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2 Dingyi, Lu, ‘Duiyu zhan hou guoji xingshi zhong ji ge jiben wenti de jieshi’, Renmin Ribao, 14 January 1947, p.1.Google Scholar

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5 ‘Special Issue: Cold War Transfer: architecture and planning from socialist countries in the “Third World”’, ed. Stanek, Łukasz, Journal of Architecture, 17, no. 3 (2012)Google Scholar; Third World Modernism: Architecture, development and identity, ed. Lu, Duanfang (London, 2011)Google Scholar. Following the first conference of Afro-Asian states at Bandung, France apparently coined the term ‘tiers monde’, or Third World, to characterise certain commonalities shared by the event’s participants, which included a degree of economic poverty, shared non-Western cultural status, non-white ethnicity, political non-alignment, and geographic positioning in Asia, Africa, or Latin America. See Ness, Peter Van, ‘China as a Third World State’, in China’s Quest for National Identity, ed. Dittmer, Lowell and Kim, Samuel S. (Ithaca, NY, 1993), pp. 194–214.Google Scholar

6 See, for example, Anxious Modernisms: Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture, ed. Goldhagen, Sarah Williams and Legault, Réjean (Cambridge, MA, 2000)Google Scholar; Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past: Rebellions for the Future, ed. Avermaete, Tom, Karakayali, Serhat and Osten, Marion von (London, 2010)Google Scholar; Lu, , Third World Modernism; Transcultural Modernisms, ed. Amir, Fahim et al. (Berlin, 2013).Google Scholar

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11 For example, Rhodri Windsor Liscombe has described Jane Drew and Maxwell Fry’s collaborative research and design work in late-imperial Ghana as possessing ‘an aesthetic and ideological distance’; see Liscombe, , ‘Modernism in Late Imperial British West Africa: The Work of Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, 1946–56’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 65 (June 2006), pp. 188–215 (p-193).CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 See Scalapino, Robert A., ‘The Sino-Soviet Conflict in Perspective’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 351 (January 1964), pp. 1–14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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21 In 1961, for example, the Ghana Textile Manufacturing Company was set up in Tema by a private Chinese firm based in Hong Kong; see ‘Chinese firm opens textile factory at Tema’, Ghana Today, 6, no. 21 (1962), p. 5.Google Scholar

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23 Snow, Philip, ‘China and Africa: Consensus and Camouflage’, in Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice, ed. Robinson, Thomas W. and Shambaugh, David (Oxford, 1994), p. 285.Google Scholar In 1957, for example, Mao delivered a famous speech in which he declared: ‘I’m not afraid of nuclear war. There are 2.7 billion people in the world; it doesn’t matter if some are killed. China has a population of 600 million; even if half of them are killed, there are still 300 million people left. I’m not afraid of anyone’. Long rumored to exist, but never officially acknowledged, a televised recording of the speech was publically aired in China for the first time in February 2013; see ‘Mao’s ‘Nuclear Mass Extinction Speech’ Aired on Chinese TV’, Epoch Times, 5 March 2013, http://www.theepcchtimes.com/n3/4758-maos-nuclear-mass-extinction-speech-aired-on-chinese-tv (accessed 15 August 2014)

24 For example, on September 15 1960, and just prior to the ceremony in which Huang Hua, China’s first ambassador to Ghana, was expected to present his credentials to President Nkrumah, Huang noticed that the flag of the Republic of Taiwan, rather than the People’s Republic of China, was hanging at the president’s compound. The Foreign Minister apologised, and the flag was replaced; see Hua, Huang, Xinli yu Jianwen:Huang Hua huiyi lu (Beijing, 2007), p. 117.Google Scholar

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28 In 1959-61, during a period of severe domestic famine, China began to channel thousands of tons of food to African states such as Guinea and Sudan. Snow, ‘China and Africa: Consensus and Camouflage’, p. 288; Berg, Elliot J., ‘Socialism and Economic Development in Tropical Africa,’ Quarterly Journal of Economics, 78, no. 4 (1964), p. 559.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29 ‘China Exhibits Abroad’, China Reconstructs, 10, no. 2 (1961), pp. 30–31 (p. 31).Google Scholar

30 ‘Exhibition Hall — China’s gift to Ghana’, Ghana Today, 5, no. 25 (1962), p. 11.Google Scholar

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35 Guinea was the only former French colony to reject continued association with its metropole, a bold action rewarded by the immediate withdrawal of all 3000 of France’s colonial officials from the country and the destruction of much of the colonial-era physical infrastructure and equipment, including telephone lines, railroad tracks, maps, files, medical supplies, police uniforms, even the plates and cutlery in the PresidentialPalace. Despite a population of 2.6 million and a geographical expanse of 160,000 square miles, Guinea was left with only fifteen secondary schools, no tertiary institutions, no banking institutions, no currency, and an illiteracy rate of 95 percent; see Schwab, Peter, Designing West Africa: Prelude to 21st-century Calamity (New York, 2004), p. 119.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Ghana’s transition to independence, by contrast, was cushioned by economic reserves amounting to over half a billion dollars (derived in large part from the country’s massive cocoa and gold exports). With its relations with Great Britain left largely intact, the country could rely on an ambitious, colonial-era development plan that included the Volta Dam project, a massive energy generation scheme initially imagined within a 1952 British White Paper and anticipated to create the world’s largest manmade reservoir. See Thompson, W. Scott, Ghana’s Foreign Policy, 1957-1966: Diplomacy, Ideology, and the New State(Princeton, NJ, 1969), p. xvii.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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39 Ibid., p. 23; see also Gallagher, John and Robinson, Ronald, ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade’, Economic History Review, 6, no. 1 (1953), p. 25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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43 Harriman, W. Averell, ‘What the Africans Expect from Us’, The New York Times Sunday Magazine, 9 October 1960, pp. 22–24 Google Scholar. See also ‘GDR aids Ghana Re-Build’, The Ghanaian Times, 22 July 1961, p. 7 Google Scholar; ‘Ghana to exchange diplomats with Romania’, The Ghanaian Times, 12 August 1961, p. 3 Google Scholar; ‘Soviet economic and technical cooperation with Africa’, The Ghanaian Times, 1 May 1963, p. 6 Google Scholar; ‘100 Polish engineers to install sugar plant here’, The Ghanaian Times, 3 June 1963, p. 3 Google Scholar; ‘Japs at textile mill’, The Ghanaian Times, 31 July 1963, p. 12.Google Scholar

44 D’Auria, , ‘From Tropical Transitions’, pp. 40–63 Google Scholar; Stanek, Łukasz, ‘Architects from Socialist Countries in Ghana (1957–1967): Modern Architecture and Mondialisation’, forthcoming in The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians (December 2015).Google Scholar

45 See Roux, Le, “The networks of tropical architecture”, pp. 337–54Google Scholar; Chang, Jiat-Hwee, ‘Building a Colonial Technoscientific Network: Tropical architecture, building science and the politics of decolonization’, in Third World Modernism, ed. Lu, , pp. 211–35.Google Scholar

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47 Deng’ao, Chen, ‘Feizhou redai jianzhu jieshao’, Jianzhu Xuebao (October 1962), pp. 15–20.Google Scholar

48 Ibid.

49 Zhida, Wei, ‘Jiana jianzhu’, Jianzhu Xuebao, 5 (1964), pp. 30–33 Google Scholar; Guoyun, Ren, ‘Jineiya jianzhu’, Jianzhu Xuebao, 8 (August 1964), pp. 29–33.Google Scholar

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52 Larkin, , China and Africa, 1949–1970, p. 98.Google Scholar

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55 Ibid.

56 Jianzhu jia: Xia Changshi (Guangzhou, 2012)Google Scholar; Kögel, Eduard, ‘Between reform and Modernism: Xia Changshi and Germany’, Nanfang Jianzhu, 2 (2010), pp. 16–29.Google Scholar

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58 ‘Le Palais du Peuple’, Horoya, 30-31 July 1967, p. 4.Google Scholar

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61 ‘Inauguration du “Palais du Peuple”’, Horoya, 26 September 1967, p. 3.Google Scholar

62 Ibid.

63 Baldé, M. A., ‘Le Palais du Peuple à Gbassikolo: “Un Nouveau Jalon dans la coopération fructueuse entre les peoples Guinéen et Chinois”’, Horoya, 24 January 1966, p. 1 Google Scholar; Hutchison, Alan, China’s African Revolution (London, 1975), p. 97.Google Scholar

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65 See Liscombe, , ‘Modernism’, p. 192.Google Scholar

66 Nkrumah, Kwame, Kwame Nkrumah: The Conakry Years, ed. Milne, June (London, 1990), pp. 126–28 Google Scholar; comment of OAU official, in Alaba Ogunsanwo, China’s Policy in Africa, 1958-71 (London, 1974), p. 214.Google Scholar

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71 Adamolekun, , Sékou Touré’s Guinea, p. 71 Google Scholar. Also, Xinhua News Agency, 1 February 1967. In 1973, China’s outstanding loans to Guinea stood at an estimated $55 million; see Ogunsanwo, , China’s Policy in Africa, 1958-71, p.214.Google Scholar

72 Schwab, , Designing West Africa: Prelude to 21st-century Calamity, p. 100.Google Scholar Although an overreliance upon Communist bloc aid was given as the army’s rationale for taking action, many suspected CIA involvement in the plot. Nkrumah, who was en route to Beijing when the coup occurred, was eventually flown to Conakry via Moscow, where Touré named him co-president of the country. There, Nkrumah lamented his political fate, writing several books on his experience of leading Ghana and attempting to establish a freedom fighter headquarters in Guinea based upon a model he had seen in China when visiting Mao. He eventually died of prostate cancer in Romania in 1972. See Nkrumah, and Milne, , Kwame Nkrumah: The Conakry Years, p. 9.Google Scholar

73 Adamolekun, , Sékou Touré’s Guinea, p. 200, n. 24.Google Scholar

74 An editorial published in Renmin Ribao in 1978, for example, suggested how anxious the Chinese were to thwart Soviet aggression, declaring that ‘the monstrous claws of the Soviet Union must be chopped off wherever they stretch’. Renmin Ribao, 19 September 1978, cited in Snow, ‘China and Africa’, p. 293.

75 MacFarquhar, Roderick and Schoenhals, Michael, Mao’s Last Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 2006), pp. 222–29.Google Scholar

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77 Ibid.

78 In a speech delivered on 10 April 1974 to a special session of the United Nations General Assembly, Deng Xiaoping declared that ‘China belongs to the Third World […]. China is not a superpower, nor will she ever seek to be one. What is a superpower? A superpower is an imperialist country which everywhere subjects other countries to its aggression, interference, control, subversion or plunder and strives for world hegemony […]. If one day China should change her colour and turn into a superpower, if she too should play the tyrant in the world, and everywhere subject others to her bullying, aggression and exploitation, the people of the world should identify her as social-imperialism, expose it, oppose it and work together with the Chinese people to overthrow it’; see http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/deng-xiaoping/1974/04/10.htm (accessed on 13 January 2015)

79 Quoted in Bailey, Martin, Freedom Railway: China and the Tanzania-Zambia Link (London, 1976), p. 65.Google Scholar

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84 ‘OAU Condemns Students Conflict in China’, The Ghanaian Times, 5 January 1989, p. 1.Google Scholar

85 ‘Ghana has Confidence in China — Annan’, The Ghanaian Times, 17 January 1989, p. 1 Google Scholar; ‘Traore for China’, The Ghanaian Times, 20 January 1989, p. 2.Google Scholar

86 Mensah, Gayheart Edem, ‘Ghana, China $15m National Theatre Pact’, The Ghanaian Times, 6 July 1989, p. 1.Google Scholar

87 Dangdai Zhongguo jianzhu shi: Cheng Taining, ed. Dangdai Zhongguo jianzhushi congshu bianweihui (Beijing, 1997), p. 72 Google Scholar; author’s interview with Cheng Taining, 1 June 2013. Cheng’s comments were never translated into English and remain unknown to most Ghanaians today.

88 Author’s interview with Cheng Taining, 1 June 2013.

89 COMPLANT is not an acronym as such but rather a distillation of the corporation’s full anglicised name: China National Complete Plant Import & Export Corporation (Zhongguo chengtao shebei jinchukou gongsi).

90 Heathcote, Gillian, ‘National Theatre project takes off, The Ghanaian Times, 20 June 1990, p. 8.Google Scholar

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97 Tamakloe, Alfred, ‘National Theatre complex completed on schedule’, The Ghanaian Times, 22 December 1992, p. 1.Google Scholar

98 Author’s interview with Samuel Darko, 22 May 2014.

99 Author’s interview with, Stella N. D. Arthiabah, 28 May 2014. When I visited the theatre in May 2014, the air conditioning no longer worked and the building’s maintenance office did not have the expertise or the money to repair it. They were anticipating a visit by Chinese engineers to make several improvements to the structure in the fall of 2014.

100 Adu Amoah, Lloyd G., ‘China, architecture, and Ghana’s spaces: Concrete signs of a soft Chinese imperium?’, Journal of Asian and African Studies, pre-published 29 August 2014 http://www.jas.sagepub.com (accessed on 15 January 2015)Google Scholar; author’s interviews with Nat Amartefio, 27 May 2014, and Stella N. D. Arthiabah, 28 May 014.

101 Nkrumah, Kwame, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (London, 1971), p.ix.Google Scholar

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