Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-mkpzs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2025-01-03T14:49:57.132Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

5 Mapping out the sacred landscape of Epirus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 December 2024

Eleni D. Vasileiou*
Affiliation:
Hellenic Ministry of Culture; Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina Email: [email protected]

Abstract

To my mother, Penelope.

This paper offers an overview of the published material of the Epirotic sanctuaries. The presentation will be limited to the geographical area of modern Epirus (prefectures of Arta, Ioannina, Preveza, and Thesprotia) and it will cover the period from the Early Iron Age (eighth century BC) to the beginning of the Roman conquest (second to early first century BC). Areas of ritual character in Epirus range from shrines to organized sanctuaries. It is not always easy to identify the deity/deities worshipped at the ritual places presented.

Type
Archaeology in Greece 2023–2024
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies and the British School at Athens

Introduction

The land of Epirus, located in northwestern Greece, is today divided into four regional units: Arta, Ioannina, Preveza, and Thesprotia. The examination of the sacred landscape of Epirus during antiquity will follow this division. Strabo (7.7) writes that, according to Theopompus, there were 14 Epirotic tribes, among which one of the most powerful were the Molossians. They settled in central Epirus, but the boundaries of their ‘state’ are not yet clearly defined (Funke, Moustakis and Horchschulz Reference Funke, Moustakis and Hochschulz2004: 338–39; Pliakou Reference Pliakou2007: 283–91). Chaones, Thesprotians, and then Cassopaei occupied the coast, a fertile area stretching from the Ceraunian Mountains to the Ambracian Gulf (Map 5.1).

Map 5.1. 1. Ambracia; 2. Cassope; 3. Dodona; 4. Dourouti; 5. Dymokastro; 6. Elea; 7. Giourganista; 8. Gitana; 9. Koudounotrypa; 10. Ktismata; 11. Kyra Panagia; 12. Mastilitsa; 13. Mousiotitsa; 14. Nekromanteion; 15. Pesta; 16. Psina; 17. Rachi Platanias; 18. Vaxia; 19. Votonosi.

In the case of Epirus, very few systematic studies of sanctuary and cultic material have been published, and most focus on Molossia (the area of the Ioannina prefecture). This is probably a result of the lack of primary sources and significant historical information about Epirus in general. Nevertheless, more systematic research and a larger number of publications about cult in Epirus have been noted in the last 25 years. More specifically, François Quantin (Reference Quantin1999) outlined the basic characteristics of Epirotic religion, focusing on its character and on its regional nuances and aspects. Diego Chapinal-Hera (Reference Chapinal-Heras2019) dealt with the role of the Molossian sanctuaries in the territorial organization of Epirus, while in his dissertation (2021) he focused on the sanctuary of Dodona and its relationship to the environment and the wider landscape. Lorenzo Mancini (Reference Mancini2021) discussed the sanctuaries in Molossia, Thesprotia, and Chaonia. Based on archaeological, literary, and inscriptional evidence, he re-examined all the known religious places of the aforementioned areas in a critical review, proposing new chronologies and interpretations. Moreover, through a series of articles (Mancini Reference Mancini2013a; Reference Mancini2013b; Reference Mancini2016; Reference Mancini2017; Reference Mancini2018; Reference Mancini2019), he used the architectural study of buildings and architectural elements to extract conclusions about the form of temples. The publication of the two-volume study of the lead oracular tablets from Dodona (2013) by Dakaris, Vokotopoulou and Christidis shed further light on some aspects of the organization of Epirotic religion.

Overview of the sanctuaries

Arta

The worship of Apollo was predominant in the city of Ambracia (ID8923), which served as the capital city of the Epirote state from 294 BC. Apollo, as the patron deity of the city, was worshipped as Agyieus, protector of journeys and settlers, having the baetylus (obelisk) as his symbol (mostly represented on coins) (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1984: 429–35; Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 133–46). Additionally, the god appears as Pythius Soter (saviour), Helios (sun), Actius (god of navigation, he took his name from the site of Action at Preveza), and Toxophoros (Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 332). The remains of a peripteral Doric temple (20.75 × 44m) dated to ca. 500 BC have been revealed at the centre of the city (Fig. 5.1). It consisted of a pronaos and a longitudinal cella (Vokotopoulou Reference Vokotopoulou1969: 39–43; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 235). The temple was made of local limestone and at the cella’s extremity there was a tripartite pedestal, supporting the cult statue or symbol of Apollo Pythius Soter (Niarou Reference Niarou2015: 30), to whom the temple was dedicated based on a group of clay figurines and an inscribed stele (treaty between Ambracia and Charadros: Cabanes and Andréou Reference Cabanes and Andréou1985). Recently, a marble relief dating to the middle of the fourth century BC has been recovered from the floor of the Byzantine church of Agia Theodora, depicting a seated Muse with a musical instrument and a standing male figure holding an unidentified object (Papadopoulou Reference Papadopoulou2017: 75, fig. 132). The relief has been attributed by the excavators to the temple of Apollo and possibly relates to its restoration in the fourth century BC.

Fig. 5.1. Aerial view of the temple of Apollo, Ambracia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Arta.

According to the epigraphic evidence, other popular cults in Ambracia include those of Artemis (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 155–56, 165–66; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 333–41), Athena (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 146–51; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 346–49), Aphrodite (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 169–75; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 353–59), Dione (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 185; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 353), Zeus (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 180–84; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 350–53), Asclepius (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 179–80; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 365–66), Hercules (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 197–99; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 341–46), Hera (Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 366–67), Hestia (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 182–83; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 349–50) and Dionysus (Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 363–65). Of special interest is also the reference to several Egyptian deities, such as Isis, Anubis, Serapis, and Harpocrates (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 175–79), as well as the worship of heroes, such as Gorgos (Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 368–69), and kings, such as Pyrrhus (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 200), or Roman emperors, such as Octavian (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 201).

Besides the imposing temple of Apollo, two small shrines have been discovered outside the city walls (ID8923) (Riginos Reference Riginos2008: 61). The first seems to be devoted to Poseidon (Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 367) or the local Ambracian deity, Arachthus (Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 367–68), based on a group of bronze figurines of bulls. The second, based on the iconography of the large clay busts and the tablets with relief decoration that have been uncovered, is related to a Chthonian deity.

On the Perranthe Hill, which overlooks the city of Ambracia, the discovery of a group of clay figurines led to the hypothesis that the Koudonotrypa cave served as a site of worship devoted to the Nymphs (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 188–97; Bachlas Reference Bachlas2020; Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 359–62) and the deities associated with them: Pan and Hermes (Kaponis Reference Kaponis2020: 362–63) (Fig. 5.2).

Fig. 5.2. Group of findings from the Koudounotrypa cave, Archaeological Museum of Arta. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Arta.

Ioannina

The ‘Harsh-wintered’ Dodona (ID156) was the main cult place of Zeus in Epirus probably since the Bronze Age (Dieterle Reference Dieterle2007: 134–38, 235–72; Vasileiou 2008; 2016; Reference Vasileiou2020; Luce Reference Luce2010: 20–28) (Fig. 5.3). The oldest reference to the shrine derives from Homer (Hom. Il. 2.748–50, 16.233–35; Od. 14.327–30, 19.296–99); however, there is still no evidence from the excavations attesting to the existence of a special place dedicated to the cult before that period. Initially, it was believed that Mother Earth was worshipped in the area close to the sacred oak tree. The travel-writer Pausanias provides us with part of a hymn chanted by the priestesses of Dodona, which refers to her cult: ‘Zeus was, Zeus is, Zeus will be. Earth gives fruits, so you shall praise Mother Earth!’ (Paus. 10.12.10). It is difficult to define when oracular activity started at the site, but following the historian Herodotus, it seems that Dodona was the most ancient place of divination in Greece (Hdt. 2.52.2). Aristotle notes that the oracle was operating during the time of the great cataclysm (Arist. Met. 1.14.). Based on the passage of the Iliad where Achilles prays to Zeus Dodonaios Pelasgian (Hom. Il. 16.233–35), the hypothesis that the cult of Earth (Gaia) was replaced by the cult of Zeus in the second millennium has been put forward (Dakaris Reference Dakaris1998: 86–92; Georgoudi Reference Georgoudi1998: 317–20, 335–40; Eidinow Reference Eidinow2007: 60).

Fig. 5.3. Aerial view of the Sanctuary of Dodona. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

For centuries, the shrine remained rather rudimentary. The sanctuary was an open-air space and various ceremonies were performed around the sacred oak tree. It is believed that, from the eighth to the beginning of the fourth century BC, the oak tree was surrounded by cauldrons that rested on bronze tripods (FGrHist IIIB, 201–2; Steph. Byz. S.v. Δωδώνη (FGrHist 327, F20); Dakaris Reference Dakaris1998: 37–39; Dieterle Reference Dieterle2007: 265, 363–82; Emmerling Reference Emmerling2012: 71–74, 263; Vasileiou Reference Vasileiou2016: 42).

The first architectural remains, which can be related to the so-called prebuilding phase of the sanctuary in Dodona, were unearthed by the archaeologists Dimitris Evangelidis and Sotiris Dakaris (Reference Evangelidis and Dakaris1959). At the end of the fifth century BC, Dodona transformed gradually to a place where politics and cult coexisted harmoniously (Moustakis Reference Moustakis2006: 201; Gravani Reference Gravani2016). It is suggested that the Molossians took control of Dodona from the Thesprotians during Tharypas’ kingship (423/2–390/385 BC) (Plut., Pyrrhus 1.3) (Meyer Reference Meyer2013; Liampi Reference Liampi2017: 285–91; Raynor Reference Raynor2017).

In the first half of the fourth century BC, the landscape of Dodona started changing (Moustakis Reference Moustakis2006: 193–200; Vlachopoulou-Oikonomou Reference Vlachopoulou-OIkonomou2016) (Fig.5.4). Asmall naiskos (E1; 4.20 × 6.5m), erected near the sacred oak tree in the eastern area, seems to have mainly served as a storage room for the offerings brought by people from all over Greece to the divine couple, namely Zeus and Dione (Dakaris Reference Dakaris1998: 37–49; Skalisti and Georgoulas Reference Skalisti and Georgoulas2014: 97–98; Georgoulas Reference Georgoulas2016: 46–47). Τhe enclosure of Dodona (the so-called ‘Acropolis’, Gerogiannis Reference Gerogiannis2021: 307–13; Suha Reference Suha2021: 148–50), the ancient town (whose inhabitants, the Dodonaeans, are mentioned in Dakaris Vokotopoulou and Christidis (Reference Dakaris, Vokotopoulou and Christidis2013), henceforth DVC, 295B, 1089B, 2425A, 2519B, 2952) that stands on the mound above the valley in the form of an irregular square, as well as Building M(17.30 × 10.70m), can be dated to the same period. The latter was later integrated into the sanctuary’s circuit wall together with the bouleuterion (council house) (E2) and the prytaneion (meeting place for officials) (O), a development that suggested its use as a public guest house (Lyrou Reference Lyrou2009: 126).

Fig. 5.4. Layout of the Sanctuary of Dodona. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

In the late fourth/beginning of the third century BC, the so-called oikoi (Buildings Γ, 9.80 × 9.40m, and Λ, 4.70 × 8.70m; Dieterle Reference Dieterle2007: 130; Emmerling Reference Emmerling2012; Mancini Reference Mancini2013a: 84–88; Georgoulas Reference Georgoulas2016: 47; Piccinini Reference Piccinini2016: 164) were erected near the Sacred House. These have been assigned to Dione and Aphrodite respectively (Dakaris Reference Dakaris1998: 50, 55–56), who were also known as ‘Naoi gods’, meaning gods who shared the same house (synoikoi) and temple (synnaioi), similar to Zeus (Dione and Aphrodite are referred to with these adjectives in the corpus of the lead tablets, DVC 95A, 799B, 1559B, 2546A). According to excavations during the decade of 2000, Building Λ (the so-called temple of Aphrodite) had two phases: during the first (in the first quarter of the fourth century BC), it consisted of a cella; and in the second phase (during the beginning of the third century BC), two Doric columns were added to its entrance (Skalisti and Georgoulas Reference Skalisti and Georgoulas2014: 98–99; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 216–24).

The monumentalization of the sanctuary took concrete form during Pyrrhus’ reign (318–272 BC) (Meyer Reference Meyer2015: 310). New buildings were erected: edifices A(9.50 × 16.50m, known as the ‘Temple of Heracles’), Θ (6.05 × 9.40m, known as the ‘New Temple of Dione’), and Ζ (6.25 × 9.70m, known as the ‘Temple of Themis’). After the destruction of the sanctuary by the Aetolians in 219/218 BC, the Sacred House was renovated. The small temple was replaced by a larger Ionic temple (5.60 × 12.95m) with four columns in the front. The colonnades were restored. The old material was used in the foundations of the monumental new Hellenistic temple, built so that it was exactly symmetrical.

Of special interest is the discussion that has arisen in recent years about the identification of Buildings A, Γ, Ζ, Θ, and Λ as thesauroi (treasuries). The only well-founded identification was that of Building Ewith the Sacred House. Quantin (1999; Reference Quantin2008: 20–29) was the first to support the argument that the smaller buildings played the role of thesauroi, similar to those in Olympia and Delphi. Mancini (Reference Mancini2013a: 81ff.; 2021: 480–98) and Piccinini (Reference Piccinini2016: 162–63) supported this interpretation, while Emmerling (Reference Emmerling2012: 201–10) added that the buildings could have been used as reception halls. Building A(the so-called Heracles’ temple) is differentiated from the others due to its large dimensions (it is the largest prostyle temple-like building in all of Epirus) and the use of architectural sculptures (Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis1997: 255–64; Mancini Reference Mancini2013b).

Besides the deities already mentioned, the worship of other gods and goddesses at the Panhellenic sanctuary of Dodona is attested through literary and epigraphic evidence, and especially lead oracular tablets published by Dakaris, Vokotopoulou and Christidis (Reference Dakaris, Vokotopoulou and Christidis2013) (Demeter (DVC 295B, 1025A-B, 2264, 3092B); Isis (DVC 2327A); Apollo (DVC 224A, 2726A, 2964B); Asclepius (DVC 3741B); Dionysus (DVC 1025A-B)).

Rhodotopi: Passaron was, until the fourth century BC, the religious and political centre of the lead Epirotic ethnos (people). There, according to the ancient writer Plutarch: ‘It was customary for the kings, after sacrificing to Zeus Areius at Passaron, a place in the Molossian land, to exchange solemn oaths with the Epirots, the kings swearing to rule according to the laws, and the people to maintain the kingdom according to the law’ (Plut, Pyrrhus. 5.2).

The remains of a peripteral Ionic temple (19.30 × 11m), dated to the Hellenistic period (end of fourth century BC/late third century BC, according to Mancini Reference Mancini2016; Reference Mancini2018; Reference Mancini2021: 51–87) and found in the plain of Rhodotopi, near the city of Ioannina, were attributed to Areius Zeus (Evangelidis Reference Evangelidis1935; Reference Evangelidis1952) (Fig. 5.5a). It was destroyed by the Romans (167 BC) but restored sometime before the Imperial period and remained in use until the late Roman period, as attested by the finds (i.e. Roman capitals and a headless statue of Octavian). The building seems to have two phases (Fig. 5.5b). During the first phase (fourth century BC), it consisted of a simple cella and presented close similarity to the naiskoi (small temples) of Dodona (Evangelidis Reference Evangelidis1952: 307; Pliakou Reference Pliakou2018: 145; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 59–62). In its second phase it preserved an anteroom and a cella, while to the east of the anteroom there is a paved courtyard with traces of a shrine and an altar, as well as the remains of a pedestal. In the northwest corner of the temple, a burial enclosure was identified, in which two looted graves were found.

Fig. 5.5a. Aerial view of the temple of Areius Zeus, Rhodotopi. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

Fig. 5.5b. Layout of the temple of Areius Zeus, Rhodotopi. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

The temple’s identification was based on Plutarch’s text along with the discovery of an inscribed relief representing a young man (Zeus?) standing in a chariot drawn by felines (Dakaris Reference Dakaris1956: 46–80; Oikonomides Reference Oikonomides1987: 121–24; Burzacchini Reference Burzacchini1999: 127–34; Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis2001: 206–16). The relief is dated to the second half of the fourth century BC, while the inscription (Ἀρὰ | τῷ Διὶ| οὗ βέλο[ς] | διίπτατ[αι]- ‘the bolt of Zeus flies through’) seems to be later and related to the invasion of the Epirots at Thermos of Aitoloakarnania (217 BC) (Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis2001). However, the discovery of a respectful group of female clay figurines (Zachos Reference Zachos2016: 101–7), along with a group of loom weights and an inscription, on which the name of Artemis Hegemone is referred, led Pliakou to the hypothesis that the temple was devoted to Artemis (Pliakou Reference Pliakou2007: 91–100; Reference Pliakou2010: 419; Reference Pliakou2011: 92–93, 96; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 66). It has also been argued that, at some point, Zeus and his daughter were worshipped there (Chapinal-Heras Reference Chapinal-Heras2019: 157). The cult of Artemis, as we shall see, was very dispersed in Epirus and related to her role as the protector of streets and crossroads.

Dourouti: The site of Dourouti (ID18260) is located at the southern outskirts of Ioannina, on a hill (550–555m in height) close to the campus of the University of Ioannina (Andreou and Gravani Reference Andreou and Gravani1997; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 48–50). There, the archaeologists uncovered a cemetery (ninth to fourth centuries BC) and a sanctuary composed of two complexes, North and South (Fig. 5.6). It seems to have been in use mainly from the early fourth to the third century BC. Its abandonment has been associated with the foundation of the temple of Zeus Areius at Rodotopi (Gravani Reference Gravani2014: 254).

Fig. 5.6. Topographical plan of the Sanctuary of Dourouti. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

The North complex consists of some circular and orthogonal structures made of local limestone. Acircular building (10.50m in diameter) has been identified by the excavators as a thesmophorion (a cultic building often associated with the rites of Demeter). Inside, the investigation brought to light a quadrilinear hearth-altar and an empty circular pit. In the South complex, 100m to the south, part of a curvilinear wall, an orthogonal building, and a paved circular platform have been revealed.

The excavators support the theory that Demeter and Kore were worshipped at Dourouti based on: the type of constructions (e.g. thesmophorion); the character of the findings (female figurines bearing either a torch or a phiale and a bronze plaque depicting both goddesses bearing a torch and a sceptre); the topography of the area (near a water source); and a written testimony (a lead tablet from Dodona refers to a sanctuary of Demeter near the lake (ΑΜΙ 8998; Lhôte Reference Lhôte2006: 231). This identification, however, is under discussion (Pliakou Reference Pliakou2007: 161–63; Chapinal-Heras Reference Chapinal-Heras2021: 146). So too is the excavators’ suggestion that an open-air sanctuary devoted to a chthonic deity pre-existed there based on the nature of worship and some earlier findings (mainly fragments of handmade pottery) (Gravani Reference Gravani2014: 254). In general, it seems that the sanctuary of Dourouti was an urban sanctuary situated on the road leading to Dodona from the basin of Ioannina. The excavations at the site restarted in 2023 by the University of Ioannina and they will hopefully offer more evidence about the nature of the deity worshipped (https://acw.hist-arch.uoi.gr/anaskafes-erevnes/anaskafi-dourouti).

Giourganista: Asmall scale investigation in 2008 on the hill of Ai-Lias near the village of Giourganista (ID2519, ID9498) led to the discovery of a number of Hellenistic terracotta figurines (fourth to third centuries BC), iron and bronze objects (mainly rings), sherds of pottery, coins, and an inscription, which attest to the presence of a rural shrine probably devoted to Artemis or Aphrodite (Faklari Reference Faklari2008: 768–69; Reference Faklari2022: 185–96).

Vaxia: The site of Vaxia, at the eastern part of mount Driskos, is located at the crossroads which connected the Ioannina basin with Ambracia (south), Thessaly (east), and Apollonia (north). Agreat number of female terracotta figurines attributed to Aphrodite by Hammond (Reference Hammond1967: 179–81) or to Artemis/Hekate by Tzouvara-Souli (Reference Tzouvara-Souli1979: 81), several bronze, glass, and iron objects, and a crystal gemstone are thought to come from there. The presence of some fragments of flower-shaped foreheads of antefixes led to the assumption that a rural shrine functioned somewhere in the area (Dakaris Reference Dakaris1991: 14) parallel to the one at Giourganista.

Indications for ritual activity are also noted at the sites of Ktismata (ID9458) (Kleitsas Reference Kleitsas2010: 240; Dominguez-Monedero Reference Dominguez-Monedero2022a: 474), Mousiotitsa (ID9344; Katsadima Reference Katsadima1997: 559; Georgoulas and Skalisti Reference Georgoulas and Skalisti2022: 108), Pesta (ID3154; Adam, Georgoulas and Giovanopoulou Reference Adam, Georgoulas and Giovanopoulou2003), Psina (Hammond Reference Hammond1967: 190; Nakas Reference Nakas2016: 426, 430–34; Gerogiannis Reference Gerogiannis2021: 303–06), Rachi Platanias (ID3104) (Pliakou 2007: 169; Reference Pliakou2018: 138), and Votonosi (Verdélis Reference Verdélis1949; Vokotopoulou Reference Vokotopoulou1975).

Preveza

Cassope: In the Agora of Cassope (ID2536), in front of the West Stoa, excavations have brought to light a paved outdoor area (35.5 × 6.80m) enclosed by a series of stone orthostats (0.70m high). This space probably functioned as a shrine (Kontogianni Reference Kontogianni2006: 39; Aggeli Reference Aggeli2015a: 50–51). To the east of it lies a row of statue bases and a large monolithic base, while in the open space three successive stone altars have been found. The largest (4.17m in length) was dedicated to Zeus Soter (end of fourth to beginning of third century BC) (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1994: 113). Along the northern stoa on the western side of the Agora, an inscribed stone base, which once supported a bronze statue, has been discovered. It was a dedication of three warriors from Cassope to Heracles Soter after their participation as Roman allies in the war against Aristonikos (ca. 130 BC; Domiguez-Monedero Reference Dominguez-Monedero2017). Within the walls at the southwestern extreme of the city, a Macedonian style tomb, dated to 370 BC, has been identified as a heroön cenotaph for Cassope’s founder (Dakaris Reference Dakaris1971: 122–23; Dominguez-Monedero Reference Dominguez-Monedero2017: 86).

Outside the city wall lies a peripteral Doric temple (10.50 × 17.20m) attributed to Aphrodite, the guardian goddess of the Cassopeans (Fig. 5.7). According to the German architects W. Hoepfner and E.-L. Schwandner, the building material from this temple was transferred to Nikopolis when the inhabitants were forced to abandon their city in the first century AD (Kontogianni Reference Kontogianni2006: 35; Aggeli Reference Aggeli2015a: 64). The name of the deity also appears on a votive inscription found at the katagogeion (guesthouse) of the city (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1994: 109–12) and she is depicted in the numismatic circulations of the city.

Fig. 5.7. The temple of Aphrodite, Cassope Preveza. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Preveza.

Nekromanteion:

There into Acheron the river of pain two streams flow, Pyriphlegethon blazing with fire, and Cocy-tos resounding with lamentation, which is a branch of the hateful eater of Styx: a rock is there, by which the two roaring streams unite.

(Odyssey 10.510–13; transl. W.H.D. Rouse)

According to ancient texts (Odyssey 10.510–13; Herodotus 5.92; Pausanias 9.30.6), the oldest and most renowned Greek Oracle of the Dead (Nekromanteion) was in Thesprotia, near the Acheron River and the Aornos Lake. On a hill near the Mesopotamos Village in Preveza, close to the junction of the Kokytos, Vouvos, and Acheron rivers, a labyrinthine fortified building complex came to light (Fig. 5.8). It was identified as the Nekromanteion or Nekyomanteion (prophecy place of the dead) of Acheron (Dakaris 1962; 1963; 1972: 179–81; Reference Dakaris1993; Aggeli Reference Aggeli2015b; Voulgaraki Reference Voulgaraki2017; Gravani and Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis2019). Hades and Persephone were the presiding deities. Adifferent reading of the building identifies it with a fortified farm rather than a Nekromanteion (Baatz Reference Baatz1979; Reference Baatz1982; Reference Baatz1999; Kotjambopoulou Reference Kotjambopoulou2018). The complex was established during the late fourth and early third century BC. It was destroyed by the Romans in 167 BC and reused during the first century BC. Later, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Monastery of Agia Ioannis was erected on top of it.

Fig. 5.8. The ‘Hall of the Underworld’, Nekromanteion, Preveza. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Preveza.

Apart from a few ceremonial objects (a group of clay female figurines attributed to Persephone and a group of elaborate vases, Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1979: 103–4; Reference Tzouvara-Souli2019), many farming tools, cooking vessels, and implements were discovered dating from the fourth to the second centuries BC. Within the central hall, numerous bronze and iron objects have been found. They had fallen from the upper storey when its floor collapsed during the 167 BC devastation. According to the German archaeologist Dietwulf Baatz (Reference Baatz1982), these implements belonged to seven small catapults and were used in sieges by both attackers and defenders.

The central hall is surrounded by a rectangular precinct of polygonal masonry (62.40 × 46.30m) built in local limestone. The complex has a rectangular ground plan divided into two parts: eastern (late fourth to early third century BC) and western (late third to early second century BC). In the eastern part, a square tower-shaped construction (21.30 × 21.65m) is surrounded by corridors and square spaces. Its external walls are over three metres thick and preserved at a height of over three metres. The construction is divided into a central hall (15 × 4.25m) and two tripartite spaces consisting of six square rooms (4.40m in length). Underneath the central hall lies an elaborate subterranean crypt, ‘the hall of the underworld’. The pilgrims had to be prepared physically and mentally before entering this hall (Ogden Reference Ogden2001: 174). An encounter with the image of the dead (probably a priest) was suspended from the ceiling with the aid of an elaborate machine (Dakaris Reference Dakaris1964: 46). The roof of the vaulted underground hall was supported by 15 successive arches based on pillars. According to researchers from the University of Thessaloniki, the acoustic of the hall was exceptional (Karampatzakis and Zafranas Reference Karampatzakis and Zafranas2009). The construction of an anechoic chamber was intentional in order to create a terrifying silence, characteristic of the ‘Dead’s World’, a world void of light and sound.

The west wing consisted of a central courtyard surrounded by rectangular or square rooms. It was the only part of the complex reused after the destruction of Epirus by the Romans in 167 BC.

Thesprotia

The earliest religious site of the Thesprotian ethnos is dated to the late seventh century BC and it was excavated on the Mastilitsa Hill during 2000–2001 (Tzortzatou and Fatsiou Reference Tzortzatou and Fatsiou2009). Arectangular building (13.80 × 9.50m) surrounded by a wing, with a possible altar and evidence for sacrifices, has been identified as a shrine dedicated to an unknown deity (Tzortzatou and Fatsiou Reference Tzortzatou and Fatsiou2009: 46–50) (Fig. 5.9). It remained in use until the beginning of the Hellenistic period.

Fig. 5.9. Aerial view of the temple at Mastilitsa. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

All the temples in Thesprotia are located inside the known urban centres except the one at Kyra Panagia (ID8910), near Paramythia. It was revealed at the end of the 1990s (1997–1999) and can be dated to the early fifth century BC, based on the findings. It thrived between the late fourth and beginning of the third century BC (Preka-Alexandri Reference Preka-Alexandri1997: 610; Riginos Reference Riginos1998: 539–40; Svana Reference Svana2004: 211–13; Riginos and Lazari Reference Riginos and Lazari2007: 90–92, 95–96; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 296–305). The rural sanctuary consisted of a small rectangular temple (an oikos) and an altar (Fig. 5.10). The majority of the findings were terracotta figurines (standing women, hydrophoroi (water-carriers), female busts, seated women, a banqueter, a woman leaning on a statue), while coins (of late Classical and Hellenistic period), miniature vases (Hellenistic period), jewellery, and pottery have also been found (Svana Reference Svana2009: 89). According to Svana (Reference Svana2009: 93), the sanctuary was devoted to Persephone, and it functioned as a meeting point for the rural populations living around the Kokytos River in unfortified settlements (komai).

Fig. 5.10. Layout of the temple at Kyra Panagia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Gitana: The ancient city of Gitana (ID17711) is located on the southwestern part of the Vrysella Hillock in the Thesprotia prefecture. It was the second capital of the Thesprotians, surrounded by a wall with a perimeter of about 2,400m and the seat of their koinon (federation) (mid-fourth century BC). The systematic excavations started in the 1990s (1986–1997), while later restoration and enhancement works took place in two phases (2003–2009 and 2015–2022). The town had an organized urban plan. Among other public buildings (the prytaneion-archive, the agora, and the theatre), three religious ones were identified at its western part: the temples of Themis and Parthenos and Apollo Agyieus.

A large public building (36 × 25m), referred to in the literature as ‘Building B’, has been identified as the temple of Themis based mainly on epigraphic evidence (Preka-Alexandri Reference Preka-Alexandri2018; Rinaldi Reference Rinaldi2020: 82–84) (Fig. 5.11). Themis’ worship in Gitana was testified by the discovery of a decree (mid-fourth century BC) in the region of Kalama’s dyke (Preka-Alexandri Reference Preka-Alexandri2018: 310–11). Building Bseems to have functioned as a mint at some stage, based on the metal coin blanks found there. It has an oblong rectangular layout, partially roofed. Its entrance is located on its east side and was equipped with double external walls. The fact that it had a peristyle around a large open-air court was interpreted as an indication that it could host large crowds. The objects strictly connected to the rite found there are the following: a group of inscribed roof tiles bearing the name of Themis (.EMITOΣ), some lamps, and a handle of an iron sword interpreted as a symbol of the goddess (Preka-Alexandri Reference Preka-Alexandri2018: 312–14). Moreover, two bronze flan coins and a number of unworked metal objects have been associated with Themis’ cult. Themis was a deity known in the region of Epirus. She was also worshipped at Dodona, as evidenced by a small temple attributed to her and four lead oracular tablets (DVC 128A, 1006B, 2525B, 3355A).

Fig. 5.11. The temple of Themis, Gitana Thesprotia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

The so-called ‘Small Temple’ was excavated during 1986–1989 and was identified as the temple of Parthenos based on inscriptional evidence (Preka-Alexandri Reference Preka-Alexandri2019: 179; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 344–61) (Fig. 5.12). Astone headless female figurine of the Pudicitia (personification of female modesty) type (0.38m in height) bore an inscription on its base, based on which Philo dedicated the figurine to the Parthenos: [Π]ΑΡΘENΩI ΦIΛΩ [Κ]ΑΤΑ ΟΡΑΜΑ. The statuette is dated to around the second half of the second century BC thanks to a coin of Ptolemy IV Philopator, which was found underneath it. The temple seems to have two Doric columns in the porch (distyle in antis, a pair of columns inbetween two side walls extending to the front of the porch), and it had three phases (Preka-Alexandri and Nakasis Reference Preka-Alexandri and Nakasis2018: 737, 752). It was built of local limestone and consisted of a pronaos (3.90 × 6.15m) and a cella (7.40 × 6.15m). The altar was situated at about 7m from the temple. Between them, a terrace was formed while both were protected by a stone-built peribolos. Figurines, parts of statuettes, sherds of vases, loom weights, coins, and antefixes compose the sanctuary’s ritual context.

Fig. 5.12. The ‘Small Temple’, temple of Parthenos Thesprotia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Northeast of and adjacent to the prytaneion, Building E, a small, elongated, two-part edifice, has been interpreted as a place of worship for Apollo Agyieus. On its southeastern edge, the discovery of a stone base for the support of a baetylus (sacred stone/pillar), along with parts of a manumission decree inscription, supported its identification with a place of worship (Kanta-Kitsou Reference Kanta-Kitsou2008: 50). The cult of Apollo was known in Epirus, as we have already remarked, and it seems that its worship in Thesprotia was due to the influence of the Corinthian colonies.

During the excavation of the city’s prytaneion, a total of about 4,000 clay sealings came to light. The images and attributes of many known deities have been recognized among them, with the figure of Zeus being the most prevalent. Strangely enough, no sanctuary dedicated to Zeus has been found there (Preka-Alexandri Reference Preka-Alexandri2019: 182).

In the south part of the prytaneion, an altar devoted to Hestia has been revealed; a deity also known in Dodona (DVC 2171A, 3275A), Ambracia, and Nikopolis. The presence of Hestia’s altar can be explained by the fact that the ‘eternal flame’ of the hearth (estia in Greek) burned in the prytaneion (Preka-Alexandri Reference Preka-Alexandri2019: 181).

Dymokastro (ancient Elina) (ID3280): The fortified coastal settlement is located on a hill south of Karavostasi Bay. It was established at the end of the fourth century BC and covered an area of 220 acres. Excavation works took place during 2000–2002, while from 2002 to 2008 a large enhancement project was realized. At Acropolis A, two temple-like buildings (oikoi) have been revealed belonging to a shrine enclosed by a peribolos, adjacent to the western side of the city’s walls (Lazari, Tzortzatou and Kountouri Reference Lazari, Tzorzatou and Kountouri2008: 44; Mancini 2017; Reference Mancini2021: 310–28) (Fig. 5.13). The oikoi are divided by a narrow corridor. The largest (the northern one) (6.30 × 9.40m) consists of a pronaos and a cella. The southern oikos had a single room of the same depth as the cella of the northern one, with a socle in polygonal masonry preceded by a long corridor. The northern oikos has been related to a construction interpreted as an altar placed on the axis of its decentralized entrance door (Mancini Reference Mancini2019: 166). The other one has been interpreted as an auxiliary room, perhaps a treasury or a deposit for offerings. Astoa with two rows of wooden columns is probably related to this complex and may have served as a place for religious rituals (Riginos etal. Reference Riginos, Lazari, Lamprou and Tzorzatou2018: 757). The ritual deposit includes a large thymiaterion (incense burner) adorned with Dionysian reliefs and many sculptural fragments, some of which belong to life-size statues (Mancini Reference Mancini2019: 167–70).

Fig. 5.13. The oikoi, Acropolis A, Dymokastro Thesprotia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

At Acropolis B, an enigmatic construction came to light and has been identified as a shrine (Mancini 2019: 171; Reference Mancini2021: 330–40) (Fig. 5.14): a tripartite rectangular building (11 × 8 m) with two auxiliary rooms to the south, and a quadrilinear rock-carved altar to the east (Lazari, Tzortzatou and Kountouri Reference Lazari, Tzorzatou and Kountouri2008: 84). The main northern entrance is flagged by pilasters. Two small rectangular niches were discovered in the western part of the building. Agroup of female terracotta figurines, clay moulds, a large quantity of glasses, stone reliefs, bronze objects, and fragments of miniature temple-like buildings form the ritual context of the shrine.

Fig. 5.14. The ‘Shrine’, Acropolis B, Dymokastro. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Elea (ID4077): The capital city of the Thesprotian tribe of Eleaens or Eleaets is situated near the modern village of Chrisavgi, known by the name of Velliane. The enhancement works during 2002–2009 in the fortified settlement brought to light ancient streets and buildings of the Classical and Hellenistic periods. Asmall temple (16.50 × 6.00m), dated between the beginning of the fourth century BC and the second quarter of the second century BC, has been unearthed at the western edge of the northeastern part of the settlement, at a high altitude (Fig. 5.15). It was a tripartite rectangular building with a pronaos, a cella, and an adyton connected by doors. In its centre, an eschara (ground altar) was formed for the libations of pilgrims to the unknown deity (Riginos and Lazari Reference Riginos and Lazari2007: 38–39; Mancini Reference Mancini2021: 290-95).

Fig. 5.15. The small temple at Elea. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Discussion

Following the presentation of the available data, a point worth stressing is that no stone-based, monumental architecture has been noted in Epirus before the fourth century BC (Pliakou Reference Pliakou2018: 138). Urbanization in Epirus developed at a slower pace compared to the rest of Greece. Communities were formed around clusters of settlements known as ethne. The fourth century BC was the period when the first poleis appeared. The Epirots, under the leadership of the Aeakid dynasty, organized into an alliance (Betsiou Reference Betsiou2020, 146–49) and later a koinon, and began to establish a regional identity (Meyer Reference Meyer2013; Raynor Reference Raynor2017). ‘It took time, practice in cooperation, a religious center important to the entire region, and inspired leadership for the inhabitants of the larger area known as Epirus to come to see themselves as a single ethnos and make for themselves a system of communal governance’ (Meyer Reference Meyer2015: 300). The degree of social complexity directly affected the formation of the ritual institutions and the regulations. The severe architecture of the buildings and their simplicity seems to indicate a desire among the inhabitants to connect themselves to a perceived territorial homeland. The dominant form of the religious buildings with a small cella and a pronaos is probably an act of conservatism – a means linking the present to the past. People show a preference to minimization. Buildings were characterized by paucity of large-scale architecture. Peripteral temples were scantily represented (temple of Apollo (Ambracia), temple of Areius Zeus (Rhodotopi), temple of Aphrodite (Cassope)). It must be noted that in Thesprotia a peripteral temple has not been recorded and the majority of sacred buildings belong to the type of oikos with a closed façade (Mancini Reference Mancini2019: 167). Moreover, the structures were constructed using a building technique that combines stone with light materials (timber, mud-bricks, etc.), while in Molossia they were usually built with polygonal masonry (Mancini Reference Mancini2019: 171).

Dodona had a Panhellenic character (from the sixth century BC) and, at a specific chronological moment (mainly during Pyrrhus’ reign), an international one. The Hellenization process took more concrete form during Pyrrhus’ reign through the construction of large buildings associated with the political function of the sanctuary (bouleuterion, theatre, prytaneion, stoai; Moustakis Reference Moustakis2006: 115; Lang Reference Lang2019: 39). During the Hellenistic period, the sanctuary attracted non-Greek pilgrims with (a) the Naia Festival (Cabanes Reference Cabanes1988; Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis2020; Dominguez-Monedero Reference Dominguez-Monedero2022b), organized every four years and constituting dramatic and athletic contests, and (b) the operation of the oracle (consecrations by regional or international Greek states; Quantin Reference Quantin2024: 416). Through the corpus of the lead oracular tablets, recently inscribed in the UNESCO’s list ‘Memory of the World’, we can garner information about the nationality of the people who visited the oracle. Based on the references to cities or broader regions and the dialects in which the enquiries have been written, it can be inferred that the majority came from Epirus, but a significant number were from the Ionian islands, Italy, Illyria, Acarnania, Aetolia, Thessaly, Macedonia, Thrace, Euboea, Boeotia, Attica, Peloponnese, Aegean Islands, and Asia Minor (Georgoulas Reference Georgoulas2023).

As Marinatos (Reference Marinatos1993: 182) aptly points out, ‘Sanctuaries were multidimensional institutions which served the needs of their communities and the needs of the Greek city-states as a whole’. The sanctuary of Dodona acted as a religious and political centre (Moustakis Reference Moustakis2006; Meyer Reference Meyer2013; Reference Meyer2015: 309; Piccinini Reference Piccinini2017), as noted by the fact that public decisions have been displayed at the western stoa of Dodona (Davies Reference Davies2000: 252; Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis2019: 32). Moreover, Pyrrhus manipulated Dodona in order to demonstrate power, symbolism, and political propaganda (Gorrini and Zizza Reference Gorrini and Zizza2018: 209). He, as the heir and successor of Achilles through Neoptolemus, and after his victory over the Macedonians at the Aoos straits (274 BC), dedicated their shields at Dodona while he managed to materialize Alexanders’ programme of renovating the sanctuary. The erection of the temple of Hercules (Building A) aimed to connect the Aeakids with the Macedonians through their mythical progenitor and the promotion of Pyrrhus’ victories against the Romans (Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis1997: 268; Kittelä Reference Kittelä2013: 41–42). The impact of politics in religion can also be seen in the case of the temple of Areius Zeus at Rhodotopi through the oath sworn by the king of the Molossians (for its content, look at the Ioannina section) according to Plutarch and through the dedication of public decrees there (i.e. the decree of Aterargoi, Archaeological Museum of Ioannina (AMI) 399, late third/early second century BC; Pliakou Reference Pliakou2011: 93–94).

Epirots worshipped the same deities as the rest of the Greeks. Their cult was characterized by the presence of two ritualistic layers: one relates to the Mother Goddess, who was later succeeded by Zeus and Dione (at least at Dodona) and the other preserves characteristics of Homeric or pre-Homeric cult practices owing to the effect of the Corinthian and the Elean colonies. There are three groups of deities venerated in Epirus: local, regional (Hellenic), and international. The dominant deity was Zeus, while the female element also prevails in most of the sites. Artemis seems to have a prominent role in the religious procedure. Her cult was introduced over the period of the Corinthian colonization in Ambracia (seventh century BC; Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1979: 18). It was revamped after Pyrrhus’ campaign in Epirus, based on the deity’s representation on a series of bronze coins, issued by the Epirote Alliance (Betsiou Reference Betsiou2020: 61). Sometimes Artemis’ manifestation coincides with Hekate’s manifestation, since both protect people en route. Artemis’ name is also referred to in the corpus of oracular lead tablets (DVC 540A, 541B, 1012A, 3192A, 3393A; Lhôte Reference Lhôte2006, no. 142). The epithet Hegemone for Artemis is referred to in two inscriptions, one lead tablet (fourth to third centuries BC; Lhôte Reference Lhôte2006: 142) and a stone inscription from Rhodotopi (second century BC), both associated with the existence of a temple there (Chapinal-Heras Reference Chapinal-Heras2018). According to the literary sources, it seems that there was a temple of Artemis Hegemone in Ambracia where Deidameia, the last queen of the Epirots, was assassinated (Polyen, Strategemes, 8.52.1; Antonius Liberalis, Metamorphoseon Synagoge 4.5). Atemple of Artemis must have functioned in Thesprotia, in the region of Photike, according to a Latin inscription. Additionally, a torso of a female statue was found dating to the beginning of the second century BC (Quantin Reference Quantin2010: 436). The shrine at Vaxia is also attributed to Artemis, as well as the temple of Parthenos at Gitana (Quantin Reference Quantin1999: 69, 78; for her identification with Themis, see Mancini Reference Mancini2021). Artemis as Pasikrata is referred to on two votive documents, one from Ambracia and the other from Panagia near Preveza (AMI 5054, first century BC; Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1979: 25). Most of the sanctuaries attributed to Artemis are located at liminal locations (i.e. Rhodotopi, Vaxia) as she was the deity protector of routes and crossroads (Chapinal-Heras Reference Chapinal-Heras2019: 161).

Estia and Themis were the prevalent deities in Gitana, while several shrines are connected to Demeter and Kore (Dourouti, Vaxia, Nekromanteion, Kyra Panagia). Regarding international deities, we should note the Egyptian gods, whose worship has been testified in Ambracia (Tzouvara-Souli Reference Tzouvara-Souli1992: 175–79), as well as Amphrodite Aineias in Dodona and Ambracia, a cult introduced there probably by Pyrrhus after his campaign in Italy (Katsikoudis Reference Katsikoudis1997: 271–72).

Conclusion

Earliest attestations of worship from Dodona come from the Geometric period (Vasileiou Reference Vasileiou2019). The singularities of religious life there are closely linked to the social and political particularities of the region. Most of the religious buildings date to the fourth/third centuries BC, which is indicative of their simultaneous architectural development and typological uniformity. Organized sanctuaries can be traced only in Molossia (Dodona, Rhodotopi, Dourouti; with the exception probably of the Nekromanteion, if one accepts Dakaris’ identification). Periodical festivals must have been organized, in which the local population participated. This empowered their bonds and played an important role in the negotiation of group identities. At the large Thesprotian cities, religious activity is detected mainly near the centre.

During the Geometric and Archaic period, female and chthonic deities prevailed. However, after the colonization of coastal areas by the Eleans and the Corinthians, the Epirots adopted the Greek-Olympian gods. During the Hellenistic period, new cults made their appearance.

Following all the above, it can be concluded that a systematic examination of all the available material (archaeological, epigraphic, numismatic, literary, architectural) will shed light on the mystery of the Epirotic ‘loci sancti’.

Acknowledgements

I would like to warmly thank the editors of AR for giving me the opportunity to present an overview of the sanctuaries of Epirus. My sincere thanks to my colleague Dr P. Tzovaras for reading a draft of this paper. Finally, I owe many thanks to the Ephorates of Antiquities of Arta, Ioannina, Preveza, and Thesprotia for providing me with photographic material, especially Dr A. Aggeli, Mr E. Pavlidis, Dr I. Chouliaras, Dr G. Pliakou, Mrs Th. Kontogianni, Mrs Th. Lazou, and Mrs V. Galani.

References

Adam, E., Georgoulas, G. and Giovanopoulou, A. (2003) ‘Ανασκαφικές εργασίες. Νομός Ιωαννίνων. Θέση Παλιοκλήσι Δ.Δ. Μυροδάφνης-Πεστών, Δήμου Αγίου Δημητρίου’, ADelt 2001–2004(56–59), 7578 Google Scholar
Aggeli, A. (ed.) (2015a) Ο αρχαιολογικός χώρος της Κασσώπης (Preveza)Google Scholar
Aggeli, A. (2015b) (ed.) Οι αρχαιολογικοί χώροι Νεκρομαντείου και Eφύρας (Preveza)Google Scholar
Andreou, I. and Gravani, K. (1997) ‘Το ιερό της Δουρούτης’, Δωδώνη 26, 581626Google Scholar
Baatz, D. (1979) ‘Teile hellenistischer Geschütze aus Griechenland’, AA, 6875 Google Scholar
Baatz, D. (1982) ‘Hellenistische Κatapulte aus Éphyra (Epirus)’, Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts. Athenische Abteilung 97, 211–33Google Scholar
Baatz, D. (1999) ‘Wehrhaftes wohnen. Ein befestigter hellenistischer adelssitz bei Éphyra (Nordgriechenland)’, Anzeiger für die Altertumswissenschaft 30.2, 151–55Google Scholar
Bachlas, V. (2020) ‘Σπήλαιο Κουδουνότρυπας Άρτας: Οι πήλινοι ανάγλυφοι πίνακες’, ADelt 71–72, 57166 Google Scholar
Betsiou, A. (2020) Οι νομισματικές εκδόσεις των ελληνικών πόλεων του ΒΔ ελλαδικού χώρου: ζητήματα εικονογραφίας και προβλήματα χρονολόγησης (dissertation, University of Ioannina)Google Scholar
Burzacchini, G. (1999) ‘L’Épigraphe des Passaron (SEG 37, 1987, 170 no. 529)’, in P. Cabanes (ed.), L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans l’Antiquité III. Actes du IIIème Colloque International de Chantilly, 16–19 octobre 1996 (Paris) 127–34Google Scholar
Cabanes, P. (1988) ‘Les concours des Naia de Dodone’, Nikephoros 1, 4984 Google Scholar
Cabanes, P. and Andréou, I. (1985) ‘Le réglement frontalier entre les cités d‘Ambracie et de Charadros’, BCH 109, 499544 Google Scholar
Chapinal-Heras, D. (2018) ‘Artemis Hegemona in Molossia (I)’, Epigraphica 80, 5767 Google Scholar
Chapinal-Heras, D. (2019) ‘Territory and boundaries: the role of Molossian sanctuaries’, Dialogue d’Histoire Ancienne 45.2, 147–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chapinal-Heras, D. (2021) Experiencing Dodona: The Development of the Epirote Sanctuary from Archaic to Hellenistic Times (Berlin)CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1956) ‘Αρχαιολογικές έρευνες στο λεκανοπέδιο των Ιωαννίνων’, in Αφιέρωμα εις μνήμην Χρίστου Σούλη (Athens) 46–80Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1962) ‘The dark palace of Hades’, Archaeology 15.3, 8593 Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1963) ‘Ανασκαφή εις το Νεκυομαντείον του Αχέροντος’, Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireias, 8992 Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1964) ‘Ανασκαφή εις το Nεκυομαντείον του Αχέροντος’, Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireias, 4453 Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1971) Cassopaia and the Elean Colonies (Ancient Greek Cities 4) (Athens)Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1972) Θεσπρωτία (Ancient Greek Cities 15) (Athens)Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1991) ‘Νεκυομαντείο του Αχέροντος’, Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireias, 178–81Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1993) Το Νεκυομαντείο του Αχέροντα (Athens)Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I. (1998) Δωδώνη. Αρχαιολογικός οδηγός (Ioannina)Google Scholar
Dakaris, S.I., Vokotopoulou, I. and Christidis, A.-Ph. (eds) (2013) Τα χρηστήρια ελάσματα της Δωδώνης των ανασκαφών Δ. Eυαγγελίδη, 2 vols (Athens)Google Scholar
Davies, J.K. (2000) ‘A wholly non-Aristotelian universe: the Molossians as ethnos, state, and monarchy’, in R. Brock and S. Hodkinson (eds), Alternatives to Athens: Varieties of Political Organization and Community in Ancient Greece (Oxford) 234–58Google Scholar
Dieterle, Μ. (2007) Dodona: religions geschichtliche und historische Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung des Zeus-Heiligtums (New York)Google Scholar
Dominguez-Monedero, Α. J. (2017) ‘Constructing an Eleian ethnic identity in southern Epirus: the inscription of Cassope (SEG 36, 555) reconsidered’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 204, 7988 Google Scholar
Dominguez-Monedero, Α. J. (2022a) ‘Agrarian and power landscapes in Epeiros during the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods’, Gerión Revista de Historia Antigua, Greek Landscapes. From the Ionian Sea to Athens 40.2, 463–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dominguez-Monedero, Α. J. (2022b), ‘Los festivales de Zeus Naios en Dodona’, in R. Gordillo Hervás, E. Ferrer Albelda and A. Pereira Delgado (eds), Compitiendo para los dioses: Los rituales agonísticos en el mundo antiguo (Seville) 59–76Google Scholar
Eidinow, E. (2007) Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (Oxford)Google Scholar
Emmerling, T.E. (2012) Studien zu Datierung, Gestalt und Funktion der ‘Kultbauten’ im Zeus-Heiligtum von Dodona (Hamburg)Google Scholar
Evangelidis, D. (1935) ‘Ἠπειρωτικαὶ ἔρευναι, ΙΙ. Ἀνασκαφὴ παρὰ τò Ραδοτόβι’, Epirotika Chronika, 260–6Google Scholar
Evangelidis, D. (1952) ‘ Ἡ ἀνασκαφὴ εἰς Ροδοτόπι ’, Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireias, 306–25Google Scholar
Evangelidis, D. and Dakaris, S.I. (1959) ‘Το ιερόν της Δωδώνης. Α. Ιερά οικία’, Archaiologike Ephemeris, 1194 Google Scholar
Faklari, I. (2008) ‘Γιουργάνιστα. ‘Ιερό’ Αϊ-Λια. Δήμος Μολοσσών, Παλιόκαστρο Δεσποτικού. Θέση Άγ. Γεώργιος’, ADelt 63.Β1, 768–69Google Scholar
Faklari, I. (2022) ‘«Ιερό» ελληνιστικής περιόδου στον Αϊ-Λια Γιουργάνιστας Δήμου Ζίτσας’, in Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Βορειοδυτική Eλλάδα και τα νησιά του Ιονίου, Ιωάννινα, 23–26.11.2017 (Athens) 185–96Google Scholar
Funke, P., Moustakis, N. and Hochschulz, B. (2004) ‘Epeiros’, in M.H. Hansen and T.H. Nielsen (eds), An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis (Oxford) 338–50Google Scholar
Georgoudi, St. (1998) ‘Les portes-paroles des dieux. Réflexions sur le personnel des oracles grecs’, in I. Chirassi Colombo and T. Seppilli (eds), Sibille e linguaggi oracolari (Pisa-Roma) 315–65Google Scholar
Georgoulas, G. (2016) ‘Η ιερά οικία και τα λατρευτικά οικοδομήματα’, in St. Eleutheratou and K.I. Soueref (eds), Δωδώνη. Το μαντείο των ήχων (Athens) 4647Google Scholar
Georgoulas, G. (2023) ‘Η εθνική προέλευση των προσκυνητών της Δωδώνης’, in V.N. Papadopoulou and E.D. Vasileiou (eds), Δωδώνη. Τα χρηστήρια ελάσματα, 5659Google Scholar
Georgoulas, G. and Skalisti, E. (2022) ‘Τα ιερά’, in V.N. Papadopoulou (ed.), Μολοττίς. Αρχαιολογικός άτλαντας των θέσεων της περιοχής των Ιωαννίνων (Ioannina) 103–09Google Scholar
Gerogiannis, G.M. (2021) L’Epiro dei Molossi. Difesa e gestione del territorio (Catania)Google Scholar
Gorrini, M.A. and Zizza, C. (2018) ‘Pyrrhus: hero founder and healer in Dodona?’, in M.P. Castiglioni, R. Carboni, M. Giuman and H. Bernier-Farella (eds), Héros fondateurs et identités communautaires dans l’Antiquité entre mythe, rite et politique, Quaderni di Otium collana di studi di archeologia e antichità classiche, 201–29Google Scholar
Gravani, K. (2014) ‘Αρχαιολογικές μαρτυρίες από τα Γιάννενα: η ανασκαφική έρευνα στην Πανεπιστημιούπολη Δουρούτης’, in Πρακτικά συνεδρίου το Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων και τα Γιάννενα, 29–31.03.2013 (Ioannina) 247–61Google Scholar
Gravani, K. (2016) ‘Η πολιτική Δωδώνη. Ο πολιτικός μετασχηματισμός, το πρυτανείο και το βουλευτήριο’, in K.I. Soueref (ed.), Δωδώνη Διαχρονική. Παρελθόν, παρόν και μέλλον του αρχαίου θεάτρου και του αρχαιολογικού χώρου, 1 η Eνημερωτική ημερίδα, Ιωάννινα, 8 Μαρτίου 2014 (Ioannina) 173–77Google Scholar
Gravani, K. and Katsikoudis, N. (2019) ‘Το Νεκρομαντείο στον Αχέροντα. Προτάσεις ερμηνείας’, in Y. Chouliaras and G. Pliakou (eds), ΘEΣΠΡΩΤΙΑ Ι. Πρακτικά του Α΄ Αρχαιολογικού και Ιστορικού συνεδρίου για τη Θεσπρωτία, Ηγουμενίτσα, 8–11 Δεκεμβρίου 2016, vol. 1 (Ioannina) 135–60Google Scholar
Hammond, N.G.L. (1967) Epirus: The Geography, the Ancient Remains, the History and the Topography of Epirus and Adjacent Areas (Oxford)Google Scholar
Kanta-Kitsou, E. (2008) Gitana Thesprotia: Archaeological Guide (Athens)Google Scholar
Kaponis, A. (2020) Οι κορινθιακές αποικίες περί τον Αμβρακικό κόλπο από την ίδρυσή τους έως και την εποχή του Φιλίππου Β (dissertation, University of Athens)Google Scholar
Karampatzakis, P. and Zafranas, V. (2009) ‘Did Hades accept visitors? The acoustical properties of the underground crypt of the Acheron necromanteion Preveza Greece’, in 15th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists (15–20 September, Riva del Garda, Trento, Italy) (Trento) 111Google Scholar
Katsadima, I. (1997) ‘Ανασκαφικές εργασίες. Νομός Ιωαννίνων. Νέα Μουσιωτίτσα. Θέση Παλαιόχανο’, ADelt 52.B2, 559Google Scholar
Katsikoudis, N. (1997) ‘Μαρτυρίες για την ηγεμονική προβολή του Πύρρου στο ιερό της Δωδώνης’, Δωδώνη ΚΣΤ΄, 255–86Google Scholar
Katsikoudis, N. (2001) ‘Eνεπίγραφο ανάγλυφο από την Πασσαρώνα’, Archaiologike Ephemeris, 206–16Google Scholar
Katsikoudis, N. (2019) ‘The stoas of the sanctuary at Dodona’, in E.C. Partida and B. Schmidt-Dounas (eds), Listening to the Stones: Essays on Architecture and Function in Ancient Greek Sanctuaries in Honour of Richard Alan Tomlinson (Oxford) 29–37Google Scholar
Katsikoudis, N. (2020) ‘Η απαρχή των Νάϊων και η συνάφεια του αγώνος στο Ιερό της Δωδώνης’, in Δόσις Αμφιλαφής. Τιμητικός τόμος για την ομότιμη καθηγήτρια Κατερίνα Συνοδινού (Ioannina) 161–96Google Scholar
Kittelä, S.I. (2013) ‘Dodona and Neoptolmus: heroic genealogies and claims of ethnicity’, in M. Kajava (ed.), Studies in Ancient Oracles and Divinations (Rome) 29–47Google Scholar
Kleitsas, Ch. (2010) ‘Κτίσματα Πωγωνίου. Μια αρχαία θέση στα ελληνοαλβανικά σύνορα’, Epirotika Chronika 44, 219–61Google Scholar
Kontogianni, Th. (2006) ΚΑΣΣΩΠΗ. Συνοπτικός οδηγός του αρχαιολογικού χώρου (Ioannina)Google Scholar
Kotjambopoulou, E. (2018) ‘Eκθέτοντας το «Νεκρομαντείο» στον Αχέροντα: μύθοι, πραγματικότητες και χρήσεις του αρχαιολογικού αποθέματος της Ηπείρου’, in K.I. Soueref (ed.), Μουσειακοί χώροι στον εικοστό πρώτο αιώνα. Πρακτικές διάδρασης (Athens) 103–19Google Scholar
Lang, F. (2019) ‘Architectural practice and the distinctiveness of sacred sites’, in E.C. Partida and B. Schmidt-Dounas (eds), Listening to the Stones: Essays on Architecture and Function in Ancient Greek Sanctuaries in Honour of Richard Alan Tomlinson (Oxford) 38–53Google Scholar
Lazari, K., Tzorzatou, A. and Kountouri, K. (2008) Δυμόκαστρο Θεσπρωτίας. Αρχαιολογικός Οδηγός (Athens)Google Scholar
Lhôte, E. (2006) Les Lamelles oraculaires de Dodone (Geneva)Google Scholar
Liampi, K. (2017) ‘Ἄπειρος’, in Σπείρα. Eπιστημονική συνάντηση προς τιμήν της Αγγέλικας Ντούζουγλη και του Κωνσταντίνου Ζάχου. Πρακτικά (Athens) 279–94Google Scholar
Luce, J.M. (2010) ‘Homère, les sanctuaires et les temps’, Gaia 13, 955 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lyrou, F. (2009) Οικοδομήματα πολιτικού χαρακτήρα στη βορειοδυτική Eλλάδα κατά την αρχαιότητα: πρυτανεία - βουλευτήρια - αρχεία (dissertation, University of Ioannina)Google Scholar
Mancini, L. (2013a) ‘Templi, thesauroi, “temples-trésors”. Note sull’ edilizia templare non periptera nei santuari dell’ Epiro ellenistico’, Ocnus. Quaderni della Scuola di Specializzazione in Beni Archeologici 21, 7599 Google Scholar
Mancini, L. (2013b) ‘Da Eracle a Zeus. Suggerimenti per una rilettura globale del ‘Naiskos A’ di Dodona’, Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente 91, III.13, 335–68Google Scholar
Mancini, L. (2016) ‘Note sulla diffusione della forma periptera nell’Epiro indigeno a par tire dal tempio di Rodotopi (Molossia)’, in F. Longo, R. di Cesare and S. Privitera (eds), ΔΡΟΜΟΙ. Studi sul mondo antico offerti a Emanuele Greco dagli allievi della Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene (Paestum) 785–97Google Scholar
Mancini, L. (2017) ‘Il santuario dell’ “Acropoli A” di Dymokastro in Tesprozia (Epiro)’, Dialoghi sull’Archeologia della Magna Grecia e del Mediterraneo I.2, 323–34Google Scholar
Mancini, L. (2018) ‘Considerazioni sulla forma architettonica del tempio cosiddetto “di Zeus Areios” a Rodotopi (Ioannina)’, in J.-L. Lamboley, L. Përzhita and A. Skenderaj (eds), L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans l’Antiquité VI (Tirana, 20–23 Mai 2015) (Paris) 677–93Google Scholar
Mancini, L. (2019) ‘The sacred landscape of ancient Thesprotia in the light of the case of the sanctuary of the Acropolis Aat Dymokastro: functional aspects and architectural layout’, in Y. Chouliaras and G. Pliakou (eds), ΘEΣΠΡΩΤΙΑ Ι. Πρακτικά του Α΄ Αρχαιολογικού και Ιστορικού συνεδρίου για τη Θεσπρωτία, Ηγουμενίτσα, 8–11 Δεκεμβρίου 2016, vol. 1 (Ioannina) 161–75Google Scholar
Mancini, L. (2021) Edilizia di culto presso gli ethne dell’ Epiro. Architettura e paesaggi del sacro alla periferia nord-occidentale della Grecia (Rome)Google Scholar
Marinatos, N. (1993) ‘What were Greek sanctuaries? Asynthesis’, in N. Marinatos and R. Hägg (eds), Greek Sanctuaries: New Approaches (London)Google Scholar
Meyer, E. (2013) The Inscriptions of Dodona and a New History of Molossia (Stuttgart)CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Meyer, E. (2015) ‘Molossia and Epeiros’, in H. Beck and P. Funke (eds), Federalism in Greek Antiquity (Cambridge) 297–318CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moustakis, N. (2006) Heiligtümer als politische Zentren. Untersuchungen zu den multidimensionalen Wirkungsgebieten von polisübergreifenden Heiligtümern im antiken Epirus (Munich)Google Scholar
Nakas, I. (2016) ‘Isolated towers in the fortification network of ancient Molossia: a case study’, in R. Frederiksen, M. Schnelle, S. Muth and P. Schneider (eds), Focus on Fortifications: New Research on Fortifications in the Ancient Mediterranean and the Near East (Oxford) 446–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Niarou, M. (2015) ‘Ο Ναός του Απόλλωνα’, in V.N. Papadopoulou (ed.), Αμβρακία. Η πόλη και τα μνημεία της (Arta) 29–35Google Scholar
Ogden, D. (2001) Greek and Roman Necromancy (Princeton)Google Scholar
Oikonomides, A. (1987) ‘The inscriptions of two dedications by Epirot royalty’, in P. Cabanes (ed.), L’ Illyrie méridionale et l’ Épire dans l’ Antiquité (Clermont-Ferrand) 121–24Google Scholar
Papadopoulou, V. (ed.) (2017) Αμβρακία. Τα νεότερα ανασκαφικά ευρήματα. Κατάλογος περιοδικής έκθεσης, Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Άρτας (Arta)Google Scholar
Piccinini, J. (2016) ‘Renaissance or decline? The shrine of Dodona in the Hellenistic period’, in M. Melfi and O. Bobou (eds), Hellenistic Sanctuaries Between Greece and Rome (Oxford) 152–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Piccinini, J. (2017) The Shrine of Dodona in the Archaic and Classical Ages: AHistory (Macerata)Google Scholar
Pliakou, G. (2007) Το Λεκανοπέδιο των Ιωαννίνων και η ευρύτερη περιοχή της Μολοσσίας στην Κεντρική Ήπειρο. Αρχαιολογικά κατάλοιπα, οικιστική οργάνωση και οικονομία (dissertation, University of Thessaloniki)Google Scholar
Pliakou, G. (2010) ‘Sanctuaires de divinités féminines et culte d’Artémis en Épire centrale’, in M. Dufeu-Muller, S. Huysecom-Haxhi and A. Muller (eds), Artémis à Epidamne-Dyrrhachion. Une mise en perspective. Table-ronde internationale, Athènes, 19–20 novembre 2010, BCH 134, 414–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pliakou, G. (2011) ‘Searching for the seat of Aeacids. “Eἰώθεισαν οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐν Πασσαρῶνι, χωρίῷ τῆς Μολοττίδος”’, in G. De Sensi Sestito and M. Intrieri (eds), Sulla rotta per la Sicilia. L’Epiro, Corcira e l’Occidente (Diabaseis 2) (Pisa) 89–108Google Scholar
Pliakou, G. (2018) ‘The basin of Ioannina in central Epirus, northwestern Greece, from the Early Iron Age to the Roman period’, AR 64, 133–51Google Scholar
Preka-Alexandri, K. (1997) ‘Νομός Θεσπρωτίας’, ADelt 52.2, 609–28Google Scholar
Preka-Alexandri, K. (2018) ‘Λατρείες στα Γίτανα. Η λατρεία της Θέμιτος’, in Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Βορειοδυτική Eλλάδα και τα νησιά του Ιονίου, Ιωάννινα, 10–13 Δεκεμβρίου 2014 (Athens) 309–18Google Scholar
Preka-Alexandri, K. (2019) ‘Γίτανα’, in Y. Chouliaras and G. Pliakou (eds), ΘEΣΠΡΩΤΙΑ Ι. Πρακτικά του Α΄ Αρχαιολογικού και Ιστορικού συνεδρίου για τη Θεσπρωτία, Ηγουμενίτσα, 8-11 Δεκεμβρίου 2016, vol. 1 (Ioannina) 177–91Google Scholar
Preka-Alexandri, K. and Nakasis, A. (2018) ‘The temple of the Parthenos at Gitana’, in P. Cabanes and J.-L. Lamboley (eds), L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans l’Antiquité IV. Actes du IVème Colloque International de Grenoble, 10–12 octobre 2002 (Paris) 737–52Google Scholar
Quantin, F. (1999), ‘Aspects épirotes de la vie religieuse antique’, Revue des études grecques 112, 6198 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Quantin, F. (2008) ‘Les oikoi, Zeus Naios et les Naia’, Kernos 21, 948 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Quantin, F. (2010) ‘Artémis en Épire, en Illyrie méridionale et dans les colonies Nord-occidentales’, in M. Dufeu-Muller, S. Huysecom-Haxhi and A. Muller (eds), Artémis à Epidamne-Dyrrhachion. Une mise en perspective. Table-ronde internationale, Athènes, 19–20 novembre 2010, BCH 134, 432–40Google Scholar
Quantin, F. (2024) ‘Divine configuration and “Pantheons”: some assemblages of Theoi in north-western Greece’, in A. Alamidis, and C. Bonnet (eds), What’s in a Divine Name? Religious Systems and Human Agency in the Ancient Mediterranean (Berlin) 413–34Google Scholar
Raynor, B. (2017) ‘Alexander Iof Molossia and the creation of Apeiros’, Chiron 47, 243–70Google Scholar
Riginos, G. (1998) ‘Νομός Θεσπρωτίας’, ADelt 53.2, 527–46Google Scholar
Riginos, G. (2008) ‘Αμβρακία’, in Οδηγός Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Άρτας (Athens)Google Scholar
Riginos, G. and Lazari, K. (2007) Eλέα Θεσπρωτίας. Αρχαιολογικός οδηγός του χώρου & της ευρύτερης περιοχής (Athens)Google Scholar
Riginos, G., Lazari, K., Lamprou, V. and Tzorzatou, A. (2018) ‘New archaeological data from the main Classical-Hellenistic fortified settlements of Thesprotia after the enhancement works of the last decade’, in J.-L. Lamboley, L. Përzhita and A. Skënderaj (eds), L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans l’ Antiquité VI. Actes du VIème Colloque International de Tirana, 20–30 mai 2015 (Paris) 753–63Google Scholar
Rinaldi, E. (2020) Agorai ed edilizia pubblica civile nell’Epiro di età ellenistica (Bologna)Google Scholar
Skalisti, E. and Georgoulas, G. (2014) ‘Ιερό Δωδώνης. Διαμορφώνοντας τη σύγχρονη εικόνα’, in K.I. Soueref (ed.), Δωδώνη Διαχρονική. Παρελθόν, παρόν και μέλλον του αρχαίου θεάτρου και του αρχαιολογικού χώρου, 1 η Eνημερωτική ημερίδα, Ιωάννινα, 8 Μαρτίου 2014 (Ioannina) 93102Google Scholar
Suha, M. (2021) Late Classical-Hellenistic Fortifications in Epirus: Fourth to Second Century BC (dissertation, University of Helsinki)Google Scholar
Svana, I. (2004) ‘Une agglomération rurale d’époque hellénistique dans la plaine de Paramythia en Thesprôtie’, in P. Cabanes and J.-L. Lambole (eds), L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans l’Antiquité IV. Actes du IVème Colloque International de Grenoble, 10–12 octobre 2002 (Paris) 209–13Google Scholar
Svana, I. (2009) ‘The rural sanctuary at Kyra Panagia’, in B. Forsén (ed.), Thesprotia Expedition I: Towards a Regional History (Papers and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens XV) (Helsinki) 8996Google Scholar
Tzortzatou, A. and Fatsiou, L. (2009) ‘New Early Iron age and Archaic sites in Thesprotia’, in B. Forsén (ed.), Thesprotia Expedition I: Towards a Regional History (Papers and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens XV) (Helsinki) 3953Google Scholar
Tzouvara-Souli, Chr. (1979) Η λατρεία των γυναικείων θεοτήτων εις την αρχαίαν Ήπειρον (dissertation, University of Ioannina)Google Scholar
Tzouvara-Souli, Chr. (1984) ‘Η λατρεία του Απόλλωνος Αγυιέως στην Ήπειρο’, Δωδώνη 13, 427–42Google Scholar
Tzouvara-Souli, Chr. (1992) Αμβρακία. Μελέτες για την Άρτα Ι (Arta)Google Scholar
Tzouvara-Souli, Chr. (1994) ‘Λατρείες στην Κασσώπη’, in Ch. Tzouvara-Souli, A. Vlachopoulou-Oikonomou and K. Gravani-Katsiki (eds), Φηγός. Τιμητικός τόμος για τον καθηγητή Σωτήρη Δάκαρη (Ioannina) 107–35Google Scholar
Tzouvara-Souli, Chr. (2019) ‘Η λατρεία στο Νεκυομαντείο του Αχέροντα’, in Y. Chouliaras and G. Pliakou (eds), ΘEΣΠΡΩΤΙΑ Ι. Πρακτικά του Α΄ Αρχαιολογικού και Ιστορικού συνεδρίου για τη Θεσπρωτία, Ηγουμενίτσα, 8–11 Δεκεμβρίου 2016, vol. 1 (Ioannina) 121–33Google Scholar
Vasileiou, E. (2008) ‘Η Δωδώνη κατά τους Προϊστορικούς Χρόνους’, in K.L. Zachos (ed.), Το Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Ιωαννίνων (Ioannina) 137–41Google Scholar
Vasileiou, E. (2016) ‘Η λατρευτική παράδοση’, in St. Eleutheratou and K.I. Soueref (eds), Δωδώνη. Το μαντείο των ήχων (Athens) 4142Google Scholar
Vasileiou, E. (2019) ‘Η διττή φύση της λατρείας του Δία στην Ήπειρο’, in K.I. Soueref and A. Gartziou-Tatti (eds), Θεοί της Eιρήνης και του Πολέμου στους μύθους των λαών της Μεσογείου, Πρακτικά Συνεδρίου (Ioannina) 113–28Google Scholar
Vasileiou, E. (2020) ‘Revisiting prebuilding Dodona’, Documenta Praehistorica XLVII, 404–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Verdélis, N. (1949) ‘Vases en bronze de Metsovo’, BCH 73, 1928 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vlachopoulou-OIkonomou, A. (2016) ‘H αρχιτεκτονική σύνθεση του Ιερού της Δωδώνης’, in K.I. Soueref (ed.), Δωδώνη Διαχρονική. Παρελθόν, Παρόν και Μέλλον του αρχαίου Θεάτρου και του Αρχαιολογικού Χώρου, 1 η Eνημερωτική ημερίδα, Ιωάννινα, 8 Μαρτίου 2014 (Ioannina) 2729Google Scholar
Vokotopoulou, I. (1969) ‘Υστεροαρχαικός ναός εις Άρταν’, Athens Annals of Archaeology 2, 3943 Google Scholar
Vokotopoulou, I. (1975) ‘Le trésor de vases de bronze de Votonosi’, BCH 99, 729–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Voulgaraki, K. (2017) ‘Το νεκρομαντείο του Αχέροντα. Παλαιές ταυτίσεις, πρόσφατες θεωρίες, νέες ερμηνείες’, EULIMENE 17, 99140 Google Scholar
Zachos, K.L. (2016) ‘Eνότητα 4.1. Λατρεία. Λήμματα 3–27’, in K.I. Soueref (ed.), Αρχαιολογία του λεκανοπεδίου Ιωαννίνων. Από τις απαρχές ως την ύστερη αρχαιότητα (Ioannina) 101–7Google Scholar
Figure 0

Map 5.1. 1. Ambracia; 2. Cassope; 3. Dodona; 4. Dourouti; 5. Dymokastro; 6. Elea; 7. Giourganista; 8. Gitana; 9. Koudounotrypa; 10. Ktismata; 11. Kyra Panagia; 12. Mastilitsa; 13. Mousiotitsa; 14. Nekromanteion; 15. Pesta; 16. Psina; 17. Rachi Platanias; 18. Vaxia; 19. Votonosi.

Figure 1

Fig. 5.1. Aerial view of the temple of Apollo, Ambracia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Arta.

Figure 2

Fig. 5.2. Group of findings from the Koudounotrypa cave, Archaeological Museum of Arta. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Arta.

Figure 3

Fig. 5.3. Aerial view of the Sanctuary of Dodona. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

Figure 4

Fig. 5.4. Layout of the Sanctuary of Dodona. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

Figure 5

Fig. 5.5a. Aerial view of the temple of Areius Zeus, Rhodotopi. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

Figure 6

Fig. 5.5b. Layout of the temple of Areius Zeus, Rhodotopi. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

Figure 7

Fig. 5.6. Topographical plan of the Sanctuary of Dourouti. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Ioannina.

Figure 8

Fig. 5.7. The temple of Aphrodite, Cassope Preveza. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Preveza.

Figure 9

Fig. 5.8. The ‘Hall of the Underworld’, Nekromanteion, Preveza. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Preveza.

Figure 10

Fig. 5.9. Aerial view of the temple at Mastilitsa. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Figure 11

Fig. 5.10. Layout of the temple at Kyra Panagia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Figure 12

Fig. 5.11. The temple of Themis, Gitana Thesprotia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Figure 13

Fig. 5.12. The ‘Small Temple’, temple of Parthenos Thesprotia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Figure 14

Fig. 5.13. The oikoi, Acropolis A, Dymokastro Thesprotia. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Figure 15

Fig. 5.14. The ‘Shrine’, Acropolis B, Dymokastro. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.

Figure 16

Fig. 5.15. The small temple at Elea. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia.