1 Papacostas, Tassos C., ‘Gothic in the East: Western Architecture in Byzantine Lands’, in A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe, ed. Rudolph, Conrad, Blackwell Companions to Art History, 2 (Malden, MA, Oxford and Carlton, Victoria, 2006), pp. 510–30 (p. 522).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 On the excavations and Enlart's interpretation of the finds, see ‘Chronique’, Revue de l'Orient latin , VII (1900), p. 265 Google Scholar; Enlart, Camille, ‘Note sur une nouvelle découverte de monuments gothiques à Nicosie de Chypre’, Comptes-rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres , 45.2 (1901), pp. 160–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Chronique’, Revue de l'Orient latin ,VIII(1901), p. 608 Google Scholar; Enlart, Camille, ‘L'Architecture gothique au XIVe siècle, VIII: Orientlatin’, in Histoire de l'art depuis les premiers temps Chrétiens jusqu'à nos jours , ed. Michel, André, 9 vols (Paris, 1905– 29)Google Scholar, II.2, Formation, expansion et evolution de l’art gothique (1906), pp. 557–68 (p. 560)Google Scholar; Enlart, Camille, ‘L'ancien monastère des Franciscains à Nicosie de Chypre’, in Florilegium ou Recueil de travaux d'érudition dédiés à Monsieur le Marquis de Vogüé à l'occasion du quatre-vingtième anniversaire de sa naissance (Paris, 1909), pp. 215–29Google Scholar; 'Bibliographie, III, Livres et articles divers’, Revue de l'Orient latin ,XII (1911), p. 452 Google Scholar; Enlart, Camille, Les Monuments des Croisés dans le royaume de Jérusalem: Architecture religieuse et civile ,4 vols (Paris, 1925-28), 1, p. 154.Google Scholar For his magnum opus on the medieval art of Cyprus: Enlart, Camille, L'Art gothique et la Renaissance en Chypre ,2 vols (Paris, 1899; repr. Famagusta, 1966)Google Scholar; translated into English as Gothic Art and the Renaissance in Cyprus , ed. and trans. Hunt, David (London, 1987).Google Scholar The Cyprus State Archives (Nicosia) and the archive of the Musée national du Moyen Âge (Paris) contain several unpublished documents pertaining to the excavated finds, both the ones that remained on the island and those that found their way to France. In this study, I will refer to these documents only where necessary. Their full publication is envisaged in a future essay concerned with the cult of John of Montfort at Beaulieu.

3 The following summary of the monastery's history is based on the works cited here, except where otherwise noted: Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica delta Terra Santa e dell'Oriente Francescano , 5 vols (Florence, 1906-27), II, pp. 372–82Google Scholar; Hamilton, Bernard, ‘The Cistercians in the Crusade States’, in One Yet Two: Monastic Tradition East and West ,ed. Pennington, M. Basil , Cistercian Studies Series, 29 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1976), pp. 405– 22 (mainly pp. 412-14,421-22 but also passim)Google Scholar; Richard, Jean, ‘The Cistercians in Cyprus’, in The Second Crusade and the Cistercians ,ed. Gervers, Michael (New York, 1992), pp. 199–209 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Coureas, Nicholas, The Latin Church in Cyprus, 1195-1312 (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 195–99, 205-07Google Scholar; Chris, Schabel, ‘Frankish Pyrgos and the Cistercians’, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (2000), pp. 349–60Google Scholar (repr. in Schabel, Christopher D., Greeks, Latins, and the Church in Early Frankish Cyprus, Variorum Collected Studies (Farnham and Burlington, 2010)Google Scholar, item VI); Chris Schabel, ‘O Camille Enlart και οι Κιστερκιανοί στον Пύργο’, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (2002), pp.401–06Google Scholar; Coureas, Nicholas, The Latin Church in Cyprus 1313-1378, Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, LXV (Nicosia, 2010), pp. 407–08.Google Scholar For a recent assessment of the evidence, see the relevant section in Philippe Trélat, ‘Nicosie, une capitale de I'Orient latin, société, economie et espace urbain (1192–1474)', 2 vols (doctoral thesis, Université de Rouen, 2009), II. For the Cistercian abbey, see also Janauschek, Leopold, Originum Cisterciensium, I (Vienna, 1877; repr. Ridgewood, NJ, 1964), p. 238 Google Scholar; van der Meer, Frederick, Atlas de l'ordre cistercien (Amsterdam and Brussels, 1965), p. 271 Google Scholar, to be used with caution; Cocheril, Maur, Dictionnaire des monastères cisterciens, 2 vols, La Documentation cistercienne, 18, I-II (Rochefort, 1976-79)Google Scholar, I, map 205 shows the houses of ‘Cyprus and the Near East’, but its information is very inaccurate and out of date.

4 For the royal concessions, see Kαvοvισµoί της νησου Κύπρου(1507-1522) ,ed. Ploumides, Georgios S., Пαvειπστηµιο Iωαννίνων, επισττµονικηρίδα της Φιλοσο Ψικης Σχολης‘Δωδωνη’ , 32 (Ioannina, 1987), pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

5 For the Cistercians' possession of Pyrgos after the move to the new site, see Schabel, ‘Frankish Pyrgos’, pp. 353-54; Schabel, ‘O Camille Enlart’, p. 405. For the Limassol diocese as the principal source of Beaulieu's revenues, Wipertus Hugo Rudt de Collenberg, ‘Le Royaume et l'èglise latine de Chypre et la Papauté de 1417 à 1471 (d'apr-és les Registres des Archives du Vatican)’, Eπετηρίδα τον Kέντρον Eπιστηµουικώυ Eρευvώv, XIII-XVI (1984-87), pp. 63-193 (p. 176). On Limassol and its region in the wake of the Genoese and Mamluk attacks, see Irwin, Robert, ‘Οι εισβολές τωv Mαµελουκωv στηv Kύπρο’, in Iστορία της Kύπρου, ed. Papadopoullos, Theodoros, v, Mεσαιωvικοv βασίλειοv-Evετοκρατία,I (Nicosia, 1995-96), pp. 159–76 (pp. 170-72)Google Scholar; Grivaud, Gilles, Villages désertés à Chypre (fin XIIe—fin XIXe siècle), Mελέται και Yποµvήµατα, III (Nicosia, 1998), pp. 304–06, 363.Google Scholar

6 For the Benedictines at Beaulieu, see Kανονισµοί, p. II; Golubovich, , Biblioteca, II, p. 375 Google Scholar; Santa, Giuseppe dalla, 'Alcuni documenti per la storia della chiesa di Limisso in Cipro durante la seconda metà del sec. XV, Nuovo archivio veneto, xvi (1898), pp. 150–87 (pp. 175-76).Google Scholar An English pilgrim described the monastery in 1458 as Benedictine, yet, in documents emanating from the papal curia in the 1460s and 1470s, it is still billed as Cistercian, see Excerpta Cypria: Materials for a History of Cyprus ,ed. and trans. Cobham, Claude Delaval (Cambridge, 1908), p. 35 Google Scholar; Collenberg, ‘Royaume et église, 1417–1471’, p. 176; Documents nouveaux servant de preuves à l'histoire de l'île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan, ed. Louis de Mas Latrie, Collection des documents inedits sur l'histoire de France, Mélanges historiques, 4 (Paris, 1882), p. 355. What is more, on the occasion of the papal confirmation of Timothy as Chaldaean (Nestorian) archbishop of Tarsus and abbot of St Mary of Beaulieu in the Nicosia diocese on 9 June 1450, the monastery is described as ‘of the order of St Benedict’ (‘ord. S. Ben.’), see Supplementum ad Bullarium Franciscanum continens litteras Romanorum Pontificum annorum 1378—1484, ed. Cesare Cenci, 2 vols (Grottaferrata-Rome, 2002-03),no-3004a. Nevertheless, consultation of the original manuscript revealed that ‘Benedicti’ was actually a later marginal correction for the earlier ‘Bernardi', thus effectively invalidating the document as early evidence for the presence of Benedictines at Beaulieu (I have Christopher Schabel to thank for this observation). At any rate, it is uncertain whether the comment in Estienne de Lusignan, Chorograffia et breve historia universale dell'isola di Cipro principiando al tempo di Noè per il fino al 1572 (Bologna, 1573), fol. 33r about the departure of the Cistercians at the time of James II (1460-73) is accurate, given that no mention of the Benedictines is made.

7 Collenberg, , ‘Royaume et église, 1417–1471’, p. 176 Google Scholar; dalla Santa, , ‘Alcuni documenti’, pp. 175–76, 179Google Scholar; Kανονισµοί, p. 11.

8 Kανονισµοί, pp. 11-12: ‘Perchè etiam dicta Università, concedendoli tal gratia devotissima a dicto monasterio pretende et vole in quello […] condure li religiosi del ordine che in quello antiquamente solevano habitar, overo frati de San Francesco observanti de Hierusalem'. In 1514, the Venetian doge and the Council of Ten authorized the Observants to have a convent in Cyprus, in Nicosia or Famagusta, for the safekeeping of the goods of their Jerusalem church. It is unknown whether this pertains to Beaulieu, the only securely documented pre-1571 Observant foundation on the island, or even whether anything at all came of this authorization; see Calahorra, Juan de, Chronica de la Provincia de Syria y Tierra Santa de Gerusalen (Madrid, 1685), pp. 344–46Google Scholar; id., Historia Cronologica della Provincia di Syria, e Terra Santa di Gerusalemme, trans. Angelico di Milano (Venice, 1694), pp. 371–72Google Scholar; Golubovich, , Biblioteca, II, pp. 538, 384 (n. 5).Google Scholar Whatever the case, the books registering the names of the individuals made Knights of the Holy Sepulchre by the warden of the convent of Mount Sion before the 1560s were burned by the Turks during the War of Cyprus, and hence were probably kept on the island; see Registrum Equitum SSmi Sepulchri D.N.J.C. (1561-1848). Manoscritti dell'archivio storico della custodia di Terra Santa a Gerusalemme, ed. Piccirillo, Michele, Studium biblicum franciscanum, Collectio maior, 46 (Jerusalem and Milan, 2006), pp. vii Google Scholar (introduction), 5 (fol. IV).

9 de Aranda, Antonio, Verdadera information d'la tierra santa segun la disposition en que eneste anno de M.D.XXX. El auctor la vio y passeo (Toledo, 1537), fol. cxiii v.Google Scholar Enlart had deduced sixteenth-century restoration work on the basis of his archaeological findings, ‘L'ancien monastère’, esp. pp. 217-18, 222-23.

10 To my knowledge, there is only one published photograph of the archaeological dig, showing part of the excavated chapter-house floor, for which see Bonato, Lucie, Yiakoumis, Haris and Kaba, Kadir, H Nήσος Kύπρος ΦωτογραΨικο οδοιπορικó απó τιυ 190 στν 20ó αιώνα, trans. Papaoikonomou, Eirini, 2nd edn (Nicosia, 2007), p. 174.Google Scholar Rita Severis has kindly informed me that Enlart's collection of photographic stills in the municipal library of Boulogne contains shots of individual finds, but nothing useful on the architecture. The excavations undertaken since 2005 by the Department of Antiquities on Kinyras Street, not far from the Wolseley Barracks and the old Armenian cemetery, have turned up the fragmentarily preserved foundations of a monumental building, which might have already been excavated in the past; see Flourentzos, Pavlos, Annual Report of the Department of Antiquities for the Year 2006 (Nicosia, 2008), pp. 92–93.Google Scholar It is at present impossible to pronounce on whether this could have been the site excavated by Enlart. The extant fragments in Nicosia and Paris will be treated by the present author in the aforementioned study devoted to John of Montfort's cult (see note 2 above). Enlart's argument (‘L'ancien monastère‘, p. 216) about the spolia in the Armenian cemetery having come from the monastery still needs to be tested, but it should be pointed out that the substantial number of lintels used as grave-markers, and bearing a variety of coats of arms, is probably indicative of their varied provenance.

11 Enlart, , ‘L'ancien monastère’, pp. 219, 222.Google Scholar

12 For the refectory's tell-tale orientation, see Richard, , ‘The Cistercians’, p. 205 Google Scholar; Coldstream, Nicola, Nicosia: Gothic City to Venetian Fortress, the Leventis Municipal Museum of Nicosia Annual Lectures, 3 (Nicosia, 1993), p. 8 Google Scholar; Schabel, , ‘Frankish Pyrgos’, p. 353 Google Scholar; id., ‘O Camille Enlart’, p. 405. For Belmont, see Enlart, Camille, ‘L'abbaye cistercienne de Belmont en Syrie’, Syria, 4 (1923), pp. 1–22 (pp. 4-5)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Enlart, , Monuments des Croisés, 11, pp. 45–63 Google Scholar; Asmar, Camille, ‘Christian Footprints in the Lebanon’, Archaeology & History in the Lebanon, 32–33 (2010– 11), pp. 57–72.Google Scholar

13 Enlart, , ‘L'ancien monastère’, p. 220.Google Scholar Note that the central chapel of the east end was found in such a deplorable state that the excavator had to derive the flat eastern wall he ‘restored’ on his plan by comparison with other buildings. He was undoubtedly correct about the overall format of this chapel, although some aspects of it, like the length of the north and south walls, may be open to question.

14 Apart from the works cited in notes 2 and 3, see Coldstream, , Nicosia, p.8 Google Scholar; Leventis, Panos, Twelve Times in Nicosia. Nicosia, Cyprus, 1192-1570: Topography, Architecture and Urban Experience in a Diversified Capital City, Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, XLIX (Nicosia, 2005), p. 67.Google Scholar

15 For the architecture of the church at Bellapais, see Enlart, mainly, L'Art gothique, pp. 209–21Google Scholar; id., Gothic Art, pp. 179–87; Seesselberg, Friedrich, Das Praemonstratenser-Kloster Delapais auf der Insel Cypern vom kirchen- und kunstgeschichtlichen Standpunkte erläutert (Berlin, 1901), passim;Google Scholar Jeffery, George, A Description of the Historic Monuments of Cyprus (Nicosia, 1918), p. 327Google Scholar; Megaw, A. H. S. and Dikigoropoulos, A. I., A Brief History and Description of Bellapais Abbey, Site-Guide of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (Nicosia, 1959), p. 6 Google Scholar; Nicola, Coldstream, ‘Gothic Architecture in the Lusignan Kingdom’, in Byzantine Medieval Cyprus, ed. Papanikola-Bakirtzis, Derhetra and Iacovou, Maria (Nicosia, 1998), pp. 51–60 (pp. 52-54)Google Scholar; Plagnieux, Philippe and Soulard, Thierry, ‘L'abbaye de Bellapaïs’, in L'Art gothique en Chypre, ed. de Vaivre, Jean-Bernard and Plagnieux, Philippe, Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, XXXIV (Paris, 2006), pp. 121–296 (pp. 193-202)Google Scholar; Soulard, Thierry, ‘La Diffusion de 1'architecture gothique à Chypre’, Cahiers du Centre d'Etudes Chypriotes, 36 (2006), pp. 73–124 (pp. 84-85)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Michalis Olympios, ‘Gothic Church Architecture in Lusignan Cyprus, c. 1209-c. 1373: Design and Patronage', 2 vols (doctoral thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, 2010), 1, pp. 100-13.

16 Clark, William W., ‘Cistercian Influences on Premonstratensian Church Planning; Saint-Martin at Laon’, in Studies in Cistercian Art and Architecture, ed. Lillich, Meredith P., 4 vols, Cistercian Studies, 66, 69, 89, 134 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1982-93), II, pp. 166–88 (pp. 179-80)Google Scholar; Untermann, Matthias, Kirchenbauten der Prämonstratenser: Untersuchungen zum Problem einer Ordensbaukunst im 12. Jahrhundert (Cologne, 1984), esp. pp. 359–60.Google Scholar

17 For this intriguing point, rarely explored in accounts of the abbey's history, see the discussion in Slack, Corliss K., ‘The Premonstratensians and the Crusader Kingdoms in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (continuation)’, Analecta praemonstratensia, LXVIII.1-2 (1992), pp. 76–110 (pp. 108-09)Google Scholar; Olympios, ‘Gothic Church Architecture', I, pp. 102-03, 244-45. Also, Bullarium Cyprium: Papal Letters Concerning Cyprus 1196-1378, ed. Christopher Schabel and Jean Richard, 3 vols, Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, LXIV (Nicosia, 2010- 12), 1, chapter c, text no. 61.

18 Untermann, Matthias, Forma Ordinis: Die mittelalterliche Baukunst der Zisterzienser, Kunstwissenschaftliche Studien, 89 (Munich and Berlin, 2001), pp. 502–07Google Scholar (also pp. 305-06 and passim for the ‘Bernardine plan’). Kulke, Wolf- Heinrich, Zisterzienserinnenarchitektur des 13. Jahrhunderts in Südfrankreich. Die Frauenklöster Saint-Pons und Vignogoul zwischen Ordenstradition und Stifterrepräsentation (Munich and Berlin, 2006), pp. 85–120 Google Scholar further discusses the ‘reduced Bernardine plan’ in relation to the Cistercian nunnery of Saint-Pons, mentioning Zaraka but not Beaulieu. Dimier, Anselme, Recueil de plans d'églises cisterciennes. Supplément, 2 vols, Commission d'histoire de l'ordre de Cîteaux, VI-VII (Paris, 1967), 1, pp. 60–61 Google Scholar appears rather reserved regarding the inclusion of the Beaulieu plan in his collection, even though he acknowledges Enlart's belief ‘qu'il s'agit bien des églises [sic] de l'abbaye de Beaulieu'.

19 Bon, Antoine, La Morée franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d'Achaïe (1205-1430), 2 vols (Paris, 1969), I, pp. 553–59Google Scholar (with earlier bibliography); Kitsiki-Panagopoulos, Beata, Cistercian and Mendicant Monasteries in Medieval Greece (Chicago, 1979), pp. 27–42 Google Scholar; Campbell, Sheila D., ‘The Cistercian Monastery of Zaraka’, Échos du monde classique/Classical Views, XLI, new series, 16 (1997), pp. 177–96Google Scholar; Salzer, Kathryn E., ‘Gatehouses and Mother Houses: a Study of the Cistercian Abbey of Zaraka’, Mediaeval Studies, 61 (1999), pp. 297–324 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beata Kitsiki-Panagopoulos, ‘∆υτικóς μοναχισμóς στην Πελοπóννησο. κιστερκιανοί, Φραγκισκανοί και Δομινικανοί τον 130 και 140 αιώνα’, in Ομοναχιαμóς στην Πελοπóννησο 40ς-150ς αι., ed. Voula Konti, Εθνικó Ίδρυμα Ερευνώώ — Iνστιτούτο Βυζαντινών Ερευνών — ∆ιεθνή Ʃυμπóσια., 14 (Athens, 2004), pp. 291- 308 (pp. 293-95); Grossman, Heather E., ‘Syncretism Made Concrete: the Case for a Hybrid Moreote Architecture in Post-Fourth Crusade Greece’, in Archaeology in Architecture: Studies in Honor of Cecil L. Striker, ed. Emerick, Judson J. and Deliyannis, Deborah M. (Mainz, 2005), pp. 65–73 (and passim)Google Scholar; Joseph Alchermes, Kostis Kourelis and Anthony Masinton, ‘Architectural Survey and 3-D Reconstruction of the Cistercian Abbey of Zaraka in Ancient Stymphalia: 2007 Study Season', Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada, 8 (2008), at http://kourelis.blogspot.com/2009/02/cistercian-abbey-of-zaraka-in-ancient.html (accessed on 7 March 2012), resulted in Masinton's three-dimensional model of the abbey church, which reconstructs a short nave clerestory above an arcade carried on alternating round and composite piers, and an internally marked transept in an entirely rib-vaulted interior (for the user-navigable visualization, follow the link http://www.thomasav.com/Media/zaraka.html on the same webpage (accessed on 7 March 2012)).

20 Consult literature on Belmont in note 12 above and Pringle, Denys, ‘Cistercian Houses in the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in The Second Crusade and the Cistercians, ed. Gervers, Michael (New York, 1992), pp. 183–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: a Corpus, 4 vols (Cambridge, 1993–2009), I, pp. 38–51.Google Scholar

21 Bouras, Charalambos, ‘Eπανεξέταση τоν λεγоμένου Aγίου Λέου kουτά στην Mεθώνη, in Φίλια 'EΠη ειç Γεώργιоν E. Mνλωνάν διά τα 60 έτη τоν ανασκαφι ;κоύ τоν έργоν, 4 vols, Bιβλιоθήκη τηç εν Aθηναις Aρχαιоλоγικής Eταιρείας, 103 (Athens, 1986–90), III, pp. 302–22.Google Scholar

22 Kitsiki-Panagopoulos, Cistercian and Mendicant Monasteries, passim for an assortment of plans. The so-called St John Mangoutis in Athens, now obliterated, had a similar east end, except the rib-vaulted central chapel communicated with the eastern end of the aisles, the east wall of which accommodated niches; see Xyngopoulos, Andreas,‘Aγ. Iωάννής, Mαγκούτως’, in Eυρετήριον των Mνήμείων τως Eλλάδος. A'. Eυρετήριον των Mεσαιωνικών Mνήμείων, 1. Aθηνών, ed. Soteriou, Georgios A. and Kourouniotes, Konstantinos, 3 vols (Athens, 1927-33), II, pp. 85–87.Google Scholar

23 Enlart, , ‘L'Ancien monastère’, p. 220.Google Scholar

24 As noted earlier, reading the plan in the absence of the site itself can be a daunting task. We may never know for certain whether the structure at Fig. 2, c was meant to be an emergency buttress placed awkwardly below the cloister walk for structural reasons, or perhaps something entirely different, such as a tomb or the door that led into the choir from the cloister.

25 A number of violent earthquakes shook the island during the fifteenth century, and were more keenly felt in Nicosia; for a list, see Grivaud, , Villages désertés, p. 432.Google Scholar The most earth-shattering and destructive tremor occurred in 1491, for which see Stavrides, Theocharis, ‘O σεισμóς του 1491 στην Kύπρο’, Eπειστηρίδα του Kέντρον Eπιστημονικών Eρευνών, XXIV (1998), pp. 125–44.Google Scholar At some point in the later Middle Ages, two buttresses were added on the south side of the nave of the Dominican church at Negroponte (Chalkis, Euboea), which is a three-aisled timber-roofed space. These buttresses did not correspond to internal bay divisions. For the church and its identification as that of the Dominicans, see Delinikolas, Nikolaos D. and Vemi, Vassiliki, ‘H Aγία Παρασκευή Xαλκίδας. ‘Eνα βενετικó Πρόγραμμα ανοικοδόμησης το 130 αιώνα', in Bενετία Eύβοια: Aπό του Eγριπο στο Nεγροπόντε, ed. Maltezou, Chrysa A. and Papakosta, Christina E., Eλληνικó Iνστιτούτο Mεταβνζαντινών Σπονδών Bενετίας — Eταιρεία Eνβοϊκών EΣπονδών, EΣυνέδρια, 10 (Venice and Athens, 2006), pp. 229–66 (p. 234)Google Scholar; MacKay, Pierre A., ‘St. Mary of the Dominicans: the Monastery of the Fratres Praedicatores in Negroponf’ in the same volume, pp. 125–56.Google Scholar

26 A report of the excavations, inexhaustive and seemingly a little confused, and including detailed lists of the movable finds and summary sketches of some of them, was compiled by Chamberlayne and is now kept in the State Archives (SA1/C555/1901, pp. 18-26). According to this document, the two pieces of marble columns were found on 18 and 24 June, probably at the time work in the area of the refectory was under way, even though this is nowhere specified in the text. The fragment from the reader's pulpit and what has been recognized as the arch springer atop one of the refectory columns, which were subsequently to enter the collections of the Musée de Cluny, were found only days before, on 11 and 15 June respectively. Since only one of the excavated pavements preserved traces of two ‘pillars’ (pavement F, although the plan to which the letters in Chamberlayne's report presumably refer has yet to be found), this must have corresponded to the refectory. Columns or piers are otherwise absent from this report. For the refectory fragments in Paris (catalogued as CL. 14137 and 14137 bis), see further the museum inventories of 1902 and later years, Enlart's covering letter of 1903 to the museum and Anne Pingeot, ‘La Sculpture decorative sur pierre de 1137 à 1314 déposée au musée de Cluny’ (doctoral thesis, École du Louvre, Paris, 1979), pp. 123–24 (see also Enlart, , 'L'Ancien monastere’, pp. 226–27Google Scholar).

27 Enlart, , ‘L'Ancien monastère’, pp. 219, 226.Google Scholar It is unclear whether the pavement of the entire nave was discovered in good condition. The excavator stated that the pavement in the ‘nef de l'église […] subsistait presque intact’ (p. 219). He clearly does not confine this remark to the ‘central vessel’ (of an aisled church, that Enlart believed this to be), which he calls ‘vaisseau central’ in other instances (p. 220). The plan provides a reconstruction of the pavement in the ‘central vessel', but not in the ‘aisles'. Moreover, the thin strips running north-south directly to the east and west of this pavement receive no comment by Enlart, and are thus more difficult to interpret. It may be that they represent part of the pavement (indeed, anything more would certainly have elicited some comment), but this supposition will have to be confirmed by future archaeological investigation. Curiously enough, these strips are aligned with the buttresses on the exterior of the nave's north wall — could they simply illustrate Enlart's hypothesis regarding the tripartite division of the nave?

28 For St John, Rhodes see most recently Giorgos Delias, ‘Oι μεγάλες ιππoτικές εκκλησίες της Póδoυ. Παvαγία τoυ Kάστρoυ. Aγιoς Iωάoς τoυ Koλλάκιoυ, Παvαγία τoυ Mπoύργκoυ ’, in 15 Xρόvια Eργόvια Aπoκατάστασης στη Mεσαιωvική τωv εκλησιώv Pόδoυ (Athens, 2007), pp. 370–95 (pp. 374–79, 384–87, 389–91 and pls 328β, 329, 332α); id., ‘H τυπoλoγία τωv εκκλησιώv της Pόδoυ κατά τηv Iππoτoκρατα (1309–1522)’, Δελτίov της Xριστιαvικής Eταιρείας, 4th series, 30 (2009), pp. 81-94 (passim). For the conventual church's nave bases, see Anna-Maria Kasdagli, '’Aνασκφικές εργασίες—Póδος—Οδóς Пαναιτίου’,Aρχαιολογικóν Δελτίον, 50 (1995, published in 2000), XρονικάB'2, pp. 821–23 (p– 821). Foundations for light columnar arcades carrying a superstructure roofed in timber could be rather substantial, as evinced by the investigations at the Dominican church of Andravida, for which see Cooper, Nancy K., ‘The Frankish Church of Hagia Sophia at Andravida, Greece’, in The Archaeology of Medieval Greece, ed. Lock, Peter and Sanders, Guy D. R., Oxbow Monograph, 59 (Oxford, 1996), pp. 29–47 (PP.30, 33)Google Scholar.

29 De Aranda, Verdadera information, fol. cxiii v: ‘Esta profecia yo la he leydo en el proprio original: y esta en un libro muy viejo d'mano encadenado: y puesto sobre una delas vigas tirantes o maderos: que cubren la yglesia'. According to the Portuguese Franciscan Pantaleão Daveiro, on Cyprus in 1563, this prophecy could be read on a stone in the church of the convent; Itinerario da Terra Sancta, e suas particularidades, composto por Frey Pantaliam Daveiro(Lisbon, 1593)Google Scholar, fols 33v-34r.

30 Dom Loupvent: Récti d'un voyageur lorrain en Terre Sainte au XVIe siècle, ed. Jean Lanher and Philippe Martin (Nancy, Éditions Place Stanislas and Conseil Général de la Meuse, 2007), p. 158: ‘Sur l'une des poutres de l'église se trouve le plus gros, le plus grand et le plus effrayant crocodile qu'on ait jamais pu rencontrer sur le Nil ou ailleurs, selon les dires de spécialistes de la chose. Je 1'ai vu de fort près; il peut bien avoir vingt-deux pieds de long'.

31 According to de Aranda, Verdadera information, fol. cxiii v, the convent ‘sea reparado muy bien’ in fulfilment of the prophecy, which specified that the friars ‘la repararian mejor que estava’. Presumably, only distinguished guests of the friars would have been given a tour of the premises. Antonio must have stayed at the convent while in Nicosia. He also preached to the island's Venetian and Cypriot nobility on the feast of John of Montfort, the convent's patron, in late May. Loupvent was apparently in the warden's best graces, since the latter presented the Benedictine with a relic cut off from the body of the blessed John, on account of their both being Frenchmen; see Loupvent: Récti, p. 158.

32 See, for instance, Coldstream, Nicola, ‘Introduction: Camille Enlart and the Gothic Architecture of Cyprus’, in Enlart, Gothic Art, pp. 1–10 (p. 6)Google Scholar; ead., ‘Gothic Architecture’, p. 52. Nevertheless, it seems likely that wooden roofs were not unknown in the Latin ecclesiastical architecture of the mainland. For a recently discovered example, see Asmar, ‘Christian Footprints’, pp. 62-63. It is uncertain whether the fleeting mention of tiles in the debris of an unidentified medieval church in Nicosia, excavated in the early 1930s, pertained to roof tiles; see du Plat Taylor, Joan,‘A Thirteenth Century Church at Nicosia, Cyprus’, Antiquity, VI (1932), pp. 469–71 (p. 470).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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36 For this building type, and for S. Francesco at Cortona in particular, see Biebrach, Kurt, Die Holzgedeckten Franziskaner- und Dominikanerkirchen in Umbrien und Toskana, Beiträge zur Bawwissenschaft, 11 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 14–34 Google Scholar (for S. Francesco, Cortona: pp. 14-17); Wagner-Rieger, Renate, ‘Zur Typologie italienischer Bettelordenskirchen’, Römische Historische Mitteilungen, 2 (1957/58), pp. 266–98 (pp. 269, 288-90, 297-98)Google Scholar; Cadei, Antonio, ‘La chiesa di S. Francesco a Cortona’, Storia delta Città, 9 (1978), pp. 16–23 Google Scholar; Inga, G., ‘Gli insediamenti mendicanti a Cortona’, Storia delta Città, 9 (1978), pp. 44–55 (p. 44) (for the acquisition of the land on which the church was erected)Google Scholar; Tosti-Croce, Marina Righetti, ‘Francescani — Architettura’, in Enciclopedia dell'Arte Medievale, 12 vols (Rome, 1991-2002), VI, pp. 337–57 (pp. 339-40)Google Scholar; Cooper, Donal A., ‘In medio ecclesiae: Screens, Crucifixes and Shrines in the Franciscan Church Interior in Italy (c. 1230-c. 1400)’, 2 vols (doctoral thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, 2000), 1, pp. 49–50 Google Scholar; Schenkluhn, Wolfgang, Architektur der Bettelorden: Die Baukunst der Dominikaner und Franziskaner in Europa (Darmstadt, 2000), pp. 64–67 Google Scholar; Lempp, Eduard, Frate Elia da Cortona, ed. Mori, Edoardo, Accademia Etrusca-Cortona, Fonti e testi, VIII (Cortona, 2003), p. 200.Google Scholar The minimal and maximal nave measurements are taken from Biebrach. One should note that, while widely diffused in central Italy, the type is not exclusive to the region. For certain Croatian examples, see now Cooper, Donal, ‘Gothic Art and the Friars in Late Medieval Croatia 1213-1460’, in Croatia. Aspects of Art, Architecture and Cultural Heritage, ed. Beresford-Peirse, Jadranka (London, 2009), pp. 76–97.Google Scholar

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41 Ibid., p. 218.

42 Lusignan, Chorograjfia, fol. 32V; id., Description de toute l'isle de Cypre (Paris, 1580), fols 89v∼90r. For the history of the Franciscans in Nicosia, see mainly Golubovich, , Biblioteca, II, pp. 372–87Google Scholar; Moorman, John R. H., A History of the Franciscan Order from Its Origins to the Year 1517 (Oxford, 1968), p. 228 Google Scholar; Béraud, Sylvain, ‘Terre sainte de Chypre: L'Ordre des frères mineurs; églises et couvents (1217-1987)’, Kυπριακαί Ʃπουδαί, 50 (1987), pp. 135–53 (PP-x36-39)Google Scholar; Coureas, , The Latin Church, pp. 205–09.Google Scholar

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45 In 1253, the cathedral was still the only Latin parish church in Nicosia, see The Synodicum Nicosiense and Other Documents of the Latin Church of Cyprus, 1196-1373, ed. Schabel, Christopher, Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, XXXIX (Nicosia, 2001), A.XXVIII.2.Google Scholar By 1320, the number of parishes had increased to accommodate the refugees that settled in Nicosia during the Muslim reconquest of Latin Syria, see ibid., I.XIXb; The Cartulary of the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom of Nicosia, ed. Coureas, Nicholas and Schabel, Christopher, Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, XXV (Nicosia, 1997), no. 24Google Scholar; Bullarium Cyprium, I, e-19.

46 Cartulary, no. 64. For the localization of the three convents, and the move of both the Franciscan and Dominican convents to other sites after the 1240s, see Leventis, , Twelve Times in Nicosia, pp. 47, 55-59, 63, 71-77.Google Scholar

47 Saalman, Howard, Medieval Cities (New York, 1968), pp. 39–40 Google Scholar; Le Goff, Jacques, ‘Ordres mendiants et urbanisation dans la France médiévale: État de l'enquête’, Annates: Économies — Sociétés — Civilisations, 25.4 (1970), pp. 924–46 (pp. 928-29)Google Scholar (repr. in Le Goff, Jacques, Héros du Moyen Âge, le Saint et le Roi, Quarto Gallimard (Paris, 2004), pp. 1227–52)Google Scholar; Guidoni, Enrico, ‘Città e ordini mendicanti: II ruolo dei conventi nella crescita e nella progettazione urbana del XIII e XIV secolo’, Quaderni medievali, 4 (1977), pp. 69–106 (pp. 75-78)Google Scholar; Chédeville, André, Le Goff, Jacques and Rossiaud, Jacques, La Ville en France au Moyen Âge, des Carolingiens à la Renaissance, 2nd edn (Paris, 1998), p. 229 Google Scholar; Le Goff, Jacques, ‘Franciscanisme et modèles culturels du XHIe siècle’, in Franciscanesimo e vita religiosa dei laid nel ‘200, Atti dell'VIII congresso internazionale (Assisi, 16-18 ottobre 1980) (Assisi, 1981), pp. 83–128 (p. 89)Google Scholar. For the topography of Lusignan and Venetian Nicosia, Coldstream, Nicosia, esp. pp. 4-6,10-11; Leventis, , Twelve Times in Nicosia, passim, esp. pp. 145,167,173-75,189-93, 352,380-81,383.Google Scholar

48 This hypothesis is proposed in Christopher Schabel, ‘Ecclesiastical Monuments and Topography’, part of Nicholas Coureas, Gilles Grivaud and Christopher Schabel, ‘The Capital of the Sweet Land of Cyprus: Frankish and Venetian Nicosia’, in The History of Nicosia, ed. Demetrios Michaelides (Nicosia, forthcoming).

49 For the Ibelins' Franciscan sympathies, see Olympios, , ‘Gothic Church Architecture’, I, pp. 156–58Google Scholar; id., ‘The Franciscan Convent of Famagusta and its Place Within the Context of Early-Fourteenth-Century Cypriot Gothic Architecture’, Kυπριακαί Ʃπουδαί, 73 (2009, published in 2011), pp. 103-22 (pp. 106-07).

50 Tosti-Croce, Righetti, ‘Francescani-Architettura’, p. 340 Google Scholar; Le Goff, Chédeville and Rossiaud, , La Ville en France, p. 229 Google Scholar. The Nicosia Dominicans wished to relocate closer to the town from at least the later thirteenth century, complaining that their convent was too remotely situated to facilitate preaching and the salvation of souls. The move took place some time after February 1308, to a site provided by Amaury, Lord of Tyre; see Bullarium Cyprium, 11, q-29.

51 Goff, Le, ‘Ordres mendiants’, pp. 931–32Google Scholar; Guidoni, , ‘Città e ordini mendicanti’, pp. 83–84 Google Scholar; Chédeville, , Le Goff and Rossiaud, La Ville en France, p. 227 Google Scholar; Goff, Le, ‘Franciscanisme’, p. 89.Google Scholar

52 See, for example, Golubovich, , Biblioteca, 11, pp. 373, 382-83Google Scholar; Moorman, , A History of the Franciscan Order, p. 228 Google Scholar; Duby, Georges, Saint Louis à Chypre, Conferences annuelles — Levention Musée Municipal de Nicosie, 1 (Nicosia, 1991), p. 9 (comments on the religious patronage of the French crusaders in Cyprus, without citing sources)Google Scholar; Richard, , ‘The Cistercians’, p. 200 Google Scholar; Coureas, , The Latin Church, p. 206 (based on Golubovich, although he emphasizes the lack of relevant citations in the Franciscan's work)Google Scholar; Leventis, , Twelve Times in Nicosia, p. 55 Google Scholar. For Louis IX's relationship with the friars, the classic study is Little, Lester K., ‘Saint Louis’ Involvement with the Friars’, Church History, 33.2 (1964), pp. 125–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also on the same issue, Jordan, William C., Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade. A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), pp. 54–55, 184-85Google Scholar; Cecilia Gaposchkin, M., The Making of Saint Louis. Kingship, Sanctity, and Crusade in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca and London, 2008), pp. 155–56.Google Scholar

53 Cartulary, no. 68. For Archbishop Hugh, de Mas Latrie, Louis, ‘Histoire des archêveques latins de l'île de Chypre’, Archives de I'Orient latin, II (1884), pp. 207–328 (pp. 229-43)Google Scholar; Schabel, Chris, ‘The Latin Bishops of Cyprus, 1255-1313, with a Note on Bishop Neophytos of Solea’, Επετηρίδα τоυ Κέντρоυ Επιστημоνικών Ερευνών, xxx (2004), pp. 75–111 (pp. 77–78)Google Scholar (repr. in Schabel, Christopher D., Greeks, Latins, and the Church in Early Frankish Cyprus, Variorum Collected Studies (Farnham and Burlington, 2010), vGoogle Scholar). By 1254, Hugh had probably had enough of the mendicants’ meddling in his affairs. In the same year, he appealed to the pope for a remedy against the encroachment of ‘certain religious’ (probably the friars), who heard the confessions of the faithful, performed the divine offices for, delivered sermons to and received testamentary bequests from the latter, depriving the Nicosia Church of a substantial portion of its income (Cartulary, nos 38-39; Bullarium Cyprium, I, e-90, e-98). The Dominicans and Franciscans even sided with Hugh's lay enemies during a heated episode in the 1250s or 1260s (Bullarium Cyprium, 11, g-30).

54 Bullarium Cyprium, I, f-22.Google Scholar

55 For the legal issues discussed here, see principally Lambert, Malcolm D., Franciscan Poverty. The Doctrine of the Absolute Poverty of Christ and the Apostles in the Franciscan Order 1210-1323 (London, 1961), passim, esp. pp. 78–100 Google Scholar; Moorman, , A History of the Franciscan Order, pp. 90, 117,120-21Google Scholar; Bourdua, Louise, The Franciscans and Art Patronage in Late Medieval Italy (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 18–20.Google Scholar

56 Lambert, , Franciscan Poverty, pp. 87–88 Google Scholar. See also Balthasar, Karl, Geschichte des Armutstreites im Franziskanerorden bis zum Konzil von Vienne, Vorreformationsgeschichtliche Forschungen, VI (Münster i. W., 1911), p. 34.Google Scholar

57 For the evolution of the role of ‘middle-men’ in Franciscan transactions since the beginning, consult, in addition to the above, Viallet, Ludovic, ‘Procureurs et “personnes interposées” chez les Franciscains’, in Économie et religion. L&expérience des ordres mendiants (XIIIe-XVe siècle), ed. Bériou, Nicole and Chiffoleau, Jacques, Collection d'histoire et d'archéologie médiévales, 21 (Lyon, 2009), pp. 661–706 Google Scholar. For evidence of these post-1247 procurators (variously termed procuratores, administrates, yconomi, sindici, actores in medieval documents) in Lusignan Cyprus, consider judge Scôro (?), ‘yconomo vel actore’ for the Nicosia Franciscans, mentioned in 1292 in a charter regarding the sale of a house by a canon of Nicosia Cathedral to the archbishop, in which the friars contributed to the sum forwarded to the canon as recompense for money owed the archbishop for another house they had purchased from the latter (Cartulary, no. 52).

58 The legate's letter is incorporated in Bullarium Cyprium, I, f-22.

59 For John of Montfort in general, see Henriquez, Crisóstomo, Menologium cisterciense notationibus illustratum (Antwerp, 1630), pp. 171–72Google Scholar; Acta sanctorum, 68 vols (Antwerp and Brussels, 1643-1944 Google Scholar; most recent partial reprinting Paris, 1966-71), Maii V (20-24) (Antwerp, 1685), pp. 270-71; de Mas Latrie, Louis, Histoire de l'île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan, 3 vols (Paris, 1852-61), 1, p. 344 Google Scholar; Golubovich, , Biblioteca, I, pp. 395–96Google Scholar; Eggart, Hermann, ‘Der Selige Johannes, Graf von Montfort, in Geschichte, Ueberlieferung und Verehrung’, Alemania (Vorarlberg), 8.1 (1934), pp. 1–24 Google Scholar; Rouillard, Philippe, ‘Giovanni de Montfort, santo’, Bibliotheca sanctorum, 13 vols (Rome, 1961-70), VI, cols 845-46Google Scholar; Burmeister, Karl H., ‘Der heilige Johannes von Montfort’, Newe Zeitung aus dem Vorarlberger Landesarchiv, 2 (1982), p. 1 Google Scholar (repr. in Burmeister, Karl H., Die Grafen von Montfort. Geschichte, Recht, Kultur. Festgabe zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Niederstätter, Alois, Forschungen zur Geschichte Vorarlbergs, 2 (Constance, 1996), p. 117 Google Scholar); Liesching, Walther P., ‘Der “heilige” Johannes von Montfort, Patron des Grafenhauses Montfort-Tettnang’, in Die Montforter, Ausstellungskatalog des Vorarlberger Landesmuseums, 103 (Bregenz, 1982), pp. 106–07Google Scholar; Richard, , ‘The Cistercians’, pp. 200, 207 (n. 10)Google Scholar; Coureas, , The Latin Church, pp. 197, 206-07Google Scholar; Demurger, Alain, ‘Jean de Montfort’, in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiaues, 30 vols (more are forthcoming) (Paris, 1912-), XXVII, fasc. 156-57, cols 313-14, no. 654Google Scholar; Schabel, , ‘O Camille Enlart’, p. 405 Google Scholar; Edbury, Peter W., ‘The De Montforts in the Latin East’, in Thirteenth Century England, VIII, ed. Prestwich, Michael, Britnell, Richard and Frame, Robin (Woodbridge, 2001), pp. 23–31 (p. 29)Google Scholar; Grivaud, Gilles, ‘Pèlerinages grecs et latins dans le royaume de Chypre (1192–1474): concurrence ou complémentarité?’, in Identités pèlerines, ed. Vincent, Catherine (Rouen, 2004), pp. 67–76 (pp. 73-74)Google Scholar; Edbury, Peter W., ‘Franks’, in Cyprus. Society and Culture 1191-1374, ed. Nicolaou-Konnari, Angel and Schabel, Chris, The Medieval Mediterranean, 58 (Leiden and Boston, 2005), pp. 63–101 (pp. 85-86).Google Scholar

60 de Collenberg, Wipertus Rudt, ‘Le royaume et l'église de Chypre face au Grand Schisme (1378-1417) d'après les registres des archives du Vatican’, Mélanges de 1'École Française de Rome, Moyen âge-temps modernes, 94.2 (1982), pp. 621–701 (p. 689)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘Royaume et église, 1417-1471’, p. 114.Google Scholar

61 Richard, Jean, Saint Louis: roi d’une France féodale, soutien de la Terre sainte (Paris, 1983), pp. 197, 210Google Scholar; id., ‘The Cistercians’, pp. 200, 207 (n. 10). The probable dates for John’s demise are deduced from the narrative structure of a letter addressed to Innocent IV by the papal legate, Eudes of Châteauroux, in 31 March 1249. According to this source, in 23 October 1248 several knights arrived in Cyprus, John being among them. He passed away ’during this period’ and the next dated event occurred in 6 December 1248. See Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot Scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, ed. d’Achéry, Luc and completed by Baluze, Étienne, Martene, Edmond and de la Barre, Louis-Franςois-Joseph, 3 vols (Paris, 1723), III, pp. 624–28 (pp. 624-25)Google Scholar. For an English translation of this text, see The Seventh Crusade, 1244-1254. Sources and Documents, ed. Jackson, Peter (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 74–83 (pp. 75-76).Google Scholar

62 This is implied in Schabel, , ‘O Camille Enlart’, p. 405 Google Scholar, but is most explicitly stated in Grivaud, , ‘Pèlerinages grecs’, p. 73.Google Scholar

63 For the edition of the relevant excerpts from the manuscript in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, see Eggart, , ‘Der Selige Johannes’, pp. 1–9.Google Scholar

64 Ibid., esp. pp. 9-17, 20; Röhricht, Reinhold, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Heiligen Lande, 2nd edn (Innsbruck, 1967), pp. 230–32Google Scholar; Burmeister, , ‘Der heilige Johannes von Montfort’; id., ‘Vinzenz von Montfort (ca. 1420-1486), Domherr zu Trient’, Innsbrucker Historische Studien, 9 (1986), pp. 37–48 Google Scholar (repr. in Burmeister, Karl H., Die Grafen von Montfort. Geschichte, Recht, Kultur. Festgabe zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Niederstätter, Alois (Constance, 1996), pp. 251–63 (pp. 258–59)Google Scholar).

65 Eggart, , ‘Der Selige Johannes’, p. 8.Google Scholar The author notes that this painting has been lost (ibid., pp. 22-23).

66 Röhricht, , Deutsche Pilgerreisen, p. 231 Google Scholar; Eggart, , ‘Der Selige Johannes’, pp. 9–12 Google Scholar, at p. 10 for the inscription, which is here transcribed after the original manuscript, Württembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart Cod. hist. fol. 618, fol. 92r (101r according to the later numbering).

67 The form ‘Montforte’ looks like an Italianism, and a late date may be compounded by its appearance on the monastery’s sixteenth-century seal (‘Segno de San: Ian: Montforte’) and in Hugh XVI’s 1557 reply letter to ’the religious and devout men, the lord custodian and the Friars Minor of the divine Francis of Nicosia in the island of Cyprus in Asia who reside in the convent of St John of Montfort’ (‘Religiosis devotisque Viris Domino Custodi, Fratribusque divi Francisci minoribus Leucosiae Cypri Asiae Insulae in Coenobiis Sancti Joannis de Montforte degentibus’), regarding their request for financial support. See Eggart, , ‘Der Selige Johannes’, pp. 8, 14–15.Google Scholar

68 For medieval belief in these signs of sanctity, see Saintyves, Pierre, En marge de la Légende Dorée. Songes, miracles et survivances. Essai sur la formation de quelques thèmes hagiographiques (Paris, 1930), pp. 283–324, esp. pp. 302-06Google Scholar; Heinzelmann, Martin, Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes, Typologie des sources du Moyen Ȃge occidental, 33 (Turnhout, 1979), p. 79 Google Scholar; Finucane, Ronald C., Miracles and Pilgrims. Popular Beliefs in Medieval England, 2nd edn (Hampshire and London, 1995), pp. 22–23 Google Scholar; Otter, Monika, Inventiones. Fiction and Referentiality in Twelfth-Century English Historical Writing (Chapel Hill and London, 1996), p. 29 Google Scholar; Vauchez, André, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, trans. Birrell, Jean (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 427–33Google Scholar. The relatively good state of John’s body is frequently remarked upon by commentators. For some medieval and early modern accounts, see Excerpta Cypria, pp. 35,44-45,51,58; Excerpta Cypria Nova, I, Voyageurs occidentaux à Chypre au XVème siècle, ed. Grivaud, Gilles, Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, XV (Nicosia, 1990), pp. 86, 90, 100, 119Google Scholar; Röhricht, , Deutsche Pilgerreisen, pp. 380–81Google Scholar; de Aranda, Verdadera informacion, fol. cxiii v; Loupvent: Récit, p. 158; Daveiro, ltinerario, fol. 33V; Eggart, , ‘Der Selige Johannes’, pp. 9–10, 13Google Scholar (where a reference is also made, in a mid-sixteenth- century letter written by the friars, to the body’s sweet fragrance upon discovery, another sign of sanctity); Lusignan, Chorograffia, fols 27r-v; id., Description, fols 89r–90v.

69 A couple of pilgrims’ accounts display some awareness of the date of death of the ‘historical’ John of Montfort, Excerpta Cypria, pp. 35 (William Wey, 1458), 58 (Jacques Le Saige, 1518); other sources are characteristically vague and confused, for instance, Excerpta Cypria Nova, pp. 100 (Pierre Barbatre, 1480), 119 (Joos van Ghistele and Amboise Zeebout, 1482-83); de Aranda, Verdadera information, fol. cxiii v; Lusignan, Chorograffia, fols 27r-v; Eggart, , ‘Der Selige Johannes’, pp. 10, 13-15Google Scholar. The issue of John’s origins seems to have been the cause of much debate in those times, with the beatus each time assuming the ethnic background of the writer, as in Demurger, ‘Jean de Montfort’; Grivaud, , ‘Pèlerinages grecs’, p. 74 Google Scholar. Christoff Zorn was embroiled in an argument with some Frenchmen in 1556 over whether John had been German or French, a conundrum so serious the prior’s counsel was sought. Necessity being the mother of invention, the Franciscans overcame their doubts and agreed with Christoff on the beatus’ German background, if only in the hope of gaining favour with the German Montforts. Nevertheless, in 1561 two German pilgrims remarked that some took John for a German count of Montfort, while others for a Frenchman. For all this, see Röhricht, , Deutsche Pilgerreisen, p. 238 Google Scholar; Eggart, , ‘Der Selige Johannes’, pp. 10–17 Google Scholar. For tombs and their inscriptions in medieval Cyprus, see Lacrimae cypriae/Les Larmes de Chypre, ed. Imhaus, Brunhilde, 2 vols (Nicosia, 2004).Google Scholar

70 For this aspect of medieval sainthood, see in general Vauchez, , Sainthood, pp. 427–33.Google Scholar

71 If the 1375 date for the discovery of the body is accurate, one wonders whether Machairas, the first Cypriot author to refer to the cult of John of Montfort (in the 1420s), and who might have been around at the time the inventio took place (he was born between 1355-65 or c. 1380, depending on opinion), would not have mentioned a translation from outside the abbey, a major event, to say the least; see Makhairas, Leontios, Recital Concerning the Sweet Land of Cyprus entitled ‘Chronicle’, ed. Dawkins, Richard M., 2 vols (Oxford, 1932), I, §33Google Scholar; Λεoντíoυ Mαχαιρά, Xρovικό της Kύπρoυ. Παράλληλη διπλωματική έκδoση τωv χειρoγράφωv, ed. Pieris, Michalis and Nicolaou-Konnari, Angel, Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, XLVIII (Nicosia, 2003), pp. 83–84 Google Scholar; Grivaud, Gilles, Entrelacs chiprois. Essai sur les letters et la vie intellectuelle dans le royaume de Chypre 1191-1570 (Nicosia, 2009), pp. 186–201.Google Scholar

72 John's burial at the first Franciscan convent is the preferred scenario in Coureas, The Latin Church, p. 206 Google Scholar; Bullarium Cyprium, I, p. 34 (Jean Richard's introduction). Note that the church is not the sole option, and that he could have been laid to rest elsewhere on the convent grounds.

73 Béraud, J.-B., Histoire de sires et des dues de Bourbon 812-1831, 2 vols (Paris, 1835), 1, pp. 197–98.Google Scholar

74 Prioux, Stanislas, Monographic de l'ancienne abbaye royale Saint-Yved de Braine avec la description des tombes royales et seigneuriales renfermées dans cette église (Paris, 1859), pp. 60,73 (John of Dreux's heart alone was buried in the church of Saint-Yved, Braine).Google Scholar

75 Jordan, , Louis IX, pp. 232–35.Google Scholar Also, speculation in Duby, Saint Louis, p. 9.

76 Lusignan, Description, fol. 32r; Minieri-Riccio, Camillo, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò: prima generazione (Naples, 1857), p. 15 Google Scholar; Richard, , Saint Louis, pp. 126–27Google Scholar, 49 (John of France was later translated to the mausoleum of non-reigning members of the royal dynasty at Royaumont).

77 Gieben, Servus, ‘Confraternite e Penitenti dell'Area Francescana’, in Franciscanesimo e vita religiosa dei laici nel ‘200, Atti dett'VIII congresso internazionale (Assisi, 16-18 ottobre 1980) (Assisi, 1981), pp. 169–201 (p. 179)Google Scholar; Goff, Le, ‘Franciscanisme’, p. 119.Google Scholar Many of Archbishop Hugh's parishioners were apparently choosing burial with the friars by 1254, Cartulary, nos 38-39; Bullarium Cyprium, 1, e–90, e–98.

78 Analyses of the acts of the Cistercian Chapter General regarding Beaulieu can be found in the literature cited in note 3. For the text of the acts referred to here, see Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786, ed. Joseph-Marie Canivez, 7 vols, Bibliothèque de la revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, 10-14B (Louvain, 1933-41), II,1243 (no. 22), 1244 (no. 50).

79 del Fuoco, Maria Grazia, ‘Indulgenze papali e ordini mendicanti nel secolo XIII: Prime note’, in ‘Misericorditer relaxamus’. Le indulgenze fra teoria e prassi nel Duecento, ed. Pellegrini, Luigi and Paciocco, Roberto, special issue of Studi medievali e moderni (1999), pp. 101–48 (pp. 124-25,147 (Graf. 2)).Google Scholar Also, the comments in Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order, pp. 118-19.

80 For these examples, see generally Schenkluhn, , Architektur der Bettelorden, pp. 37–43, 59, 72–75.Google Scholar

81 For these issues, in respect to the later adoption of this type by the Dominicans, consult Cannon, Joanna L., ‘Dominican Patronage of the Arts in Central Italy: The ‘Provincia Romana’, c. 1220-c. 1320’, 1 vol. and microfilm (doctoral thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, 1980), pp. 53, 57-58.Google Scholar

82 Bon, , La Morée franque, I, pp. 560–61Google Scholar; Athanasoulis, and Ralli, , Γλαρέντζα., pp. 34–38.Google Scholar

83 Cannon, Joanna, ‘Sources for the Study of the Role of Art and Architecture within the Economy of the Mendicant Convents of Central Italy: A Preliminary Survey’, in L'economia dei conventi dei Frati Minori e Predicatori fino alla metà del Trecento, Atti del XXXI Congresso internazionale, Assisi, 9-11 ottobre 2003 (Spoleto, 2004), pp. 213–62 (pp. 255-56).Google Scholar See also Volti, Panayota, Les Couvents des ordres mendiants et leur environnement à la fin du Moyen Âge. Le nord de la France et les anciens Pays-Bas méridionaux (Paris, 2003), pp. 57–67.Google Scholar It may be relevant to note that not only were all recorded Franciscan ministers of the Holy Land in the first half of the thirteenth century Italian, some of the ones known to have presided over the province in the 1220s and 1230s were of central Italian origin (Benedict of Arezzo, Vito of Cortona); Golubovich, , Biblioteca, I, p. 412.Google Scholar

84 On the surviving mendicant churches of the Lusignan period, see generally Enlart, , L'Art gothique, I, pp. 162–67Google Scholar; II, pp. 327-47; id., Gothic Art, pp. 146-50, 262-74; Jeffery, George, ‘On the Franciscan Church at Famagusta, Cyprus’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London, 2nd series, XXIV (1911-12), pp. 301–18Google Scholar; id., ‘The Carmelite Church at Famagusta, Cyprus’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London, 2nd series, XXVIII (1915-16), pp. 106–11Google Scholar; id., A Description, pp. 39–42, 132–40; Plagnieux, Philippe and Soulard, Thierry, ‘Nicosie: L'Église des Augustins’, ‘Famagouste: L'Église des Franciscains’ and ‘Famagouste: L'Église Sainte-Marie du Carmel’, in L'Art gothique en Chypre, ed. de Vaivre, Jean-Bernard and Plagnieux, Philippe, Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, XXXIV (Paris, 2006), pp. 176–80,238-42,251-56Google Scholar; Soulard, , ‘La Diffusion’, pp. 95–96,107Google Scholar; Olympios, Michalis, ‘Networks of Contact in the Architecture of the Latin East: The Carmelite Church in Famagusta, Cyprus and the Cathedral of Rhodes’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association, 162 (2009), pp. 29–66 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘Gothic Church Architecture’, I, pp. 156–63, 218–39, 294–98; id., ‘The Franciscan Convent of Famagusta’.