1 See Giedion, Sigfried, Space, Time and Architecture: the Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), pp. 184–90 Google Scholar; and Pevsner, Nikolaus, Pioneers of Modern Design: from William Morris to Walter Gropius, 3rd edn (Harmondsworth, 1960; original 1936), pp. 132–34.Google Scholar

2 Giedion, Sigfried, Building in France, Building in Iron, Building in Ferro-Concrete (Leipzig, 1928 Google Scholar; Eng. trans., J. Duncan Berry: Santa Monica, 1995), p. 99.

3 Giedion, Building in France, p. 132.

4 Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 7, 10 November 1900, p. 22; ‘Obituary: Mr. C. H. Driver’, The Builder, 10 November 1900, pp. 423–24; and Minutes of Proceedings of the Institute of Civil Engineers (hereafter MPICE), 143 (1900), pp. 341–42. Driver was survived by his wife Caroline (née Kempster; b. 1837) and his six children: Margaret (b. 1862), Charles (b. 1863), Harry (b. 1865), Amy (b. 1867), Walter (b. 1870) and Ernest (b. 1872). I am grateful to Michael Dunmow for this information, obtained from the 1881 census records.

5 The Builder, 10 November 1900, p. 423.

6 MPICE, 143 (1900), p. 341.

7 ‘Candidate Circulars’, session 15 (1900), pp. 6–7, no. 238 (Institution of Civil Engineers, London (hereafter ICE)).

8 ‘RIBA Nomination Papers A’, 4 (24 January 1867), p. 37 (British Architectural Library, London (hereafter BAL)).

9 ‘RIBA Nomination Papers F’, 4 (19 January 1872), p. 114 (BAL).

10 Felstead, Alison, Franklin, Jonathan and Pinfield, Leslie, Directory of British Architects, 1834–1914, 2 vols (London, 1993), 1, pp. 562–63.Google Scholar

11 Piggott, Jan, Palace of the People: the Crystal Palace at Sydenham, 1854–1936 (London, 2004), p. 128 Google Scholar. For Driver’s opinions on the design of aquaria, see ‘Aquaria and their Construction’, The Builder, 4 March 1876, pp. 212–13, and 11 March 1876, pp. 243–44.

12 See ‘New Market for Santiago’, The Architect, 3 April 1869, pp. 179–80. On the Santiago market also see Higgs, M. S., ‘Iron Architecture in Britain and America (1706-1880), with Special Reference to the Development of the Portable Building’ (doctoral thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1972), p. 85 Google Scholar. Photographs of the market held at the BAL show that the building was prefabricated in England and reassembled in Santiago from 1870 to 1872.

13 Pevsner, Nikolaus, Cherry, Bridget and Nairn, Ian, Buildings of England: Surrey (New Haven and London, 2002), p. 196.Google Scholar

14 Pevsner, Nikolaus and Sherwood, Jennifer, Buildings of England: Oxfordshire (Harmondsworth, 1979), p. 438 Google Scholar; and ‘The Horton Infirmary, Banbury’, The Builder, 10 August 1872, p. 625. On the history of the Horton Infirmary, see Cheney, Mary, The Horton General Hospital, a Record of 100 Years of Service, 1872–1972 (Banbury, 1972)Google Scholar; Graham, Malcolm and Wates, Laurence, Banbury: Past and Present (Stroud, 1999), p. 95 Google Scholar; and Potts, William, A History of Banbury: the Story of the Development of a County Town (Banbury, 1978), pp. 301–03.Google Scholar

15 Pevsner, Nikolaus and Cherry, Bridget, Buildings of England: Northamptonshire (Harmondsworth, 1973), p. 444.Google Scholar

16 ‘The Ellesmere Memorial, Worsley, Lancashire’, The Builder, 6 November 1858, p. 746.

17 MPICE, 143 (1900), p. 342.

18 ‘Candidate Circulars’, session 15 (1900), p. 6, no. 238 (ICE).

19 Booker, Peter, A History of Engineering Drawing (London, 1979), pp. 133–34 Google Scholar; and Porter, Dale, The Thames Embankment: Environment, Technology, and Society in Victorian London (London, 1998), p. 173.Google Scholar

20 Biddle, Gordon, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings: an Oxford Gazetteer of Structures and Sites (Oxford, 2003), pp. 65, 265, 275 and 279–80 Google Scholar. Many of these stations, all of which were built in 1857, still survive: Southill and Cardington stations in Bedfordshire are now private houses; Oakley station, and its adjoining goods shed and office, is a commercial property; Wellingborough and its adjoining buildings are still in use as a station and have been recently restored; Kettering is also in still in use as a station and retains its original ironwork by Driver but the building is much altered; Glendon, Rushton, and Desborough stations in Northamptonshire are private houses.

21 Biddle, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings, pp. 106–07, and ‘The Leatherhead and Dorking Railway’, The Illustrated London News, 24 August 1867, pp. 201–02. The overtly ornamental stations on this section of the Leatherhead to Horsham line – Leatherhead, West Humble (or Boxhill), and Dorking – were designed to appease the local landowner, Thomas Grissell (1801-74), who did not want the new railway to spoil the natural beauty of this part of the North Downs.

22 Biddle, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings, p. 81. Portsmouth Station, built in 1866 and still extant, was a shared terminus for the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway and the London and South Western Railway.

23 Biddle, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings, p. 103; and Newman, John, West Kent and the Weald (London, 2000), p. 582 Google Scholar. Tunbridge Wells station (west) was built in 1866 and is still extant.

24 Biddle, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings, pp. 9–10, 17, 20, 27 and 40; Mitchell, Vic and Smith, Keith, South London Line (Midhurst, 1994)Google Scholar; and Pevsner, Nikolaus and Cherry, Bridget, London 2: South (London, 2001), pp. 625 and 673 Google Scholar. Built from 1865 to 1867, the extant artefacts are the stations at Grosvenor Road, Battersea Park, Denmark Hill and Peckham Rye, and the London Bridge viaduct and train shed.

25 Graves, Algernon, The Royal Academy of Arts: a Complete Dictionary of Contributors and their Work from its Foundation in 1769 to 1904, 8 vols (London, 1905), 11, p. 370, entry 1211.Google Scholar

26 ‘Metropolitan Board of Works, Minutes of Proceedings’ (hereafter MBW Minutes), 3 November 1865, p. 1177, s. 4 (London Metropolitan Archives (hereafter LMA)). Driver was paid £35 for these watercolours. One is located in the lecture room at the Crossness pumping station, while the other is probably in the office of the chief executive of Thames Water pic.

27 Graham and Wates, Banbury, p. 95.

28 ‘The Central Station of the Vienna Circular Elevated Railway’, The Builder, 28 January 1882, pp. 100–01.

29 Of the innumerable sources on the Crystal Palace the most important are Auerbach, Jeffrey, The Great Exhibition of 1851: a Nation on Display (New Haven and London, 1999)Google Scholar; Beaver, Patrick, The Crystal Palace, 1851–1936: a Portrait of Victorian Enterprise (Chichester, 1986)Google Scholar; and Hobhouse, Hermione, The Crystal Palace and the Great Exhibition: Art, Science and Productive History: a History of the Royal Commission for the Exhibition of 1851 (London, 2002)Google Scholar. A review of the historical literature on the Great Exhibition can be found in Purbrick, Louise (ed.), The Great Exhibition of1851: New Interdisciplinary Essays (Manchester, 2001), pp. 1–25.Google Scholar

30 See Brooks, Michael, John Ruskin and Victorian Architecture (London and New Brunswick, 1989), pp. 101–02.Google Scholar

31 Muthesius, Stefan, The High Victorian Movement in Architecture 1850–1870 (London and Boston, 1972), p. 197.Google Scholar

32 Ruskin, John, The Seven Lamps of Architecture, 2nd edn (Orpington, 1849), p. 53.Google Scholar

33 Md., p. 54.

34 Ibid., pp. 55–56.

35 Ibid., p. 57.

36 Ruskin, John, The Two Paths (London, 1904), pp. 54–87 Google Scholar. The five lectures included in The Two Paths were originally delivered in 1858 to 1859, in London, Manchester, Bradford, and Tunbridge Wells.

37 Driver, Charles, ‘Engineering, its Effects upon Art’, Transactions of the Civil and Mechanical Engineers’ Society (1874), p. 5.Google Scholar

38 Ibid., p. 5.

39 Ibid., p. 10.

40 Ibid., p. 11.

41 Driver, Charles, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, RIBA Transactions First Series, 25 (1875), pp. 165–83.Google Scholar

42 Driver, ‘Engineering, its Effects upon Art’, p. 11.

43 Driver, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, p. 166.

44 Ibid., p. 167.

45 Ibid., p. 168.

46 Ibid., p. 168.

47 Driver, ‘Engineering, its Effects upon Art’, p. 13; and Driver, Charles, ‘Engineering and Art’, Transactions of the Civil and Mechanical Engineers’ Society (1879), p. 8.Google Scholar

48 Driver, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, pp. 173–82.

49 Those who contributed to the discussion were: the architects George Aitchison (1825-1910), Thomas Chatfield Clarke (1829-95), Charles Fowler Jnr. (c. 1823–1903) and Professor Robert Kerr (1823-1904); the engineers John Dixon and Alexander Payne (1845-1916); the architectural writer Charles Eastlake (1833-1906); and the iron manufacturers Ewing Matheson, Francis Skidmore (1819-96) and Walter Macfarlane (1817-85).

50 Driver, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, p. 180.

51 Ibid., p. 179.

52 Ibid., pp. 175, 176 and 180.

53 Ibid., p. 180.

54 Ibid., pp. 178–79.

55 Ibid., p. 182.

56 Aitchison, George, ‘On Iron as a Building Material’, RIBA Transactions First Series, 14 (1864), pp. 97–107.Google Scholar

57 Higgs, ‘Iron Architecture in Britain and America’, p. 109.

58 On the Crystal Palace at Sydenham, see Piggott, Palace of the People.

59 Wyatt, Matthew Digby, ‘Iron-work and the Principles of its Treatment’, Journal of Design and Manufactures, 4 (21; 1850), pp. 77–78.Google Scholar

60 Jones, Owen, Lectures on the Decorative Arts (London, 1862), p. 22.Google Scholar

61 For a discussion of Jones’s attitude towards iron, see Darby, Michael and Zanten, David van, ‘Owen Jones’s Iron Buildings of the 1850’s’, Architectura, 4 (1974), pp. 53–75.Google Scholar

62 See Wyatt, ‘Iron-work and the Principles of its Treatment’, and also Wyatt’s Metal-work and its Artistic Design (London, 1852).

63 On Paddington station, see Biddle, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings, pp. 46–48; Brindle, Steven, Paddington Station. Its History and Architecture (London, 2004)Google Scholar; Crook, Joseph Mordaunt, The Dilemma of Style: Architectural Ideas from the Picturesque to the Post-Modern (London, 1989), p. 114 Google Scholar; Hitchcock, Henry-Russell, Early Victorian Architecture in Britain, 2 vols (New Haven, 1954), 1, pp. 559–61 Google Scholar; Jones, Edgar, Industrial Architecture in Britain, 1750–1939 (London, 1985), p. 82 Google Scholar; and Muthesius, Stefan, ‘The “Iron Problem” in the 1850s’, Architectural History, 13 (1970), p. 58 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Contemporaneous sources include ‘The Paddington Station of the Great Western Railway’, The Builder, 3 June 1854, p. 290, and ‘The Paddington Station of the Great Western Railway’, 17 June 1854, p. 322.

64 Fergusson, James, The Illustrated Handbook of Architecture: being a Concise and Popular Account of the Different Styles of Architecture Prevailing in all Ages and Cultures, 2 vols (1855), I, p. xxxix.Google Scholar

65 Fergusson, James, History of the Modern Styles of Architecture (London, 1862), p. 474.Google Scholar

66 Driver, ‘Engineering and Art’, p. 6.

67 Ibid., p. 5.

68 Ibid., pp. 5–6; and Driver, ‘Engineering, its Effects upon Art’, p. 12.

69 Driver, ‘Engineering and Art’, pp. 7 and 9, and ‘Engineering, its Effects upon Art’, pp. 12–13.

70 Driver, ‘Engineering and Art’, p. 9.

71 Ibid., p. 9.

72 Driver, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, p. 179.

73 Ibid., p. 180.

74 Ibid., p. 180.

75 The chimneys were removed in 1940, reputedly to prevent their use as navigation aids by German bombers, but more likely for the safety of the pumping station in the event of an air attack. Thames Water pic’s annual ‘Open Sewers Week’ uses Abbey Mills as a focal point for both a sewer visit and a lecture on the history (and future) of London’s sanitary development.

76 Crook, The Dilemma of Style, p. 124; and Stamp, Gavin, Cast Iron: Architecture and Ornament, Function and Fantasy (London, 1985), p. 14.Google Scholar

77 Bazalgette, Joseph, A Short Descriptive Account of the Thames Embankment and of the Abbey Mills Pumping Station (London, 1868), pp. 4–9.Google Scholar

78 MBW Minutes, 24 July 1868, p. 956, s. 1, and 7 May 1869, pp. 558–61, s. 18; and MBW/2320: ‘Engineer’s Annual Reports’, 10 June 1868, pp. 5–9, and 5 May 1869, pp. 5–9 (all in LMA).

79 MBW/2320: ‘Engineer’s Annual Reports’, 10 June 1868, p. 5 (LMA).

80 MBW Minutes, 4 December 1868, p. 1304, s. 10, 23 September 1864, p. 905, s. 1, and 25 June 1869, pp. 753–55, s. 8 (LMA). The enormous cost of Abbey Mills (£269,620) may be compared with the Horton Hospital: around £6,200 (The Builder, 10 August 1872, p. 625).

81 Bazalgette, A Short Descriptive Account, p. 5.

82 Ibid., p. 5.

83 Ibid., p. 7.

84 Works-as-executed Collection: ‘Abbey Mills Pumping Station, Contract Drawings, Buildings (1865)’ (Thames Water Archive, London (hereafter TWA)).

85 Bazalgette, A Short Descriptive Account, p. 8.

86 Ibid., p. 8.

87 See Amery, Colin and Stamp, Gavin, Victorian Buildings in London, 1837–1887: an Illustrated Guide (London, 1980), p. 83 Google Scholar; Curl, James Steven, Victorian Architecture: its Practical Aspects (Newton Abbot, 1973), p. 95 Google Scholar; and Dixon, Roger and Muthesius, Stefan, Victorian Architecture (London, 1985), p. 116 Google Scholar. Amery and Stamp cite Bazalgette and his assistant engineer Edmund Cooper as the architects of Abbey Mills; Curl, Dixon and Muthesius ascribe the building solely to Bazalgette.

88 Bridget Cherry, Charles O’Brien and Nikolaus Pevsner, London 5: Last (London and New Haven, 2005), pp. 49, 229–30 and pi. 66.

89 Other relevant documentary sources also yield little information as to Driver’s role. The MBW Minutes show that some payments were made from Bazalgette to Driver: on 10 May 1867 he was paid £42 for ‘professional services, re. Abbey Mills Pumping Station’ as well as £97 for work undertaken during the last two weeks in April; neither, however, give any specific information on Driver’s contribution to the design. In addition, no original contract drawings for Abbey Mills survive and there is no record in the MBW Minutes of any debate on the style or cost of the proposed decoration of the building.

90 Saunders, Ann, The Art and Architecture of London: an Illustrated Guide (Oxford, 1988), p. 310.Google Scholar

91 Curl, Victorian Architecture, p. 95.

92 Wilson, Aubrey, London’s Industrial Heritage (Newton Abbot, 1967), p. 36.Google Scholar

93 Pevsner, Nikolaus and Radcliffe, Enid, Buildings of England: Essex (Harmondsworth, 1965), p. 275 Google Scholar; and Amery and Stamp, Victorian Buildings in London, p. 83.

94 The absence of information about the manufacturers of the lantern is due both to the lack of an extant specification for Abbey Mills and to the constant over-painting of the ironwork, such as to obscure any foundry markings.

95 MBW/2120: ‘Engineer’s Monthly Reports, 2 January-1 May 1868’ (LMA).

96 Some representative examples are: the Tower of the Winds in Athens, built in the first century BC; early Byzantine churches in Ravenna, such as San Vitale (c. 540–49); Romanesque towers and domes; Gothic cathedral chapter-houses and towers, such as that at Ely (fourteenth century); and post-medieval buildings, such as an octagonal garden pavilion (1718) added to Orleans House in Twickenham by the architect James Gibbs (1682-1754).

97 Carls, Kenneth and Schmeichen, James, The British Market Hall: a Social and Architectural History (London and New Haven, 1999), pp. 254–55, 293 Google Scholar. Both the new market hall at Swindon (1854) and the flamboyant Kirkgate Market in Bradford (1872-78) included octagonal pavilions.

98 Kohlmaier, Georg and Sartory, Barna von, Houses of Glass: a Nineteenth-Century Building Type (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 180–83, 234–36, 284–86 and 301–02 Google Scholar. Octagonal glasshouses included the Schadowstrasse Aquarium in Berlin (1869, demolished), the Old Palm House in Edinburgh (1860), Sefton Park Palm House in Liverpool (1896) and the Temperate House (1859-63) in the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew, London.

99 On the University Museum, Oxford, see Acland, Henry and Ruskin, John, The Oxford Museum (London, 1996; 1st edn, 1859)Google Scholar; Blau, Eve, Ruskinian Gothic: the Architecture of Deane and Woodward, 1845–61 (Princeton, 1982), pp. 48–81 Google Scholar; Brooks, John Ruskin and Victorian Architecture, pp. 113 and 117–34; Crook, The Dilemma of Style, pp. 78–79; and Dixon and Muthesius, Victorian Architecture, pp. 159–60.

100 Acland and Ruskin, The Oxford Museum, pp. 38–39.

101 Ibid., p. 38.

102 Williamson, James, Glastonbury Abbey: its History and Ruins (Wells, 1858), pp. 8 and 49–50 Google Scholar. One legend, recounted by Williamson, states that Joseph of Arimathea – one of those held to have buried the body of Jesus – brought the holy grail to Glastonbury and planted the holy thorn there, thus leading to the foundation of the Abbey in the first century (pp. 11 and 29).

103 Ibid., p. 5.

104 Blau, Ruskinian Gothic, p. 49.

105 For a comprehensive description of the Cistercian Abbey of St Mary, Stratford, see Barber, Bruno et al., The Cistercian Abbey of St Mary Stratford Langthorne, Essex (London, 2004)Google Scholar. Remains of the Abbey were uncovered between 1991 and 1993, during the excavations for the Jubilee Line Extension.

106 Clutterbuck, R. H., ‘Some Account of the Abbey of West Ham, Otherwise Stratford Langthorne’, Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society, 2 (1863), p. 117.Google Scholar

107 Walford, Edward, Greater London: a Narrative of its History, its People, and its Places, 2 vols (London, 1897), 1, p. 507.Google Scholar

108 Ibid., pp. 503–04.

109 ‘Abbey Mills Pumping Station, Specification of and for the Engine & Boiler Houses, Coal Vaults, Dwelling Houses, River Wall, Sewers, &c. (1865)’, p. 31, clause 71 (TWA, Works-as-executed Collection).

110 This was exemplified by the ‘pavilion principle’, introduced in the 1850s by the architect Henry Currey (1820-1900), who was one of those nominating Driver for RIBA membership in 1872. Currey designed hospitals, such as St Thomas’s (1868-71), according to this principle, which connected sanitation and ventilation in the form of airy pavilions (Felstead, Franklin and Pinfield, Directory of British Architects, I, pp. 228–29).

111 On octagonal markets, see Carls and Schmeichen, The British Market Hall, pp. 254–55 and 293; on octagonal glasshouses Kohlmaier and Sartory, Houses of Glass, pp. 180–83, 234–36, 284–86 and 301–02.

112 Wilson, London’s Industrial Heritage, p. 36. On 8 August 1868, The South London Press referred to the octagon at Abbey Mills as providing a ‘tinge of Byzantine glamour’ to the building (p. 6).

113 Bullen, J. B., Byzantium Rediscovered: the Byzantine Revival in Europe and America (London and New York, 2003).Google Scholar

114 Ruskin, John, The Stones of Venice, 3 vols (London, 1851-53), n (1853), p. 151.Google Scholar

115 Ruskin, , The Stones of Venice, 1 (1851), pp. 13–17 and 21.Google Scholar

116 Jones, Owen, The Grammar of Ornament (London, 1856), p. 51.Google Scholar

117 Ibid., pp. 52–53.

118 Wyatt, Matthew Digby and Waring, John Burley, The Byzantine and Romanesque Court in the Crystal Palace (London, 1854), p. 15 Google Scholar. On the architectural courts at the Crystal Palace, see Bullen, Barrie, Byzantium Rediscovered: the Byzantine Revival in Europe and America (London and New York, 2003), pp. 131–35 Google Scholar; Phillips, Samuel, Guide to the Crystal Palace and Park (London, 1854)Google Scholar; and Piggott, Palace of the People, pp. 102–04.

119 Bullen, Byzantium Rediscovered, p. 133.

120 Ruskin, , The Stones of Venice, 1 (1851), pp. 274, 278–81.Google Scholar

121 Thompson, Paul, William Butterfield (London, 1971), p. 288.Google Scholar

122 Muthesius, The High Victorian Movement, p. 197.

123 ‘Capitals: Ducal Palace, Venice’, The Builder, 27 December 1851, p. 815.

124 Ruskin, The Stones of Venice, 1 (1851), p. 17.

125 Biddle, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings, pp. 59–60; and A Record of the Progress of Modern Engineering 1868, ed. William Humber (London, 1863), pp. 3–15.

126 Biddle, Britain’s Historic Railway Buildings, pp. 9–10.

127 ‘New Lamp Lately Erected in Holborn’, The Builder, 15 August 1868, p. 603.

128 Ruskin, , The Stones of Venice, 1 (1851), p. 245.Google Scholar

129 On Ruskin’s design for the spandrel, see Acland and Ruskin, The Oxford Museum, p. 88; Blau, Ruskinian Gothic, pp. 61–62; and Higgs, ‘Iron Architecture in Britain and America’, pp. 59–60. The revised design was illustrated in The Builder, 7 July 1855, p. 318.

130 Driver, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, p. 173.

131 Darby and van Zanten, ‘Owen Jones’s Iron Buildings’, pp. 57–63.

132 Jones, The Grammar of Ornament, p. 5, ‘Proposition 2’.

133 Ibid., p. 5, ‘Proposition 8’.

134 Peter Guillery, ‘“Abbey Mills”: Report by the Royal Commission on Historic Monuments of England’ (unpublished report, Royal Commission on Historic Monuments of England, 1995), p. 3.

135 Driver, Charles, ‘Presidential Address’, Minutes of Proceedings of the Civil and Mechanical Engineers’ Society, 522, 19 December 1879, pp. 6–7.Google Scholar

136 On the interest in sewage utilization in the nineteenth century, see Goddard, Nicholas, ‘Nineteenth-century Recycling: the Victorians and the Agricultural Utilisation of Sewage’, History Today, 31 (1991), pp. 32–36 Google Scholar; Halliday, Stephen, The Great Stink of London: Sir Joseph Bazalgette and the Cleansing of the Victorian Metropolis (Stroud, 1999), pp. 108–23 Google Scholar; Hamlin, Christopher, ‘Providence and Putrefaction: Victorian Sanitarians and the Natural Theology of Health and Disease’, in Energy & Entropy: Science and Culture in Victorian Britain, ed. Brantlinger, Patrick (Bloomington, 1989), pp. 92–123 Google Scholar; Sheail, John, ‘Town Wastes, Agricultural Sustainability and Victorian Sewage’, Urban History, 23 (1996), pp. 189–210 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Smith, Raymond and Young, Nicholas, ‘Sewers Past and Present’, History Today, 43 (1993), pp. 8–10.Google Scholar

137 See Halliday, The Great Stink of London, pp. 108–23.

138 Driver, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, pp. 175 and 182.

139 On Wyatt’s contribution to the design of Paddington Station, see Brindle, Paddington Station, pp. 36–48. On Skidmore’s ironwork in the interior of the University Museum, Oxford, see Acland and Ruskin, The Oxford Museum, pp. 20–22, and Blau, Ruskinian Gothic, pp. 61–64.

140 Muthesius, The High Victorian Movement, p. 202.

141 On the buildings for the International Exhibition of 1862, see Some Account of the Buildings Designed by Francis Fowke, Capt. R. E. for the International Exhibition of 1862, and Future Decennial Exhibitions of the Works of Art and Industry (London, 1862). On the Midland Hotel, see Simmons, Jack and Thorne, Robert, St Pancras Station (London, 2003), pp. 56–89.Google Scholar

142 Crook, The Dilemma of Style, p. 115.

143 See for example Macfarlane, Walter, Examples Book of Macfarlane’s Castings (Glasgow, 1874)Google Scholar. Included in this catalogue are several of Driver’s own designs: a lamp erected in Holborn, London in 1868 (pp. 34–35); iron railings used at Battersea Park station in 1866 (pp. 50–51); cresting used at Portsmouth station in 1866 (p. 7); and columns used at Battersea Park and Denmark Hill stations in 1866 and at Leatherhead station in 1867 (pp. 50–51).

144 Driver, ‘On Iron as a Constructive Material’, p. 168.

145 See Carls and Schmeichen, The British Market Hall, pp. 51–53.