1 See Mowl, Timothy and Earnshaw, Brian, Architecture Without Kings (Manchester, 1995)Google Scholar; Worsley, Giles, Classical Architecture in Britain: The Heroic Age (New Haven and London, 1995)Google Scholar; Worsley, Giles, Inigo Jones and the European Classicist Tradition (New Haven and London, 2007)Google Scholar; Hart, Vaughan, Inigo Jones: The Architect of Kings (New Haven and London, 2011)Google Scholar.

2 Writing in the 1620s, Peter Paul Rubens wished to ‘supplant that style called barbaric or Gothic’ by publishing Classical designs (see Mowl, and Earnshaw, , Architecture Without Kings, p. 77).Google Scholar For Gothic style in seventeenth-century British architecture, see Colvin, Howard, ‘Gothic Survival Versus Gothic Revival’, Architectural Review, 103 (1948), pp. 91–98 Google Scholar; Worsley, Giles, ‘The Origins of the Gothic Revival: a Reappraisal’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 3 (1993), pp. 105–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Buchanan, Alexandrina, ‘Interpretations of Medieval Architecture, c. 1550–1750’, in Gothic Architecture and its Meanings 1550–1830, ed. Hall, Michael (Reading, 2002), pp. 27–50 Google Scholar.

3 Goodall, John, ‘Lady Anne Clifford and the Architectural Pursuit of Nobility’, in Lady Anne Clifford: Culture, Patronage and Gender in iyth-Century Britain, ed. Hearn, Karen and Hulse, Lynn, Yorkshire Archaeological Society Occasional Paper 7 (Leeds, 2009), pp. 73–86.Google Scholar For biographical details, see Richard T. Spence, ‘Anne Clifford, Countess of Pembroke, Dorset, and Montgomery (1590–1676)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/5641 (accessed on 12 January 2012).

4 Chew, Elizabeth V., ‘“A Mockery of the Surveyor's Style“? Alternatives to Inigo Jones in Seventeenth-Century Elite British Architecture’, in Articulating British Classicism: New Approaches to Eighteenth-Century Architecture, ed. Arciszewska, Barbara and McKellar, Elizabeth (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 57–95.Google Scholar

5 Summerson, John, Architecture in Britain, 1530–1830 (London, 1958), p. 105.Google Scholar The influence of Italian Renaissance architectural treatises upon seventeenth-century English architecture has been demonstrated in Worsley, Classical Architecture in Britain, pp. 9–10 Google Scholar, and Girouard, Mark, Elizabethan Architecture: its Rise and Fall 1540–1640 (New York and London, 2009)Google Scholar; see also Gomme, Andor and Maguire, Alison, Design and Plan in the Country House: from Castle Donjons to Palladian Boxes (New Haven and London, 2008)Google Scholar; Cooper, Nicholas, Houses of the Gentry, 1480–1680 (New Haven and London, 1999), p. 169.Google Scholar

6 An English translation of Serlio's first five books was published in 1611 by Robert Peake. This does not contain the Libro straordinario (dealing with portals), which was originally published in Lyon in 1551, or Book Seven, which included designs for residences and advice on accidenti or how the builder could disguise earlier structures with new façades, which was published in Frankfurt in 1575. These are both included in Serlio, Sebastiano, Tutte l'opere d'architettura et prospetiva (Venice, 1619).Google Scholar Serlio's designs had begun to influence building work in England from around 1540, within a few years of the publication of his earliest books ( Girouard, , Elizabethan Architecture, p. 141 Google Scholar) as the illustrations could be used even if the text could not be translated.

7 Shute, John, The First and Chief Grounds of Architecture (London, 1563)Google Scholar; Leon Battista Alberti's De re aedificatoria (written c. 1452) was first published in Florence in 1550.

8 Girouard, , Elizabethan Architecture, pp. 140–44Google Scholar, 388.

9 Worsley, , lnigo Jones, pp. 40–43, 72Google Scholar. Both Inigo Jones and John Webb owned copies of the 1619 Serlio edition; see Bold, John, John Webb (Oxford, 1989), p. 19.Google Scholar

10 For Robert Trollope, see Colvin, Howard, Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1600–1840, 4th edn (New Haven and London, 2008), pp. 1053–54Google Scholar; Tait, A. A., ‘Classicism in Eccentric Form: the Architecture of Robert Trollope’, Country Life, 12 August 1965, pp. 390–93.Google Scholar For John Langstaffe, see Colvin, , Biographical Dictionary, p. 632 Google Scholar; Cornforth, John, ‘Auckland Castle, County Durham, the Seat of the Bishops of Durham’, Country Life, 27 January 1972, pp. 198–202 Google Scholar; Roberts, Martin, Durham; 1000 Years of History (Stroud, 2003), pp. 117–18.Google Scholar

11 Pevsner, Nikolaus and Richmond, Ian, The Buildings of England: Northumberland (Harmondsworth, 1957), p. 49 Google Scholar; and Grundy, John, McCombie, Grace and Ryder, Peter, The Buildings of England: Northumberland, revised edn (London, 1992), p. 69.Google Scholar

12 Chew, , ‘“A Mockery of the Surveyor's Style?”’, p. 59.Google Scholar

13 For Somerset House, see Girouard, , Elizabethan Architecture, pp. 142–45.Google Scholar For Lumley Castle, see Kathryn Barron, ‘John Lumley, First Baron Lumley (c. 1533–1609)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/17179 (accessed on 31 January 2012), and Girouard, , Elizabethan Architecture, p. 203 Google Scholar, pl. 229. For Walworth Castle, see Pevsner, Nikolaus and Williamson, Elizabeth, The Buildings of England: Durham, 2nd edn (Harmondsworth, 1985), pp. 482–83.Google Scholar

14 Pevsner, Nikolaus and Williamson, Elizabeth, The Buildings of England: Durham (Harmondsworth, 1983), pp. 292, 327–28Google Scholar; Grundy, et al., Northumberland, pp. 166–67, 227–29.Google Scholar

15 For the view that there was a substantial revival in English building due to improved economic conditions from the mid-sixteenth century until halted by the Civil War, see Hoskins, William G., ‘The Rebuilding of Rural England, 1570–1640’, Past and Present, 4 (1953), pp. 44–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This interpretation, however, has been challenged by many subsequent authors who have noted the varying economic and social conditions throughout England in this period and the lack of uniformity in buildings. Colin Piatt has suggested that a greater period of rebuilding took place after the Civil War; see Piatt, Colin, The Great Rebuildings of Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1994).Google Scholar As noted here, the North-East of England shows little evidence up to 1640 to support Hoskins's theory.

16 See Howell, Roger, Newcastle upon Tyne and the Puritan Revolution: A Study of the Civil War in North England (Oxford, 1967)Google Scholar; Purdue, Anthony W., Newcastle: The Biography (Stroud, 2011), p. 84.Google Scholar

17 For these changes of governance, see Hepple, Leslie W., A History of Northumberland and Newcastle upon Tyne (Chichester, 1988), pp. 77–84 Google Scholar; Roberts, , Durham, pp. 113–18Google Scholar; Meikle, Maureen and Newman, Christine, Sunderland and its Origins: Monks to Mariners (Chichester, 2007), pp. 121–48.Google Scholar

18 Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 171.Google Scholar

19 Mowl, and Earnshaw, , Architecture Without Kings, p. 15.Google Scholar

20 For discussion of the attempts to distinguish the forms of Presbyterian and Puritan churches from Catholic and Laudian arrangements, see Guillery, Peter, ‘Suburban Models, or Calvinism and Continuity in London's Seventeenth-Century Church Architecture’, Architectural History, 48 (2005), pp. 69–106.Google Scholar

21 Grundy, et al, Northumberland, p. 171.Google Scholar

22 Cited in Guillery, , ‘Suburban Models’, p. 80.Google Scholar

23 The Guildhall's north elevation was rebuilt in 1794–96 by William Newton and David Stephenson to a Palladian design. They may have also altered the south elevation to conform to their work on the north. In any event, however, the south elevation was rebuilt in 1809 by John and William Stokoe, and the Maison Dieu at the east end was replaced in 1823 by John Dobson, who created a ground-floor fish market and a first-floor Merchant Venturers’ Hall (Grundy, et al., Northumberland, pp. 443–45).Google Scholar

24 McCombie, Grace, ‘The Development of Trinity House and the Guildhall Before 1700’, in Newcastle and Gateshead Before 1700, ed. Newton, Diana and Pollard, A. J. (Chichester, 2009), p. 184.Google Scholar

25 Colvin, , Biographical Dictionary, pp. 1053–54Google Scholar; Tait, , ‘Robert Trollope’, pp. 390–93.Google Scholar

26 Newcastle upon Tyne, Tyne and Wear Archives Service, 589/4, Calendar of the Common Council Book, Newcastle, 1656–1722, fol. 10 (25 September 1657).

27 McCombie, , ‘Trinity House and Guildhall’, p. 184.Google Scholar

28 Newcastle upon Tyne, Tyne and Wear Archives Service, 589/5, Calendar of the Common Council Book, 1650–59, fols 323, 329 and 390.

29 Bourne, Henry, The History of Newcastle upon Tyne: or the Ancient and Present State of That Town (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1736), p. 125.Google Scholar

30 Tait, , ‘Robert Trollope’, pp. 390–93Google Scholar; Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 69 Google Scholar, repeating Pevsner's 1957 description of Trollope's work at the Guildhall as a ‘bastard style’. The only contrary view is Alsopp, Bruce and Clark, Ursula, Historic Architecture of Northumberland and Newcastle upon Tyne (Stocksfield, 1977), p. 54 Google Scholar, which describes Trollope as ‘a natural architect of great and original talent’.

31 Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 69.Google Scholar

32 McCombie, , ‘Trinity House and Guildhall’, pp. 70–72.Google Scholar

33 Tait, , ‘Robert Trollope’, p. 391.Google Scholar

34 Pamela Graves, C., ‘Building a New Jerusalem: the Meaning of a Group of Merchant Houses in Seventeenth-Century Newcastle upon Tyne, England’, International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 13.4 (2009), pp. 385–408.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 The north front of the Guildhall was refaced in 1794 by the Newcastle architects William Newton and David Stephenson, possibly based upon Palladio's design for Giulio Capra in Vicenza; see Palladio, Andrea, I quattro libri dell'architettura (Venice, 1570), Book 2, pp. 20–21.Google Scholar

36 The Guildhall tower was ‘to have fower pears wch must beare the Clockhouse and Lanthorn’ (Tait, , ‘Robert Trollope’, p. 391).Google Scholar For Scottish town-house architecture, see Cameron, Neil, Tolbooths and Town-Houses: Civic Architecture in Scotland to 1833 (London, 1996).Google Scholar

37 Tait, , ‘Robert Trollope’, p. 391 Google Scholar; Newcastle upon Tyne, Tyne and Wear Archives Service, 589/5, Calendar of the Common Council Book, 1650–59, fols 323, 329 and 390.

38 Woodhorn, Northumberland Record Office, Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon Tyne Collection, SANT / DRA / 4 /1 / 26: engraving of ‘The Prospect of the South East view of Newcastle upon Tyne of 1745 by Samuel and Nathaniel Buck’.

39 Newcastle upon Tyne, Tyne and Wear Archives Service, Maps and Plans, Guildhall, D/NCP/16/1 (1): elevation of the south front of the Exchange in 1794 by William Newton.

40 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 7, ch. 39, p. 95.Google Scholar

41 Summerson, John, Inigo Jones (New Haven and London, 2000), p. 59 Google Scholar and pl. 29. Hart, Vaughan, Sir John Vanbrugh: Storyteller in Stone (New Haven and London, 2008), p. 159.Google Scholar

42 Girouard, Mark, Robert Smythson and the Elizabethan Country House (New Haven and London, 1983), p. 257 and pl. 172.Google Scholar

43 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book 7, ch. 42, p. 99.Google Scholar

44 Worsley, , Classical Architecture in Britain, p. 8.Google Scholar

45 This point has also been made by Chew, , ‘“A Mockery of the Surveyor's Style?”’, pp. 64–65.Google Scholar

46 Quoting from Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 70.Google Scholar

47 Christopher Durston, ‘Sir Arthur Hesilrige, Second Baronet (1601–1661)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/13123 (accessed on 29 January 2012). The spelling of Hesilrige used in the ODNB is also used in this article.

48 Cooper, , Houses of the Gentry, p. 232.Google Scholar

49 Cooper ( Houses of the Gentry, pp. 232–36Google Scholar) suggests that Hesilrige's house influenced the adoption of rusticated ashlar at Halnaby Hall and Moulton Manor in North Yorkshire, and also notes that the Cumbrian mason William Thackeray used rusticated masonry at Moresby Hall (Whitehaven) and Acorn Bank Hall (Penrith).

50 On 3 March 1663, Langstaffe was ordered to ‘take down the aishler in Sir Arthur Hesilridg's building […] and bring up the front wall of the great chamber or hall with rustic aishler of the said new building’. Durham University Library Archives and Special Collections, Mickleton and Spearman MSS XX, 60 and 46–72, ‘Works at Durham and Auckland Castle for Bishop John Cosin, 1663–1665’. Reprinted in ‘The Correspondence of John Cosin’, Part 2, Publications of the Surtees Society, 55 (1869), pp. 366–67.Google Scholar

51 Serlio, Tutte l'opere, Book 4, ch. 5, fol. 15. The diamond pattern can be seen in the frieze on the early seventeenth-century north elevation of Chillingham Castle (Northumberland), on the bases of the columns at Walworth Castle (Co. Durham; c. 1590), and on the pilasters of the porch at Brancepeth Church (Co. Durham), which was possibly erected by Cosin during his tenure as Rector of Brancepeth in 1626–40. Pevsner and Williamson described these diamonds as ‘Cosin's fret’, but they are a much older motif which he seems to have adopted, and incorporated in his coat of arms (a diamond impaled with a St Andrew's Cross). There are solid diamonds on the Gate of Honour at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge (1575), where Cosin was a student, and this was perhaps his introduction to the motif. Numerous other examples are illustrated in Girouard, Elizabethan Architecture.

52 Durham University Library Archives and Special Collections, Mickleton and Spearman MSS XX, 63 Articles of Agreement 1 September 1663: ‘Langstaffe shall take down from the new building, lately built by Sir Arthur Haslerigg, so much of the rusticke ashler ground table and plaine ashler and eight windows, and the door with the ovel thereof as shall be imployed to build a wall forty and five yards in length, and seaventeen foote in hight’. As specified later in this agreement Langstaffe was also to remove three windows from the house for use in the older rooms of the castle and was paid for ‘takeing downe, and laying safely and hansomley by, the remaining of all the rustic ashler work, coyne stones, doors and windows of Sir Arthur Haslerigg's building […] sorting the same in convenient order’.

53 Cooper, , Houses of the Gentry, p. 232.Google Scholar See also Colvin, , Biographical Dictionary, pp. 695–97, 827–29Google Scholar; Mowl, and Earnshaw, Architecture Without Kings, p. 48 Google Scholar; Worsley, , Classical Architecture in Britain, pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

54 Hill, Oliver and Cornforth, John, English Country Houses: Caroline 1625–168; (Woodbridge, 1985)Google Scholar; Rubens, Peter Paul, Palazzi di Genova, 2 vols (Antwerp, 1622 and 1626), I, pl. 68.Google Scholar Thorpe Hall, Wisbech Castle and Coleshill House are closely related to a façade illustrated by Serlio (Tutte l'opere, Book 7, fol. 147) that is of seven bays and two-and-a-half storeys over a basement, with a hipped roof containing dormer windows. This and other features can also be seen at Thorpe Hall and Wisbech Castle, as it was originally designed. The principal façade of Coleshill House was also similar, but was nine bays wide and two storeys over a basement. For illustrations, see Worsley, , Classical Architecture in Britain, pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

55 Anthony Milton, ‘John Cosin (1595–1672)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, at http:// www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6372 (accessed on 29 January 2012).

56 Pevsner, and Williamson, , Durham, pp. 31–33.Google Scholar

57 The finest examples of Cosin's woodwork were at St Brandon's Church, Brancepeth (Co. Durham), but these were lost in a fire of 1998. Surviving evidence of Cosin's work can be seen in the font cover at Durham Cathedral and the font cover and chancel screen at St Edmund's Church, Sedgefield.

58 Mussett, Pat, ‘Some Aspects of Church Furnishings in Cosin's Time’, in John Cosin: From Priest to Prince Bishop. Essays in Commemoration of the 400th Anniversary of his Birth, ed. Johnson, Margot (Durham, 1997), pp. 185–94.Google Scholar

59 See Hart, , Inigo Jones, pp. 217–18.Google Scholar

60 Durham University Library Archives and Special Collections, Mickleton and Spearman MSS XX, 50, Articles of Agreement 1 April 1663; Roberts, , Durham, pp. 117–18.Google Scholar

61 Serlio, Sebastiano, Libro straordinario (Lyons, 1551)Google Scholar. For example, the portal of Durham Castle is closely related, up to the level of the cornice, to Serlio's gateway on fol. 19.

62 The Classical doorcase may have been intended to evoke an image of the Classical learning available within (as suggested by Dr Adrian Green, ‘The Power and the Glory: John Cosin's Architecture in Durham and Cambridge’, Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle monthly lecture, 28 September 2011).

63 Durham University Library Archives and Special Collections, Durham Cathedral Library Additional Manuscripts, Add. MS 95/8 ‘Palace Green, Durham, from the Cathedral graveyard, showing the Registry building with Bishop Cosin's Library and Durham Castle beyond, c.1823–1824’.

64 Durham University Library Archives and Special Collections, Mickleton and Spearman MSP 91 /F3). Colvin ( Biographical Dictionary, p. 632 Google ScholarPubMed) gave the date for this drawing as 1655, but the original is clearly dated 1665.

65 Durham University Library Archives and Special Collections, Mickleton and Spearman MSS XX, 64, Articles of Agreement 29 May 1665.

66 Woodhorn, Northumberland Record Office, Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon Tyne Collection, SANT/ BEQ/ 23/ 6/ 3/ 14: ‘The South East View of Auckland Castle’, 1728, by Samuel and Nathaniel Buck.

67 Roof cupolas, enabling natural light to enter a building or in larger examples to provide access to flat roofs for viewing the landscape, were a common feature of seventeenth-century houses, including Wisbech Castle (Cambridgeshire; 1656), Coleshill House (Berkshire; 1658), and in the north of England at Acklam Hall (North Yorkshire; 1678) and Alderman Fenwick's House (Newcastle upon Tyne; c. 1670).

68 Durham University Library Archives and Special Collections, Mickleton and Spearman MSS 91, fol. 1. The sculptor Hendrick de Keyser was the grandson of the Dutch architect of the same name. He and the painter John Baptist Van Ersell may have brought knowledge of contemporary Dutch designs to the North East.

69 Frommel, Sabine, Sebastiano Serlio Architect (Milan, 2003), p. 383.Google Scholar

70 Doyle, Ian, ‘John Cosin (1595–1672) as a Library Maker’, The Book Collector, 40.3 (1991), pp. 335–57 (p. 49).Google Scholar

71 Colvin, , Biographical Dictionary, pp. 1053–54Google Scholar; for details of these buildings, see Grundy et al., Northumberland.

72 O'Sullivan, Deirdre and Young, Robert, English Heritage Book of Lindisfarne Holy Island (London, 1995), p. 99.Google Scholar

73 Grundy, et al., Northumberland, pp. 69–70, 211–12.Google Scholar

74 The main collection is at the Northumberland Record Office at Woodhorn in the Swinburne (Capheaton) manuscripts.

75 Emery, Anthony, Greater Medieval Houses of England and Wales, 1300–1500. Volume 1: North East (Cambridge, 1996)Google Scholar; Dodds, John F., Bastions and Belligerents: Medieval Strongholds in Northumberland (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1999)Google Scholar contains comprehensive lists of fortifications in Northumberland, including those listed in the Border surveys.

76 Dodds, , Bastions and Belligerents, p. 269.Google Scholar

77 See Hodgson, John, History of Northumberland, in Three Parts (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1820–58), Part II, Volume I, pp. 214–18.Google Scholar

78 Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 211.Google Scholar

79 The painting has previously been reproduced in Harris, John, The Artist and the Country House: a History of Country House and Garden View Painting in Britain 1540–1870 (London, 1979), p. 79.Google Scholar Harris notes that in the 1680s Peter Hartover painted views of Alnwick Castle (Northumberland) and Harraton Hall (Co. Durham). This latter building (now demolished) may have been another house designed by Trollope, as it utilized major elements seen in other buildings by him. It was a five-bay structure that had a central porch with a first-floor balustrade and dormer windows similar to those at Capheaton Hall, although it differed from Capheaton in having curved pediments over the ground-floor windows, a balustrade at eaves level with ball finials and another balustrade on top of the roof. Netherwitton Hall, attributed to Trollope, has curved pediments to some windows and a roofline balustrade surmounted by ball finials.

80 Woodhorn, Northumberland Record Office, Swinburne (Capheaton), ZSW 661-3 elevational drawing of north side; 661-4 elevational drawing of west side; 661-5 elevational drawing of south front; 661-6 plan of first floor. The north elevation of Capheaton Hall was rebuilt 1789-91 to the designs of William Newton of Newcastle upon Tyne (Northumberland Record Office, Swinburne (Capheaton), ZSW 453/1-4, 452/8/1-7, 452/5-6, and drawings in ZSW 661).

81 Gomme and Maguire, Design and Plan, illustrates other houses with thick spine walls containing closets and staircases, and with staircases to the rear, such as Milton Manor in Berkshire (plan 88) and Moulton Hall in North Yorkshire (plan 177).

82 The possibility of Trollope working for Hesilrige at Auckland Castle, or for Bishop Cosin, was noted by Riches, Anne, ‘Capheaton Hall’, Archaeological Journal, 133 (1976), pp. 169–173.Google Scholar

83 Serlio, , Tutte l'opere, Book Seven, ch. 44, p. 105.Google Scholar

84 This and the placing of the pediment may also reflect the trend to emphasize the importance of the central ground and first floor rooms that were used for hospitality; see Cooper, , Houses of the Gentry, p. 241.Google Scholar

85 It has been suggested (Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 402 Google Scholar) that the service stair tower at Netherwitton Hall survives from a medieval building, but the evidence of similar towers in identical positions at Capheaton Hall, and the poorer quality stones used in the construction of the rear elevation there, suggest that the stair towers at Netherwitton Hall are contemporary with the seventeenth-century house attributed to Trollope.

86 Burke, John, A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Commoners of Great Britain and Ireland, 4 vols (London, 1836), 11, pp. 329–31.Google Scholar

87 See examples in Kip, Johannes, Britannia illustraia or Views of Several of the Royal Palaces as also of the Principal Seats of the Nobility and Gentry of Great Britain (London, 1720).Google Scholar

88 Rubens, Peter Paul, Palazzi di Genova, I, pl. 68.Google Scholar

89 Moresby Hall, Cumbria, bears an even closer resemblance to the ‘Pallatso del Signor Palaurcino’, as it has heavy rustication, is two-and-a-half storeys high and has the solid parapet shown in the Rubens illustration. Cooper, Nicholas (Houses of the Gentry, p. 235 and ill. 274)Google Scholar noted that Moresby Hall was built by William Thackeray and James Swingler, possibly related to Richard Swingler who had worked at Auckland Castle, Co. Durham. Thackeray and Trollope were associated with work at Rose Castle for the Bishop of Carlisle in the early 1670s. Trollope, Thackeray and the Swinglers may have been in communication and shared sources of designs.

90 Grundy, et al., Northumberland, pp. 207–10, 272Google Scholar; Allsopp, and Clark, , Northumberland, p. 54.Google Scholar

91 Hyde, Matthew and Pevsner, Nikolaus, The Buildings of England: Cumbria (New Haven and London, 2010), pp. 415–16 and pl. 50.Google Scholar

92 Grundy, et al., Northumberland, pp. 208–09.Google Scholar

93 See, for example, Rubens, , Palazzi di Genova, II, pls 30 and 33.Google Scholar

94 The house must have been built before 1672, when the Herons sold it; see Hunter Blair, C. H., ‘The Sheriffs of Northumberland. Part 2:1603–1942’, Archaeologia aeliana, 4th ser., 21 (1943), p. 15.Google Scholar The building is dated to c. 1660 in Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 195.Google Scholar

95 Serlio, Tutte l'opere, Book Four, ch. 5, fol. 138V.

96 Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 272.Google Scholar

97 See Eshott Hall Conservation Statement (prepared by Simpson & Brown for Eshott Homes, July 2008), at http://eshott.net/about/eshotthistory.htm (accessed on 29 January 2012), pp. 15–16.

98 Pevsner, , Northumberland, p. 49 Google Scholar; Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 70.Google Scholar

99 Chew, , ‘“A Mockery of the Surveyor's Style?”’, pp. 81–90.Google Scholar

100 Tait (‘Robert Trollope’, p. 392) lists the craftsmen responsible for the stonework, carpentry and painting as Johnston, George Pott and Robert Crossby.

101 For further discussion of the expectations on landowners to provide hospitality to all, see Heal, Felicity, ‘The Idea of Hospitality in Early Modern England’, Past and Present, 102.1 (1984), pp. 66–93 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cooper, , Houses of the Gentry, pp. 265–71.Google Scholar

102 This emphasis upon nobility and rightful authority may also have inspired Lady Anne Clifford; see Goodall, , ‘Lady Anne Clifford’, p. 73.Google Scholar

103 See, for example, Sill, Gertrude Grace, A Handbook of Symbols in Christian Art (London, 1975), p. 56 Google Scholar; Peter, and Murray, Linda, The Oxford Companion to Christian Art and Architecture (Oxford, 1996), pp. 182–83.Google Scholar

104 Pevsner, , Northumberland, p. 50 Google Scholar; Grundy, et al., Northumberland, p. 402.Google Scholar

105 Per-chevron argent and sable, a chevron in base argent; see Burke, , History of the Commoners, p. 331.Google Scholar

106 This blending of Gothic and Classical details continued into the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as new clients in the North East sought to suggest ancient lineage through castellated buildings, even though their interiors were often Classical; see, for example, Pears, Richard, ‘Two Castles by William Newton’, Georgian Group journal, 16 (2008), pp. 132–40.Google Scholar