1 Interview with Maxwell Fry, 24 November 1986, author’s transcript reference [T5/2].

2 Powers, Alan, Britain: Modern Architectures in History (London, 2007), p. 36.Google Scholar

3 Darling, Elizabeth, Re-forming Britain: Narratives of Modernity Before Reconstruction (London, 2006), especially pp. 118–40, 173–82.Google Scholar

4 Richards, J. M., An Introduction to Modern Architecture (Harmondsworth, 1940), p. 80.Google Scholar

5 Mumford, Eric P., The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928–1960 (Cambridge, MA, 2000), p. 4.Google Scholar

6 Interview with Peter Moro, 15 December 1986 [T10/3].

7 London, British Architectural Library, Royal Institute of British Architects, [henceforth ‘BAL’], SaG/90/3, Minutes, Central Executive Committee, 17 June 1935.

8 Archival holdings that provide further insight into MARS relations with CIAM are widely scattered, but the collections drawn on here are: BAL; London, Architectural Association, MARS Group Folder [henceforth ‘MGF’]; Zurich, Archives of the Institut für Geschichte und Theorie der Architektur, Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule [henceforth ‘gta’]; Rotterdam, Van Eesteren Archives, Netherlands Architecture Institute [henceforth ‘NAI’]; Montreal, Canadian Centre for Architecture, Wells Coates Archive [henceforth ‘CCA’]; and Cambridge, MA, Harvard University, CIAM Archive, Frances Loeb Library [henceforth ‘FLL’]. The oral history interviews were carried out by the author with former members of the MARS Group from 1986 to 1996.

9 These include Farouk H. Elgohary, ‘Wells Coates and his Position in the Beginning of the Modern Movement in England’ (doctoral dissertation, University College London, 1966); Campbell, Louise, ‘The MARS Group, 1933–39’, Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 8 (1986), pp. 68–79 Google Scholar; Summerson, John, ‘The MARS Group and the Thirties’, in English Architecture, Public and Private: Essays for Kerry Downes, ed. Bold, John and Chaney, Edward (London, 1993), pp. 303–09 Google Scholar; Gold, John R., The Experience of Modernism: Modern Architects and the Future City, 1928–1953 (London, 1997), pp. 110–12 Google Scholar; Konstanze S. Domhardt, ‘Die CIAM-Debatten zum Stadtzentrum und die amerikanische Nachbarschaftstheorie: Ein transatlantischer Ideenaustausch, 1937–1951’ (doctoral dissertation, ETH, Zürich, 2008), pp. 163–65; Whyte, William, ‘MARS group (act. 1933–1957)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2012), online edn, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/theme/96308 (accessed on 21 January 2013)Google Scholar; Darling, Elizabeth, ‘Institutionalizing English Modernism: From the Vers Group to MARS’, Architectural History, 55 (2012), pp. 299–320.Google Scholar

10 Gutschow, Kai K., ‘The Anti-Mediterranean in the Literature of Modern Architecture: Paul Schultze-Naumburg’s Kulturarbeiten’ , in Modern Architecture and the Mediterranean: Vernacular Dialogues and Contested Identities, ed. Lejeune, Jean Franҫois and Sabatino, Michelangelo (London, 2009), pp. 148–73 (p. 155)Google Scholar. In passing, functionalism is seen here as the loose philosophy which held that there is an overriding causal relation between functions and forms in architecture: see Colquhoun, Alan, Modernity and the Classical Tradition, (Cambridge, MA, 1989), p. 74.Google Scholar

11 Bradbury, Malcolm, ‘Modernism’, in The Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought, ed. Bullock, Alan and Stallybrass, Oliver (London, 1997), p. 395.Google Scholar

12 Crinson, Mark, Modern Architecture and the End of Empire (Aldershot, 2003), p. 1.Google Scholar

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14 E.g. Tsebelis, George and Garrett, Geoffrey, ‘The Institutional Foundations of Intergovernmentalism and Supranationalism in the European Union’, International Organization, 55 (2001), pp. 357–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 Hannerz, Ulf, Transnational Connections, (London, 1996)Google Scholar; Saunier, Pierre-Yves, ‘Transnational’, in The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History, ed. Iriye, Akira and Saunier, Pierre-Yves (Basingstoke, 2009), pp. 1054–55.Google Scholar

16 Oxford English Dictionary, 8, p. 409.

17 Milner, Susan, The Dilemmas of Internationalism: French Syndicalism and the International Labour Movement, 1900–1914 (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar; Geyer, Martin H. and Paulmann, Johannes, ‘Introduction: the Mechanics of Internationalism’, in The Mechanics of Internationalism: Culture, Society and Politics from the 1840s to the First World war, ed. Geyer, Martin H. and Paulmann, Johannes (Oxford, 2001), pp. 1–25.Google Scholar

18 Geyer, and Paulmann, , Mechanics, p. 3.Google ScholarPubMed

19 International Congress of Architects, Seventh Session: Transactions (London, 1908), pp. 68, 69.Google ScholarPubMed

20 Hardy, Dennis, From Garden Cities to New Towns: Campaigning for Town and Country Planning, 1899–1946 (London, 1991), p. 170 Google Scholar. See also Riboldazzi, Renzo, La costruzione delta città moderna: Scritti scelti dagli atti dell’IFHTP, 1923–1938 (Milan, 2010).Google Scholar

21 The exact number of participants remains disputed, usually depending on whether one is considering the list of delegates or signatories to the final Declaration. For the former, see Steinmann, Martin, Internationale Kongresse für Neues Bauen: Dokumente, 1928–1939 (Basel, 1979), p. 213 Google Scholar. For the latter, see Conrads, Ulrich (ed.) Programs and Manifestoes on 20th-century Architecture (Cambridge, MA, 1971), p. 112.Google Scholar

22 Sadler, Simon, ‘An Avant-Garde Academy’, in Architectures: Modernism and After, ed. Ballantyne, Andrew (Oxford, 2004), pp. 33–56 (p. 36)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In passing, it should be noted that a number of prominent architects were invited but could not or did not wish to attend, along with several who asked to attend but were refused. For details, see Mumford, , CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, pp. 15–16.Google Scholar

23 Although Pedret argues that this pluralism was steadily eroded down to a focus on ‘the cause of furthering Le Corbusier’s idealistic and authoritarian ideas about town planning’. See Pedret, Annie, ‘CIAM and the Emergence of Team 10 Thinking’ (doctoral thesis, Department of Architecture, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001), p. 19.Google Scholar

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26 Conrads, , Programs, p. 112.Google Scholar

27 Ibid., p. 109.

28 van der Woud, Auke, Het Niewe Bouwen Internationale/CIAM Volkshuisvesting/Stedebouw (Delft, 1983), p. 11.Google Scholar

29 E.g. see the arguments put forward by Somer, Kees, The Functional City: the CIAM and Cornelius van Eesteren, 1928–1960 (Rotterdam, 2007), p. 14.Google Scholar

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31 This has no direct translation into English, but carries the sense of housing designed for workers on the lowest incomes.

32 Gold, Experience of Modernism, p. 52.

33 May, in particular, was strongly influenced by Garden City thinking. He had worked with both Theodor Fischer in Munich and Raymond Unwin in London, regarding his time spent at Unwin’s office as ‘the foundation on which the whole of my work is based’. This is quoted in Creese, Walter, The Search for Environment: the Garden City, Before and After (New Haven, 1966), p. 316 Google Scholar. See also Domhardt, Konstanze S., ‘The Garden City Idea in the CIAM Discourse on Urbanism: a Path to Comprehensive Planning’, Planning Perspectives, 27 (2012), pp. 173–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

34 Around 10,000 of the new dwellings that were created using Existenzminimum space standards were equipped with the industrialized and ergonomic ‘Frankfurt kitchen’, which was intended to modernize and simplify household chores. See Zukowsky, John, ‘Das Neue Frankfurt’, in The Many Faces of Modern Architecture: Building in Germany Between the World Wars, ed. Zukowsky, John (Munich, 1994), pp. 56–71.Google Scholar

35 Woud, Van der, Het Niewe Bouwen Internationale, p. 60 Google Scholar. This was scarcely representative of the membership. Forty of the plans came from Germany alone.

36 Gold, , Experience of Modernism, p. 61.Google Scholar

37 Mallgrave, Harry F., Modern Architectural Theory: A Historical Survey, 1673–1968 (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 315–16.Google Scholar

38 See Serf, José-Luis, Can Our Cities Survive?: an ABC of Urban Problems, Their Analysis, Their Solutions (Cambridge, MA, 1942), pp. 7–9.Google Scholar

39 Woud, Van der, Het Niewe Bouwen Internationale, p. 126.Google Scholar

40 Heathcote Statham, H., A History of Architecture, 3rd edn (London, 1950), p. 267.Google Scholar

41 See, for example, Morton, J. B., ‘Modern Architecture: a Dialogue’, Architectural Design and Construction, 2 (1931), pp. 3–4 Google Scholar; Blomfield, R. T., Modernismus (London, 1934).Google Scholar

42 Whyte, William F., ‘The Englishness of English Architecture: Modernism and the Making of a National International Style, 1927–1957’, Journal of British Studies, 48 (2009), pp. 441–65 (p. 447)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the discussion below about Englishness and Modern architecture (note 90).

43 See, for example, Darling, Re-forming Britain; Powers, Britain; Darling, Elizabeth, ‘“Finella”, Mansfield Forbes, Raymond McGrath, and Modernist Architecture in Britain’, Journal of British Studies, 50.1 (2011), pp. 125–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Darling, ‘Institutionalizing English Modernism’.

44 The Garden Cities movement had consciously rebuilt the internationalism briefly severed by the First World War, with an active overseas programme and transnational interchange of speakers and ideas throughout the 1930s. See Hardy, , From Garden Cities to New Towns, p. 170.Google Scholar

45 See the arguments put forward in Crinson, Modern Architecture and the End of Empire, pp. 1–25; also Mordaunt Crook, J., The Dilemma of Style (London, 1987), pp. 222–24.Google Scholar

46 For previous accounts of this sequence of events, see Campbell, , ‘The MARS Group, 1933–39’, pp. 69–70 Google Scholar; Gold, , The Experience of Modernism, pp. 110–12Google Scholar; Domhardt, , ‘Die CIAM-Debatten zum Stadtzentrum und die amerikanische Nachbarschaftstheorie’, pp. 163–65Google Scholar; Darling, ‘Institutionalizing English Modernism’.

47 There remains no comprehensive account of Shand’s career, but obituaries published shortly after his death in 1960 give some impression of his polymath qualities. See, for example, Betjeman, John, ‘P. Morton Shand’, Architectural Review, 128 (1960), pp. 325–28.Google Scholar

48 He acted on the suggestion of an acquaintance, the American architect Gabriel Guevrekian, who had been appointed as CIAM’s first Secretary-General at La Sarraz in 1928.

49 MGF, letter from P. Morton Shand to Sigfried Giedion, January 1929 (no precise date given).

50 MGF, letter from Giedion to Shand, 7 May 1929.

51 See the collection of essays gathered together in Robertson, Howard and Yerbury, F. R., Travels in Modern Architecture, 1925–1930 (London, 1989).Google Scholar

52 Rees, Verner O., ‘The Royal Horticultural Hall’, Architects’journal, 68 (1928), p. 573.Google Scholar

53 MGF contains the correspondence between the principal actors, namely Wells Coates, Howard Robertson, Patrick Cutbush and Sigfried Giedion.

54 MGF, letter from Giedion to Howard Robertson, 20 September 1929.

55 Ibid.

56 The meeting was attended by Robertson, Rowland Pierce, Patrick Cutbush, Rolf Hellberg, Frederick Towndrow, Joseph Emberton, Charles Holden, Thomas Tait, Ronald Duncan, K. A. H. Bayes, Louis de Soissons and Verner Rees. None would later become MARS members. CCA, letter from Robertson to Coates, 5 May 1933.

57 For more on Coates’ background, see Darling, Elizabeth, Wells Coates (London, 2012).Google Scholar

58 Republished letter from Giedion to Coates, Architects’ Journal, 80 (1934), p. 425.

59 CCA, Minutes of a meeting between Wells Coates, E. Maxwell Fry, D. Pleydell-Bouverie and P. Morton Shand held at 28 Sutherland Terrace, W2, relative to the formation of a British group of the association of the International Congress of Modern Architecture, 28 February 1933.

60 Two others, the publisher Hubert de Cronin Hastings and the writer John Gloag, were informed about the meeting.

61 Minutes, pp. 1–2 (see note 59).

62 Yorke, F. R. S., ‘Modern Architecture’, The Times, 25 April 1933, p. 10.Google Scholar

63 BAL, ArO/1/1/21/i.

64 Interview with J. M. Richards, 3 December 1986 [T11/4].

65 Ibid. [T11/7].

66 Melvin, Jeremy, F.R.S. Yorke and the Evolution of English Modernism (Chichester, 2003), p. 8.Google Scholar

67 It included Howard Robertson, Oliver Hill, Grey Wornum and Joseph Emberton. See Minutes of Meeting, 28 February 1933 (note 59).

68 Interview with J. M. Richards, 3 December 1986 [T11/1].

69 Cantacuzino, Sherban, Wells Coates: a Monograph (London, 1978), p. 48 Google Scholar. John Betjeman declared that Shand was ‘no Fascist or Communist: he was a strong individualist’: see Betjeman, , ‘P. Morton Shand’, p. 326.Google Scholar

70 Bettley, James, ‘Godfrey Samuel 1904–1982’, Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 7 (1985), pp. 82–91.Google Scholar

71 Cantacuzino, , Wells Coates, p. 48.Google Scholar

72 The actual numbers admitted to practice in Great Britain were extremely small: see Jackson, Anthony, The Politics of Architecture (London, 1970), p. 34.Google Scholar

73 He handed over to Misha Black, who took final responsibility for the event in January 1938.

74 gta, 42-K-1937-Carter, letter from Edward Carter to Giedion, undated, c. January 1937.

75 Interview with Peter Moro, 15 December 1986 [T10/3].

76 Cantacuzino, , Wells Coates, p. 48 Google Scholar. See also below, note 116.

77 Quoted by Pearlman, Jill, Inventing American Modernism: Joseph Hudnut, Walter Gropius and the Bauhaus legacy at Harvard (Charlottesville, VA, 2007), p. 74 Google Scholar. The speech itself is available at: Cambridge, MA, Harvard University, Walter Gropius papers, Houghton Library. ‘Speech at farewell dinner at Trocadero’, series 1, 11 (9 March 1937).

78 The interviewee requested that these comments should remain unattributed.

79 Elgohary, ‘Wells Coates’, 74.

80 gta, 42-K-1934 Wells Coates, letter from Wells Coates to Sigfried Giedion, 27 January 1934. In passing, it is worth noting that on 8 February 1934, shortly after Coates wrote his letter, Mendelsohn and Chermayeff won the competition to design the De La Warr Pavilion in Bexhill — widely regarded as one of the most outstanding Modernist public buildings constructed in Britain during the inter-war years.

81 The history of the German group and its members within CIAM during the latter’s formative years has yet to be fully explored. Available documentation shows that Mendelsohn never played a significant role within CIAM. He did not, for instance, attend the Congress at La Sarraz and had not been active since a CIRPAC meeting in Berlin in 1931, where he overtly distanced himself from CIAM’s emerging internationalist initiative on the socialist city. For more information, see gta, 42-04-1-2-5/6, 58-59, Protokoll der Ausserordentlichen Tagung der intern. Kongresse für neues Bauen, Berlin 4. und 5. Juni 1931.

82 gta, 42-K-1934 Wells Coates, letter from Wells Coates to Sigfried Giedion, 27 January 1934.

83 See Heinze-Greenberg, Ita, ‘An Artistic European Utopia at the Abyss of Time: the Mediterranean Academy Project, 1931–34’, Architectural History, 45 (2002), pp. 441–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

84 gta, 42-K-1934 Wells Coates, letter from Wells Coates to Giedion, 27 January 1934. All emphases are as written by Coates.

85 Valuable insight into Coates’ complex personality can be found in Darling, Wells Coates.

86 Shortly afterwards he would describe himself as being the only ‘born revolutionary of his generation’. Quoted in Zevi, Bruno, Erich Mendelsohn: the Complete Works (Basel, 1999), p. xiv.Google Scholar

87 Christie, Ian, ‘What Counts as Art in England: How Pevsner’s Minor Canons Became Major’, in Reassessing Nikolaus Pevsner, ed. Draper, Peter (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 149–59 (p. 152).Google Scholar

88 See above, note 42.

89 Anderson, Amanda, The Powers of Distance: Cosmopolitanism and the Cultivation of Detachment (Princeton, 2001).Google Scholar

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91 Eggener, Keith L., ‘Nationalism, Internationalism and the “Naturalisation” of Modern Architecture in the United States, 1925–1940’, National Identities, 8 (2006), pp. 243–58 (p. 251).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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93 For example, see Robertson, Howard, Architecture Arising (London, 1944), p. 83 Google Scholar. In putting forward this view, Robertson was drawing particularly on Pevsner, Nikolaus, Pioneers of the Modern Movement: from William Morris to Walter Gropius (London, 1936).Google Scholar

94 The phrase is from Whyte, ‘Englishness of English Architecture’, p. 461.

95 Scrivano, Paolo ‘Architecture’, in The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History, ed. Iriye, Akira and Saunier, Pierre-Yves (Basingstoke, 2009), p. 53.Google Scholar

96 MARS Group, New Architecture: Introduction (London, 1938), p. 5 Google ScholarPubMed. For more commentary on the exhibition itself, see Gold, John R., ‘“Commoditie, Firmenes and Delight”: Modernism, the MARS Group’s “New Architecture” Exhibition, 1938, and Imagery of the Urban Future’, Planning Perspectives, 8 (1993), pp. 357–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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98 Powers, Britain, p. 14.

99 Sert, Can Our Cities Survive?, p. 6.

100 NAI, EEST IV.66[2], letter from Wells Coates to Van Eesteren, 21 April 1933.

101 NAI, EEST IV.66[5], letter from Coates to Cornelius Van Eesteren, 3 July 1933.

102 See John R., Gold, ‘By Land and Sea’, in CIAM 4. The Functional City, ed. Harbusch, Gregor (forthcoming, 2014)Google Scholar. They were joined by a further British delegate, Harold Elvin, an interested observer who had gained a personal recommendation from Shand.

103 ‘London: Well-Coates [sic]’, Les Annates Techniques (October-November 1933), p. 1178.Google Scholar

104 BAL, SaG 94/1,MARS Circular Letter II, 29 August 1933, pp. 2–3.

105 Ibid., p. 4. MARS would retain for several years a view of its membership of CIAM as being ‘probationary’; see BAL, SaG 90/2, ‘Routine Report of Central Executive Committee’, section 6, issued February 1935.

106 BAL, SaG 90/2, MARS Circular Letter III, 19 September 1933, p. 1.

107 Mumford, , CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, pp. 92–99.Google Scholar

108 CCA, Communiqué to members of the MARS Group, 13 February 1934.

109 BAL, Aro/94/1, letter from Giedion to Shand, 3 May 1934.

110 Mumford, , CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, p. 94 Google Scholar. The question of the future influences of CIAM urbanism, with its globally applicable fourfold functional classification, lies beyond the scope of this paper. For more information, see Holston, James, The Modernist City; an Anthropological Critique of Brasilia (Chicago, 1989)Google Scholar; Schwarzer, ‘CLAM: City at the End of History’; Talen, Emily, New Urbanism and American Planning: The Conflict of Cultures (London, 2005)Google Scholar; and Mumford, Eric P., Defining Urban Design: CIAM Architects and the Formation of a Discipline, 1937–69 (New Haven, 2009).Google Scholar

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112 Ibid.

113 BAL, ArO/2/4/1.

114 NAI, EEST IV.66[10], letter from Godfrey Samuel to Van Eesteren, 3 July 1935.

115 BAL, Aro/1/2/16/ii.

116 CCA, letter from Walter Gropius to Cyril Sweett (but addressed to Coates), 26 December 1935.

117 BAL, Aro/1/4/6/ii.

118 Interview with William Tatton Brown, 5 December 1986 [T15/1].

119 Ibid.

120 Collins, George R., ‘Linear Planning Throughout the World’, journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 18 (1959), pp. 38–53 and 74–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For more information about the formulation of the Tatton Browns’ plan, see Gold, John R., ‘The MARS Plans for London, 1933–1942: Plurality and Experimentation in the City Plans of the Early British Modern Movement’, Town Planning Review, 66 (1995), pp. 243–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

121 Letter from William Tatton Brown to author, 27 September 1992.

122 BAL file: ArO/1/2/25/i.

123 Letter from William Tatton Brown to author, 27 September 1992.

124 Samuel, Fry, Moholy-Nagy, Breuer, Shand, Emberton, William and Aileen Tatton Brown, Arup, Kaufmann, Lubetkin, Hastings and Goldfinger: as listed in BAL, SaG 90/2, Minutes of MARS Meeting, 10 June 1937.

125 Korn, Arthur and Samuely, Felix J., ‘A Master Plan for London’, Architectural Review, 91 (June 1942), pp. 143–50.Google Scholar

126 Marmaras, Emmanuel and Sutcliffe, Anthony, ‘Planning for Post-War London: the Three Independent Plans, 1942–3’, Planning Perspectives, 9 (1994), pp. 431–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

127 E.g. Gold, ‘The MARS Plans for London’.

128 See, for example, Brett, Lionel, ‘Doubts on the MARS Plan for London’, Architects’ Journal, 96 (9 July 1942), pp. 23–25.Google Scholar

129 They included, at various times, Godfrey Samuel, William Tatton Brown, Peter Shepheard, Jane Drew, Percy Johnson-Marshall, Ernö Goldfinger, Arthur Ling, Christopher Tunnard, Aleck Low, Bronik Katz, Robert Shaw, Elizabeth Denby, and Felix Samuely.

130 He was Secretary of the pan-artistic Novembergruppe in 1924 and a prominent member of the Kollektiv für sozialistisches Bauen (Collective for a Socialist Architecture). See A. Zeese, ‘Die vergessene Moderne: Arthur Korn. Architekt, Urbanist, Lehrer (1891–1978). Leben und Werk eines jiidischen Avantgardisten in Berlin und London’ (doctoral dissertation, University of Vienna, 2010), pp. 169-230.

131 Spechtenhauser, Klaus and Weiss, Daniel, ‘Teige and the CIAM’, in Teige, 1900–1951: l’enfant terrible of the Czech Modernist Avant-Garde, ed. Dluhosch, Eric and Svácha, Rostislav (Cambridge, MA, 1999), pp. 216–55 (p. 234).Google Scholar

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133 Sharp, Dennis, Modern Architecture and Expressionism (London, 1966), pp. 164–65,167Google Scholar. Further insight into Korn’s thinking may be found in Korn, Arthur, Fry, Maxwell and Sharp, Dennis, ‘The M.A.R.S. Plan for London’, Perspecta, 13/14 (1971), pp. 163–73 (p. 164).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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137 BAL, SaG 90/1, Minutes, CIRPAC meeting, 10 July 1938.

138 gta archives/ETH Zurich: 42-X-119 to 42-X-126.

139 Scheduled for 19–21 September 1939 on a theme eventually agreed as ‘air pollution’, it was cancelled on 7 September.

140 Respectively, Sert, Can Our Cities Survive?, and Corbusier, Le La Charte d’Athènes (Paris, 1943).Google Scholar

141 Interview with H. T. Cadbury-Brown, 15th December 1986 [T2/7].

142 Delegates and participants nominated by MARS would play a significant role in directing attention away from the straitjacket of the ‘Functional City’. Arguably, too, they also played a role, as individuals and as part of Team X, in the demise of CIAM. See Landau, Royston, ‘The End of CIAM and the Role of the English’, Rassegna, 52 (1992), pp. 40–47 Google Scholar; Pedret, ‘CIAM and the Emergence of Team 10 Thinking’.

143 Interview with Sir John Summerson, 4 December 1986 [T12/4].

144 Interview with Lord Esher, 15 April 1987 [T4/4].

145 Interview with Percy Johnson-Marshall, 9 and 18 December 1986 [T7/12].

146 They gave CIAM a resilience that was tested on various occasions and almost certainly speeded the resuscitation of the international Modern Movement after the war.

147 Granovetter, Mark, ‘The Strength of Weak Ties: a Network Theory Revisited’, Sociological Theory, 1 (1983), pp. 201–33 [pp. 201–02].CrossRefGoogle Scholar

148 BAL, SaG 90/2, Minutes of MARS Meeting, 5 October 1936, p. 4. With regard to Samuel, see Bettley, ‘Godfrey Samuel 1904–1982’.

149 Giedion gave a series of lectures as Charles Eliot Norton Professor during the academic year 1938–39, which served as the basis for his Space, Time and Architecture: the Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge, Mass., 1941).

150 Interview with Arthur Ling, 30 January 1987 [T8/3].