tutte I'opere, Book 4, f. 160v), although he does not actually name it, and he discusses it specifically in connection with the designing of cloisters and courtyards.

65 This type is found in the Lateran Baptistery, although it is not the capital specimen shown in the Quattro libri illustration (Book 4, p. 63). The more unusual Ionic capitals of the Temple of Saturn likewise have volutes at the four corners (ibid., Book 4, p. 127).

66 See below at n. 76.

67 The matter is discussed in more detail at n. 117 below.

68 The colonnade is that of a once-neighbouring temple, the northern temple of the Forum Holitorum, and the blocks are the ends of lintels covering the passageway between the columns and the cella. The temple was closely studied by Antonio da Sangallo and his entourage, and is reconstructed by his associate Antonio Labacco: see Labacco, Antonio, Libro appartenente a l'architettura (Rome, 1558), pp. 23–24 Google Scholar. See also e.g. Campbell, Ian, Ancient Roman Topography and Architecture: The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo, Part A9, 3 vols (London, 2004), I, pp. 120–35and 138–41Google Scholar.

69 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, pp. 80 and 83–84Google Scholar; seen also at the Temple of the Sibyl at Tivoli (ibid. p. 93) and the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina (ibid. p. 35), where the moulding is described (ibid. p. 30) as a ‘dentello non intagliato’. Serlio, with reference to the interior of the Pantheon, similarly describes the moulding as a having ‘the form of a row of dentils’ (‘la forma del dentello’) but not being carved as such; Serlio, , Tutte I'opere, Book 3, f. 54 Google Scholar. Similar ledges are to be seen in the entablatures of other ancient buildings, including the Colosseum (see above n. 49) and the Arch of the Silversmiths (see Desgodetz, Les Édifices antiques, p. 221).

70 Vitruvius established implicit proportions for the Corinthian column of 1:9 2/3 by specifying that it should have the same proportions as the Ionic (1:9), but with a capital height equal to the column diameter rather than a third of the size; see Vitruvius, , De architectura, IV, 1,1Google Scholar.

71 Palladio's measurements are sometimes approximated, but they are broadly in line with those determined in Desgodetz, Les Édifices antiques.

72 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 169–71Google Scholar; Vignola, , Regola, pl. 21–27 Google Scholar; Cataneo, , L'architettura, pp. 126–29.Google Scholar

73 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 67 Google Scholar: the capitals have tendrils at their centres which are intertwined. For Baldassare Peruzzi's similar praise for these capitals, see Clarke, Georgia, ‘“La più bella e meglio lavorata opera”: Beauty and Good Design in Italian Renaissance Architecture’, in Concepts of Beauty in Renaissance Art, ed. Lewis, Francis Ames and Rogers, Mary (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 107–23 (pp. 110–11)Google Scholar.

74 Vignola, , Regola, pl. 26 Google Scholar.

75 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 23 (‘Le lingue del capitello sono intagliate à foglie di olivo, e sono questefoglie ordinate à cinque, à cinque; come sono le dita nelle mani degli huomini…’) and p.28Google Scholar. The foliage is unlike that in the example illustrated by Serlio (Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 171), but it is of a kind seen in several of Palladio's early drawings of Corinthian capitals, including those of the Temple of Minerva (Vicenza, Palladio Museum, D 7 and 30V); see Zorzi, , I disegni delle antichità, pp. 74–75 Google Scholar.

76 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 60 Google Scholar. Similar bases are also seen at the Basilica of Maxentius (ibid., p. 14) and the Temple of Serapis (ibid., p. 47).

77 The type was drawn by Giuliano da Sangallo (Codex Barberini, f. 15).

78 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 170 Google Scholar.

79 See Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, pp. 80 and 83Google Scholar.

80 See below n. 147.

81 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 29 Google Scholar.

82 Scamozzi, Bertotti, Le fabbriche e i disegni, vol. 1, p. 70 Google Scholar: ‘ questi pilastri sono più alti di 9 diametri e mezzo'; the height is given but, frustratingly, not the width.

83 The capitals often accord with the treatise in having ‘olive leaf foliage, although the capital foliage seen on the Palazzo Valmarana façade is more like standard acanthus.

84 The Corinthian capitals of Palladio's S. Francesco della Vigna façade are notably schematic.

85 Desgodetz, , Les Édifices antiques, p. 271 Google Scholar.

86 The plinth in these cases is given a correspondingly greater height. For the portal of the Redentore, the bases are more elaborate and are of the attic type with two extra astragals.

87 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 69 Google Scholar.

88 Exceptions include the fluted columns positioned around the high altar of S. Giorgio Maggiore, the fluted pilasters on the upper-storey of the façade of the Casa Cogollo in Vicenza (1559), and those of the interior window tabernacles of the Redentore.

89 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 67 and pp. 63 and 87Google Scholar.

90 Ibid., p. 67 and also p. 47 for the Temple of Serapis which has similar double-tier modillions.

91 According to the measurements supplied by Desgodetz, however, the Composite order of the Arch of Septimius Severus has proportions of 1:10, and that of the Arch of Titus has proportions of around 1:10 1/2; Desgodetz, , Les Édifices antiques, pp. 188–89 and 178–79Google Scholar.

92 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ff. 183–85Google Scholar; Vignola, , Regola, pl. 28 and 31Google Scholar; Cataneo, , L'architettura, pp. 129–30Google Scholar.

93 See Desgodetz, , Les Édifices antiques, p. 207 Google Scholar.

94 For example, the capitals of the Lateran Baptistery and S. Costanza; see Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, pp. 63 and 87Google Scholar.

95 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 183V Google Scholar.

96 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 63 Google Scholar. The unusual bases featured in the illustration provided models, as Palladio noted (ibid., p. 61), for those of the columns on the rear face of the S. Giorgio façade.

97 Ibid., Book 4, p. 67.

98 Ibid., Book 4, p. 63. The Corinthian capitals of the third and fourth storeys of the Colosseum also have uncarved foliage.

99 The type was employed previously by Raphael for the Ionic order on the exterior of Villa Madama (for which see below at n. 106). It is also similar to the bases of the Maison Carée at Nîmes (ibid., Book 4, p. 115), except that these have a lower pair of astragals and then two single astragals above.

100 Ibid., Book 4, p. 122.

101 This is exceptional in Palladio's practice; an ancient prototype is provided by the Temple of Augustus and Rome in Pula; ibid., Book 4, p. 109.

102 For the pulvinated frieze, see above n.58.

103 See Zorzi, , I disegni delle antichità, pp. 17–23 Google Scholar.

104 For Bramante, see in particular Denker Nesselrath, Die Säulenordnungen bei Bramante; and eadem, ‘Bramante e l'ordine corinzio’, in L'Emploi des ordres, ed. Guillaume, pp. 83–96. For Raphael, see Burns, , ‘Raffaello e “quell'antiqua architettura”’, pp. 389–90Google Scholar; and Christoph Luitpold Frommel, , ‘Raffaello e gli ordini architettonici’, in L'Emploi des ordres, ed. Guillaume, , pp. 119–36Google Scholar.

105 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 4, pp. 64–66 Google Scholar.

106 For discussion of likely theoretical principles underlying Raphael's practice see Hemsoll, David, ‘Raphael's New Architectural Agenda’, in Imitation, Representation and Printing in the Italian Renaissance, ed. Eriksen, Roy and Malmanger, Magne (Pisa and Rome, 2009), pp. 201–39Google Scholar. For the Ionic order of the Villa Madama, see Burns, , ‘Raffaello e “quell'antiqua architettura”’, p. 389 Google Scholar; Frommel, , ‘Raffaello e gli ordini architettonici’, p. 124 Google Scholar; Hemsoll, , ‘Raphael's New Architectural Agenda’, pp. 216–18Google Scholar.

107 It may thus be highly significant that the design of the ciborium in the hospital attached to Sangallo's church of S. Spirito in Sassia is attributed by long tradition to Palladio; see, for example, Puppi with Battilotti, Andrea Palladio, p. 266. This could well suggest some direct involvement with the Sangallo workshop.

108 See the original dedication to Book 4: Serlio, Sebastiano, Sebastianb Serlio on Architecture, ed. Hart, Vaughan and Hicks, Peter, 2 vols, (New Haven and London, 1996 and 2001), I, p. 251 Google Scholar. Palladio himself acknowledged a debt to Sangallo but only in the company of other illustrious architects of the period: I quattro libri, Book 4, p. 64.

109 See Hemsoll, David, ‘Palladio e il tempio antico autentico nelle illustrazioni dei Quattro libri’, in Palladio 1508–2008: il simposio del cinquecentenario, ed. Barbieri, Franco et al. (Venice, 2008), pp. 144–49Google Scholar.

110 See above n. 12.

111 Uffizi A1413 (Sangallo); Bartoli, , I monumenti antichi, vol. 3, figs 391–92. Uffizi A1057 (Sangallo, G.B. da)Google Scholar; ibid., vol. 4, fig. 533.

112 Vicenza, Palladio Museum, D 6v (Palladio); Zorzi, , I disegni delle antichità, p. 76 Google Scholar. Uffizi A1180 (Sangallo); Bartoli, , I monumenti antichi, vol. 3, fig. 357 Google Scholar. Uffizi A1407 (now attributed to Pietro Rosselli); ibid., vol. 1, fig.155.

113 For Sangallo's usage of the orders (and his dependency on Bramante and Raphael), see Pagliara, Pier Nicola, ‘Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane e gli ordini’, in L'Emploi des ordres, ed. Guillaume, , pp. 137–56.Google Scholar Several of Sangallo's schemes are illustrated in dimensioned engravings in Letarouilly, Paul Marie, Édifices de Rome moderne (Paris, 1840–57)Google Scholar.

114 Pagliara, , ‘Antonio da Sangallo e gli ordini’, pp. 144–45Google Scholar.

115 See the example in the Cappella Setta of S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli (c.1520); ibid., p. 156, ill. 20.

116 See ibid., p. 156, ills 18 and 19.

117 See ibid., p. 145. See also Burns, Howard, ‘Baldassare Peruzzi and Sixteenth-Century Architectural Theory’, in Les Traités d'architecture de la Renaissance, ed. Guillaume, lean (Paris, 1988), pp. 207–26 (pp. 216–17)Google Scholar; and Lemerle, Frédérique and Pauwels, Yves, ‘L’ Ionique: un ordre en quête de base’, Annali di architettura, 3 (1991), pp. 7–13 Google Scholar. The antique example recorded by Sangallo and drawn attention to here (Uffizi A1182; Bartoli, I monumenti antichi, vol. 3, fig. 353) is slightly different in that it has three pairs of astragals rather than two. There is, however, a drawing by Sangallo (Uffizi A1174; ibid., vol. 3, fig. 472) showing a base of identical type to that used for Palazzo Farnese, which is on a sheet concerned with the Doric and Ionic temples of the Forum Holitorum(cf.n.68).

118 The friezeless Doric entablature (cf.n. 46) had been revived by Raphael for his Palazzo Branconio dell'Aquila (Burns, ‘Raffaello e “quell‘antiqua architettura”’, p. 387), and was also employed subsequently for the interior of Sanmicheli's Porta Nuova. The capitals in the Palazzo Farnese vestibule are of the same type, with an S-profiled echinus, that Palladio used for the interior of the Loggia del Capitaniato.

119 Pagliara, , ‘Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane e gli ordini’, pp. 145 and 148Google Scholar.

120 Uffizi A826V;see Zampa, Paola, ‘Dall'astrazione alla regola’, Bolletinod'Arte, 46 (1987),pp. 49–62 Google Scholar; Pagliara, , ‘Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane e gli ordini’, pp. 143 and 147Google Scholar.

121 See above at n. 106.

122 For a comparable arrangement in a drawing by Antonio for St Peter's (Florence, Uffizi 64A) see Thoenes, Christof in The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo and His Circle; vol. 2: Churches, Villas, the Pantheon, Tombs, and Ancient Inscriptions, ed. Frommel, Christoph L. and Adams, Nicholas (Cambridge Ma. and London, 2000), pp. 86–87 Google Scholar. Sangallo also coupled tall and small orders in his facade scheme for S. Marco in Florence (Uffizi 1363AV), where the respective bases are juxtaposed very neatly; see Manfredo Tafuri in ibid., p. 242.

123 See Pagliara, , ‘Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane e gli ordini’, p. 149 Google Scholar.

124 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, p.5 Google Scholar.

125 Vasari, Giorgio, Le vite dei più eccellenti pittori, scutori ed architettori, ed. Milanesi, Gaetano, 9 vols (Florence, 1878–85), V, p. 324 Google Scholar: contrasting Falconetto as well as Fra Giocondo and Sanmcheli with those previously who wished ‘né misura né proporzione di colonna, né di ordine alcuno.’

126 For Falconetto's orders, see the scaled drawings of his works appended to Alvise Cornaro e il suo tempo, ed. Puppi, Lionello and Barbieri, Giuseppe (Padua, 1980)Google Scholar.

127 This feature is also seen in certain other schemes from before Palladio's time, including the Corinthian portal (1531) of S. Maria dei Servi in Vicenza and the Villa Trissino at Cricoli (1534). It is also seen in even earlier works such as the interior (design established c.1509) of S. Salvatore in Venice.

128 See Davies, Paul and Hemsoll, David, Michele Sanmicheli (Milan, 2004), pp. 338–41Google Scholar.

129 Ibid., pp. 114–25 and 368. Sanmicheli used a similar Tuscan order for the exterior of his Madonna di Campagna (1559; mostly completed by 1587); ibid., pp. 128–43 and 376. For Sanmicheli's Tuscan order in general, see ibid., pp. 328–29.

130 Ibid., pp. 243–52 and 358–59.

131 Ibid., pp. 327–32. For Sanmicheli's orders, see also Pagliara, Pier Nicola, ‘Sanmicheli e gli ordini’, in Michele Sanmicheli: architettura, linguaggio e cultura artistica nel Cinquecento, ed. Burns, Howard et al. (Milan, 1995), pp. 145–53Google Scholar. For another aspect of Sanmicheli's approach towards the orders that is reflected in Palladio's practice, see Davies, Paul and Hemsoll, David, ‘Entasis and Diminution in the Design of Renaissance Pilasters’, in L'Emploi des ordres, ed. Guillaume, , pp. 339–53Google Scholar.

132 The proportions of the orders are listed in the catalogue of Davies and Hemsoll, Michele Sanmicheli (pp. 352–76) and they are gleaned mostly from the very precisely measured engravings found in Ronzani, Francesco and Luciolli, Girolamo, Le fabbriche civili, ecclesiastiche e militari di Michele Sanmicheli (Verona, 1823)Google Scholar.

133 For Sanmicheli's use of the ‘Vitruvian’ Ionic base, see Davies and Hemsoll, Michele Sanmicheli, p. 308; and for examples by other architects see Lemerle and Pauwels, ‘L’ Ionique: un ordre en quête de base', and, in particular, Schofield in Delia Torre and Schofield, Pellegrino Tibaldi architetto, pp. 86–87.

134 The combination of dentils and modillions, although decried by Serlio (see above n. 61), finds an ancient precedent in Verona's Arco dei Gavi; see Serlio, , Tutte I'opere, Book 3, ff. 112V–113 Google Scholar.

135 See above n. 122.

136 As represented by, say, the columns of Villa Sarego, or the unexecuted project for the courtyard of Palazzo Porta Festa (Palladio, I quattro libri, Book 2, pp. 8–10). The origins of Palladio's ‘parastatic’ pilasters can be traced to Vitruvius's description of his own scheme for a basilica at Fano (Vitruvius, De architectura, V, 1, 6–10), where the word parastatica would seem likewise to refer to a pilaster attached to a much larger column. For the basilica at Fano, see Weyrauch, Sabine, Die Basilika des Vitruv (Tubingen, 1976), pp. 104–25 and 161–64Google Scholar; Clini, Paolo, ‘Vitruvio e la basilica di Fano: fonti, disegni, influenze’, in Vitruvio e il disegno di architettura, ed. Clini, Paolo (Venice, 2012), pp. 85–106 Google Scholar.

137 The type was, admittedly, featured by Serlio (see above), and is also seen previously, for example, in the courtyard of Baldassare Peruzzi's Palazzo Massimo (1532), and in Giulio Romano's fresco of the Baptism of Constantine (Rome, Vatican; c.1520)Google Scholar; illustrated in e.g. Ernst H. Gombrich, et al., Giulio Romano (Milan, 1989), p. 226 Google Scholar.

138 Other types of Composite capital had recently been used for example by Sanmcheli; see Davies, and Hemsoll, , Michele Sanmicheli, pp. 330–31Google Scholar.

139 See Pauwels, Yves, ‘Les Origines de I'ordre composite’, Annali di architettura, 1 (1989), pp. 29–46 (p. 37)Google Scholar; Pagliara, , ‘Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane e gli ordini’, pp. 147–48Google Scholar. Sangallo's tombs of Leo X and Clemant VII (c. 1535) in S. Maria sopra Minerva, however, have Composite orders that are much more distinctive, such as in having pulvinated friezes; see also n. 146.

140 See Davies, and Hemsoll, , Michele SanmicheliM, p. 328.Google Scholar

141 See e.g. Günther, , ‘Serlio e gli ordini architettonici’, p. 166 Google Scholar. Nor does Vignola include the Composite in his main sequences of plates (see Fig. 28).

142 Scamozzi, Vincenzo, L'idea della architettura universale (Venice, 1615), Part 2, p. 6 (showing columns)Google Scholar; in the other main illustration (pp. 34–35: showing arcades and attached half-columns), the proportions are reversed.

143 Günther, , ‘Serlio e gli ordini architettonici’, pp. 161–66.Google Scholar

144 Porta Savonarola has ‘Pantheon’ bases whereas Porta S. Giovanni has simpler Attic bases.

145 See Jestaz, Bertrand, ‘L'Apparation de l'ordre composite à Venise’, in L'Emploi des ordres, ed. Guillaume, , pp. 157–68Google Scholar.

146 See also Pauwels, , ‘Les Origines de l'ordre composite’, pp. 37–38 Google Scholar, who discusses Baldassare Peruzzi's tomb of pope Adrian VI (1523) in S. Maria dell'Anima which has a Composite order and a pulvinated frieze (associated by theorists with the Ionic order), and which is, therefore, like Sansovino's Loggetta.

147 See, for example, Palladio, Andrea, I quattro libri dell'architectura, ed. Magagnato, Licisco and Marini, Paola (Milan, 1980), p. 422 Google Scholar; and Thoenes, Christof in Jacapo Barozzi da Vignola, ed. Tuttle, et al., pp. 206–09Google Scholar. Two of the plates of details, of the Doric order (I quattro libri, Book 1, p. 27) and the Corinthian order (ibid., p. 43), are remarkably similar, the last discussed extensively in Mitrović, , ‘Palladio's Theory of Classical Architecture’, pp. 121–25Google Scholar.

148 Mitrović draws attention to many striking similarities between the descriptions, in the Quattro libri and the Barbara Vitruvius, of the Tuscan, Doric and Ionic orders; Mitrović, , ‘Palladio's Theory of Classical Architecture’, pp. 113–19Google Scholar.

149 See at n. 147.

150 Such as giving extra mouldings to the entablature of the Doric order, or modillions but not dentils to that of the Ionic order.

151 See above at n. 32.

152 Seen. 147.

153 Palladio includes many such measurements on his Quattro libri plates (some deciphered only with difficulty), and these are specified in Vicentine feet and inches, and very occasionally ‘minutes’ (1 inch = 4 ‘minutes’), as he describes and illustrates (I quattro libri, Book 2, p. 4). His illustration (if accurate) implies that his foot measures around 35.0cm, which is close to the official foot of the day of 35.4cm (as incised in a stone standard of 1583); see e.g. Palladio, Andrea: Villa Cornaro, ed. Mitrović, and Wassell, , pp. 41–42 Google Scholar. It is rather shorter, however, than the Vicentine foot in use subsequently, which measures 35.7cm (see n. 11).

154 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 2, p. 64 Google Scholar.

155 Ibid., Book 3, p.43; Book 2, pp.51 and 66–67.

156 Ibid., Book 2, pp. 60 and 77.

157 The Corinthian order is also given proportions of 1:10 in Palladio's reconstructions of the four-column atrium (ibid., Book 2, pp. 27–28) and the forum of the Greeks (ibid., Book 3, pp. 32–34).

158 Ibid., Book 2, pp. 6–7; Book 3, p. 43.

159 Ibid., Book 2, p. 32.

161 Ibid., Book 2, p. 9.

162 See especially Günther, ‘Palladio e gli ordini di colonne'.

163 See Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 4, f. 127 Google Scholar; and Thoenes, in Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola, ed. Tuttle, et al., p. 207 Google Scholar.

164 As pointed out to me by Paul Davies.

165 See Günther, , ‘Palladio e gli ordini di colonne’, pp. 185–95Google Scholar.

166 Palladio, , I quattro libri, Book 1, pp. 15–16 Google Scholar; Vitruvius, , De architectura, III, 3, 1–11 Google Scholar.

167 See e.g. Kruft, Hanno-Walter, A History of Architectural Theory from Vitruvius to the Present (London and New York, 1994), p. 89 Google Scholar.