^{page 391 note a} Annual of the British School at Athens, No. vi. p. 82, seqq.

^{page 391 note b} From Tomb 4.

^{page 392 note a} From Tomb 3.

^{page 392 note b} Op. cit. p. 82, No. 1. The tomb had been originally closed by a door of dry walling.

^{page 392 note c} Mr. Hogarth concludes (op. cit. p. 85): “The native diggers seem never to have found graves earlier than Geometric; and after a two months' search I fear I leave the solution of the Knossian cemetery problem but little advanced.”

^{page 393 note a} E.g. the chamber-tomb of Anoja Messaritika described by (Mon. Ant. i. (1890), 6).Google Scholar

^{page 393 note b} At Primes, Taramelli, A., Ricerche archeologiche Cretesi: Mon. Ant. ix. (1899), 49Google Scholar; Palaikastro, Bosanquet, B. S. A. viii. 304Google Scholar; Milatos, Orsi, op. cit. 10Google Scholar; Praesos, Bosanquet, B. S. A. viii. 251, 252.Google Scholar

^{page 393 note c} Those, for instance, of the Lower Town at Mycenae, cf. Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Apx. 1889, p. 121 seqq. οί θάλαμοι είναι είδ τύ πλεϊστον τετμάγωνοι (p. 128). Cf. 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1891, p. 2 seqq. The round form is, however, also found. See and Mycenæan Age, 135.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 393 note d} , B. S. A. viii. 245, 246.Google Scholar

^{page 393 note e} , Necropoli di Phaestos, 31, fig. 17. This tomb was, however, of an exceptional ocharacter, since it included a second chamber of pentagonal form.Google Scholar

^{page 394 note a} See below, figs. 104a and 104b.

^{page 394 note b} See below, fig. 84.

^{page 394 note c} One of these was excavated by Professor Halbherr at Hagia Triada in 1904. See Memorie del r. Institute Lombardo, 1905. Others have now been brought to light by the Cretan Ephor of Antiquities, Dr. Stephanos Xanthoudides, at Kumasa. The objects contained in these primitive tholi belong to what I have elsewhere defined as the Second and Third Early-Minoan Periods, which precede the great age of the Cretan Palaces. There can be no doubt that the Hagios Onouphrios deposit (Cretan Pietographs, etc., Quaritch, London, 1905, p. 105 seqq.) represents the contents of an ossuary tholos of this early class.Google Scholar

^{page 396 note a} These sepulchral chests were first described by Paolo Orsi (from materials supplied by Balbherr, Federico) in his Urne Funebri Cretesi (Mon. Ant. i. 1890).Google Scholar

^{page 398 note a} , Time Funebri Cretesi, Tav. ii. and p. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 399 note a} , Antichità Cretesi (Mon. Ant. vi. 203)Google Scholar. Cf. too American Journal of Archæolngy, v. (1901), 304.Google Scholar

^{page 399 note b} S. Xanthoudides, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1904, p. 12 seqq, has rightly insisted on this fact. That some were made specially for sepulchral purposes is, however, shown by the holes below for drainage.

^{page 399 note c} Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1891, p. 7 seqq.; , Grèce Primitive, p. 678seqq.Google Scholar

^{page 399 note d} The Palace of Knossos in its Egyptian Relations (Arch. Report of Egypt Expl. Fund, 1901), 3.Google Scholar

^{page 400 note a} The Palace of Knossos in Us Egyptian Relations (Arch. Report of Egypt Expl. Fund, 1901), 3.Google Scholar

^{page 400 note b} , B. S. A. viii. 297seqq. and pl. xviii. The introduction of these Egyptian elements does not, however, detract from the religious significance of the indigenous features, such as the sacral horns and double axes, of this sarcophagus. Minoan religious art was accretive, and in Crete, as in contemporary Syria, such hieratic forms, taken over from the land of fixed and immemorial religious tradition, became part of its common stock.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 400 note c} 'FΦ 'Aρχ. P. 6 seqq. and fig. 1 (reproduced in fig. 5 above).

^{page 403 note a} The dimensions of these were: No. 1, 1·35 long by ·57 wide by 27 thick; No. 2, 1· 20 long by ·55 wide by 27 thick; No. 3, 1·27 long by ·56 wide by 27 thick; No. 4, 1·19 long by ·50 wide by 33 thick.

^{page 400 note b} They belong to a class of signs which in the later Palace are seen only on re-used blocks, They are also found at Phaestos. (Pernier, L., Scavi della Missione Italiana a Phaestos, 1900-1901. p. 90, Nos. 9 and 15). No. 1 also occurs in the pictographic script.Google Scholar

^{page 405 note a} Taramelli, A, Notes on the Necropolis of Courtes (American Journal of Archaeology, v. (1901), 294seqq. and 297, 298 (figs. 1 and 2).Google Scholar

^{page 405 note b} These early Cypriote pit-caves were first described by , Mitth. d. d. arch. Inst. in Athen, 1880, p. 210seqq. For numerous examples see Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, etc. pl. clxvii-CLXXV.Google Scholar

^{page 406 note a} I have seen tombs of this class near Beja (Vacca). The pits were square, the side cavities had in several cases been enlarged for later uses. Some of these tombs were excavated by Vincent, Captain (Bulletin de l'Académic d'Hippone, xvii.).Google Scholar

^{page 406 note b} See especially Mauceri, L., Annali, etc. 1880, 1 seqq.Google Scholar (Districts of Licata and Canicatti). For the identity of the early ceramic types of south-western Sicily with those of the south-east, see , Bull, di Paletnologia, 1895, p. 80seqq. and cf. 1897, p. 1 seqq.Google Scholar

^{page 406 note c} , Notizie degli Scavi, 1880, p. 357, and tav. x. These tombs were on the extensive plain of Ciachia, and as Colini (Bull, di Paletn. 1904, p. 176) points out, the well form of access was here conditioned by the flat character of the surface.Google Scholar

^{page 407 note a} Colini. loc. cit.

^{page 407 note b} See Patroni, G., Un vilaggio siculo a Matera nell 'antica Apulia (Mon. Ant. 1898, p. 417seqq.; cf. figs. 24, 25).Google Scholar

^{page 411 note a} Some of the legs for instance may have been more bent than is shown in the rough indications of skeletons in the plans of tombs given below. These indications, it should be observed, are only intended to have a diagrammatic value, the skeletons being in almost all cases reduced to too pulverised a condition to admit of any exact delineation.

^{page 411 note b} Mr. C. H. Hawes, who has been carrying out extensive craniological observations in Crete on behalf of the British Association, has kindly consented to examine the skulls from this cemetery and from the Royal Tomb.

^{page 416 note a} Vollgraff, however, loc. cit. has recognised its true signification.

^{page 421 note a} Knossos: Report, 1904. B. S. A. x. 61Google ScholarPubMed. Eight similar arrow-heads, varying in length from 38 centimetres to 1·8 centimetre, were found in a tomb at Phaestos (Savignoni, , Necropoli di Phaestos, 41, fig. 21). In a tomb of the Lower Town at Mycenae, Dr. Tsountas found twenty similar arrow-heads in two bundles of ten each (Mycenæan Age, 206).Google Scholar

^{page 426 note a} Similar plaster tripods were found in the Palace at Knossos, one in the Shrine of the Double Axes, perhaps used as a stand for offerings of food.

^{page 426 note b} See post.

^{page 426 note c} Nos. 9, 32, 95, 97. See fig. 46.

^{page 428 note a} Compare the silver chest of Vetulonia (Vetulonia, Tar. xii.).Google Scholar

^{page 429 note a} op. cit. 50, fig. 30.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 429 note b} op. cit. 47, fig. 29.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 429 note c} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1888, pl. ix. 24, and p. 137. From Tomb 2.

^{page 430 note a} 55 centimetres high, Dawkins, R. M., B. S. A. x. 208.Google Scholar

^{page 431 note a} Mon. Ant. 1903, 10.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 431 note b} Necropoli di Phaestos, 44, fig. 25.Google Scholar

^{page 434 note a} EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1888, pl. ix. 17.

^{page 444 note a} op. cit. 28, and 47, fig. 48.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 444 note b} op. cit. 28, and 47, fig. 29.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 448 note a} Tsountas, 'Φ. Apx. 1888, plate ix. 4, p. 139.

^{page 457 note a} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1888, pl. viii. 12, and of. Homerische Waffen, p. 120seqq..Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 462 note a} Mound of Many Cities, 79, figs. 126, 127.Google Scholar

^{page 464 note a} Report, 1903, p. 137, fig. 87a.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 464 note b} Ibid. p. 124, 125, figs. 77, 78. The parallel, however, is much closer than, can be made out from these figures.

^{page 466 note a} Necropoli di Phaestos, 100–102.Google Scholar

^{page 466 note b} Ball, de Corr. hell, 1904, p. 383seqq, fig. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 466 note c} Mycenae, 107, fig. 162.

^{page 468 note a} Catalogue of the Cyprus Museum, 970.Google Scholar

^{page 475 note a} Ett fynd från Athens akropolis, 4, fig 3Google Scholar

^{page 475 note b} One is in the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 479 note a} Necropoli di Phaestos, 47, fig. 26.

^{page 480 note a} Manual of Egyptian Archæolony, 306, figs. 276, 277.Google Scholar

^{page 483 note a} Strabo xii. 8 (5), and xiv. 1 (6), who cites Ephorus. Sarpedon was said to have led the Cretan colonists.

^{page 483 note b} Iliad, ii. 647Google Scholar.

^{page 483 note c} Urne funebri Cretesi (Mon. Ant. 1890), 10, 11, and Tav. ii. 1 and 2.Google Scholar

^{page 488 note a} Compare the one-handled gold cup, Mycenae, 234,fig. 249.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 488 note b} Length and breadth measurements were taken along the cornice in the case of both larnakes.

^{page 489 note a} In the illustration of this design given in my Mycenæan Tree and Pillar Cult, 74, fig. 50, the edge of the shield is represented with a double curve as in the case of the ordinary Mycenæan shield. Further examination of the traces of painting on the larnax has, however, made it clear that there exists a third curve below. The design is here reproduced (fig. 107) from a corrected drawing by Mr. C. Prætorius.

^{page 490 note a} Mycenæn Tree and Pillar Cult, 74.

^{page 490 note b} Compare especially the fresco of a female figure from the Queen's Megaron. Report, 1902. (B. S. A., viii. 55, fig. 28.)Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 490 note c} B. S. A., viii. 297 seqq. and plates xviii. and xix.

^{page 490 note d} Larori eseguiti dalla Missione Archeologica italiana (Rendiconti della r. Acad. dei Lincei, 1903, p. 29seqq.).Google Scholar

^{page 490 note e} See my Mycenæan Tree and Pillar Cult, 24 and 81 seqq.

^{page 492 note a} S. Xanthoudides, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1904, p. 22 seqq. and p. 27, fig. 5 (the last vase but one to the right). Another stirrup-vase from the same tomb shows closely allied ornamentation.

^{page 492 note b} For the importance of these Mulianà tombs in this connection, see my remarks below.

^{page 492 note c} Op. cit. pl. 1.

^{page 494 note a} See and Mycenxan Age, 147.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 495 note a} In and Mycenæan Age, 147, it is noticed that out of “sixty odd tombs” of the Lower Town no swords and only a single spear-head were obtained. This statement was published in 1897, but already by that year Dr. Tsountas had opened some thirty more tombs, the contents of which go far to make up for the paucity of weapons in the earlier explored group. Remains of eight short swords were found in these, distributed among Tombs 78, 81, 88, and 91. (Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1897, p. 104 seqq.) Anothe r rich tomb opened in 1899 contained a white faience sword hilt. See below.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 495 note b} The shoulders of 44a, which had been broken off, are not shown in the photograph from which fig. 109 is taken.

^{page 495 note c} E.g. Mycenae, 306, No. 466, “Grave I.,” and 283, No. 449, “Grave IV.”Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 496 note a} See the sword fragment reproduced by Müller, Sophus, L'origine de l'Age de Bronze en Europe, 9, fig. 14 (Matériaux, etc. 1886), and the dagger blade, op. cit. 11, fig. 17.Google Scholar

^{page 496 note b} It is mentioned m my Report, Knossos, 1900, p. 41.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 496 note c} Necropoli di Phaestos, 39, figs. 20, 20a.Google Scholar

^{page 496 note d} The same characteristic foliate ornament is engraved on either side of the stem of a fragment of a sword blade from one of the Acropolis tombs at Mycenae. Müller, Sophus, op. cit. 7, fig. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 496 note e} Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1897, pl. 8 (2), pp. 107-8.

^{page 497 note a} For a preliminary account of this cemetery, see Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1904, pp. 320 seqq.

^{page 497 note b} E.g. the decadent triton shell ornament, in a stage resembling that seen on the vase from Milatos. (See above, fig. 106s.)

^{page 497 note c} A curved bronze sword or scimitar of Egyptian type was found in the same grave (op. cit. p. 335, fig. 4). Several bronze scimitars of this type are represented on the tomb of Rameses II. (1170 B.C.). But the horned sword type can hardly come down so late in Crete itself.

^{page 497 note d} Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1891, pl. ii. 5, and p. 25; et, Grèce Primitive, 976Google Scholar, fig. 551. A still more decadent variety of this type is seen in a bronze sword in the British Museum (acquired in Corfu). Die ältesie Schwertformen. Z. für Ethnologie, 1890, p. 13, fig. 20.Google Scholar

^{page 498 note a} Undset, , L'Origins de l'Age de Bronze en Europe, Matériaux, etc. 1886, p. 5Google Scholar, tig. 1, p. 7, figs. 6, 8 Naue, J., Die vorröreischen Schicerter, pp. 3, 4, Atlas Taf. III. 3. Schliemann's illustrations of these swords are useless for scientific purposes.Google Scholar

^{page 498 note b} Necropoli sicula di Plemmirio (Siracusa), Bullettino di Paletnologia, 1891, Tav. xi. 4, 8, 16, pp. 121 seqq. 125, 131. Necropoli sicula presso Siracusa, Monumenti Antichi, Vol. ii. Tav. ii. 5, 13, 18, p. 25, seqq. Thapsos, Monumenti Antichi, vol. vi. pp. 121, 122, fig. 31. Nuovi materiali siculi del territorio di Girgenti (Bull, di Pal. 1897, Tav. ii. 1, 2, p. 10 seqq.).

^{page 498 note c} See, for instance, the painted “amphora” from Milocca, Orsi, Bull. di Paletnologia, 1889, p. 206Google Scholar, seqq. Tav. vii. 5, 9, closely resembling types from Talysos, and of late-Mycenaean graves in Cyprus. Other late imported vases of the same class were found in the cemetery of Thapsos (Monumenti Antichi, vol. vi. Tav. iv. 8, 12, Tav. v. 7, 18, 24, etc.) A two-handled cup from Cozzo Pantano (Monumenti Antichi, vol. ii. Tav. i. 2, and pp. 9, 10) shows a design identical with a part of that on a cup of similar foim, from a very late Mycenæan tomb at Haliki in Attica (Mye. Vas. Taf. xviii. 122).Google Scholar

^{page 498 note d} Die vorrömischen Schwerter, p. 9, “Wenn die mykenischen Schachtgräber-Schwerter eine hohe Vollendung bezeugen, so fehlt dieselbe den sikulischen Schwertern, infolgedessen ich nicht glauben kann, dieselben seien in Mykenae angefertigt und von dort nach Sizilien eingeführt worden; vielmehr bin ich der Ansicht dass die sikulischen Schwerter Nachbildungen jener Mykenae-Schwerter sind.” He notices the parallel fact that some of the indigenous Sikel vases were imitated or derived from Mycenræn types.

^{page 499 note a} Mon. Ant. vol. ii. p. 10, Tav. i. 2.

^{page 499 note b} See Mackenzie, D., The Pottery of Knossos, 194, 195, and fig. 11. (J. H. S. xxiii.)Google Scholar

^{page 499 note c} Similar grass designs, but white on a dark ground, are already found on Knossian pottery of the Third Middle Minoan period.

^{page 499 note d} I have already made this comparison in my Report on the Excavations at Knossos, 1903, pp. 87, 89, and 93.Google Scholar

^{page 499 note e} Diod. v. 77, 5.

^{page 500 note a} Wrongly indicated on the figure as 97a.

^{page 500 note b} Πρακτικά, 1899, p. 102.

^{page 500 note c} Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxiv. (1904), p. 322, seqq. and pl. xiii. xiv.Google Scholar

^{page 500 note d} The A for instance. Plaques of similar character occurred in the Room of the Throne (cf. Knossos, Report for 1900, p. 42).Google Scholar For the Royal Faience Manufactory at Knossos see especially Report, 1903, p. 62seqq.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 501 note a} Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1897, pl. 8 (5) and p. 108.

^{page 501 note b} Furtw. u. Myk. Vases, Taf. D. 13.Google Scholar

^{page 501 note c} Op. cit. Taf. D. 11, and p. 8. This sword was found in Grave IV. with painted pottery in the last stage of Mycenaean degeneration (cf. op. cit. Atlas, Taf. iii. 19, 20.) A restoration of the hilt is shown by Naue, Die vorrömischen Schwerter, Atlas, T. v. 4a. The sword is also figured in Undset, Die ältesten Schwertformen, p. 12, fig. 16. Another example, from Corinth, is given op. cit. p. 13, fig. 18.

^{page 501 note d} Mycenae, 164, fig. 238.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 502 note a} See Die vorrömischen Schwerter, p. 10Google Scholar, Taf. v. 3; Die ältesten Schwertfonneu (Z.f. Ethn. 1890, p. 14seqq. fig. 24); Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1897, pl. 8 (4), p. Ill; Dr. Naue, loc. cit., describes a variant form in Professor Flinders Petrie's possession from Thebes in Egypt.Google Scholar

^{page 502 note b} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1904, p. 22 seqq. The swords are reproduced on p. 29, fig. 7. They were from Tomb A, a part of which had been later occupied by a Geometrical interment. There is, however, no doubt from their form and position that the fibulas belonged to the earlier sepulture. In the blades of the swords from this tomb there is visible a slight tendency to assume the leaf-shaped form characteristic of the later class intended for cutting rather than thrust.

^{page 502 note c} Montelius, Civilisation primitive en Italie, lime partie, pl. 348 (4), 252 (1, 2), 276Google Scholar (25 and 27). See Dr. observations, op. cit. pp. 11Google ScholarPubMed, 12 (Taf. vi. 1). A good example from Cuma, together with its sheath, is in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. The type is also found in Sicily. (Ripostiglio di Modica; Bull, di Pal. xxvi, 1899, Tav. xii. 1, 5, pp. 170, 171). It must be observed that the shape of these weapons is considerably differentiated from that of their prototypes. The shoulders of these Italian swords are rounded, and the stem of the hilt widens out at the middle. The links connecting them with the Late-Minoan type described above must be sought elsewhere, presumably in Greece.Google Scholar

^{page 503 note a} For the distribution of this type of sword see especially Naue, J., Die vorrömischen Schwerter, p. 12Google Scholarseqq. For the influence of this bronze type on the iron swords of the Geometrical Period in Cyprus see my remarks in Mycenaean Cyprus, etc. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxx. 1900, p. 218seqq.).Google Scholar

^{page 503 note b} Reinach, S., Mirage Oriental, p. 37Google Scholar (575), and Tsountas (independently), 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1897, p. 119, have shown the fallacy of the theory put forward by Müller, Sophus (Nord. Alterthumskunde, p. 244)Google Scholar and (Z. für Ethn. xxi. 3) that this “Danubian” type of sword had reached its northern habitat through Greece from Egypt.Google Scholar

^{page 503 note c} This is Dr. conclusion, op. cit. p. 15.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 504 note a} La citilta del bronzo in Italia, ii. (Bull, di Paletn. xxxi. (1905), p. 39 and fig. 148, Colini justly regarded this dagger as a Mycenaean importation.Google Scholar

^{page 504 note b} B. S. A. vi. p. 110, fig. 41.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 504 note c} Pantalica e Cassibile (Mon. Ant. ix. Tav. vii. 17).Google Scholar

^{page 504 note d} Montelius, Civilisation primitive en Italie, ll^me Partie, pl. 131 (25).

^{page 504 note e} “Fondi di Capanna” of Bertarina. Montelius, op. cit. I., Série B. pl. 23 (2) (Excavations of A. Santarelli).

^{page 504 note f} Montelius, Civilimtion primitive en Italie, I., Série B. pl. 22 (15) (Terramara di Sant' Ambrogio, Modena); Lake Dwellings, p. 259, fig. 85 (12) (Montale, Modena).Google Scholar

^{page 504 note g} op. cit. I. Série B. pl. 7 (16–18)Google ScholarPubMed; Munro, , Lake Dwellings, p. 225, fig. 65 (13, 14).Google Scholar

^{page 504 note h} Furtw., and Loeschke, , Myk. Vasen, Taf, D. 4, 5.Google Scholar

^{page 504 note l} E.g. at Hagia Triada. and Goumia. A miniature example was procured by me among the votive bronzes of the Dictsean pave.

^{page 504 note i} . and Myk. Vasen, Taf. d. 17, and p. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 505 note a} Op. cit. Atlas, Taf. iii. 19, 20.

^{page 505 note b} Their diameters varied from about 13 centimetres to 18 centimetres.

^{page 505 note c} See Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1887, pl. xiii. A and B, and pp. 170-173; 1888, pl. vii. 6, pl. viii. 14, pp. 145, 147; Chipiez, Perrot et, Grèce primitive, pp. 832, 833.Google Scholar

^{page 505 note d} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1887, p. 169, and pl. xiii. 21 (wrong way up).

^{page 505 note e} See and Mycensean Age, 146.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 506 note a} Necropoli di Phaestos, 45 and 46, fig. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 506 note b} Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1888, pl. ix. 18. The more triangular form, with the exceptionally broad blade found in the large chamber-tomb No. 14 also recurs at Mycenae (ib. pl. ix. 17), and an example was found in a tomb at Artsa in East Crete. Xanthoudides, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1904, p. 19, fig. 3.

^{page 506 note c} The duplex Italian razor of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age, a form also propagated throughout North-West Europe, originated in the linking together of such pairs of razors.

^{page 506 note d} Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. pl. vii. 2, and p. 159 seq. The moustache is shaved off and the beard well trimmed.

^{page 506 note e} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1887, pl. xi.

^{page 506 note f} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1888, pl. vii. 2, and p. 159.

^{page 506 note g} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1888, pl. viii. 12.

^{page 506 note h} Flinders Petrie, Naqada, pl. lix. and compare J. E. Quibell, Hierakonpolis, part i. pl. v. and pl. vi. 1-5. The striking points of resemblance between the two groups of figurines have been rightly insisted on by Dr. Halbherr, Scavi eseguiti a H. Triada, etc. (Memorie del r. Institute Lombardo, 1905, p. 251, and see Tav. xi. fig. 27.)

^{page 507 note a} To be published in my general work on the Palace of Knossos.

^{page 507 note b} It is possible that in the very latest Minoan Period of Crete the Continental fashion may have been imitated. Some late figurines from H. Triada (Man. Ant. xiii. 1903, p. 74, figs. 56, 57) seem to show pointed beards.Google Scholar

^{page 507 note c} In Grave 4 one specimen of each of the two kinds of razor was found.

^{page 507 note d} Furtw. u. Loeschke, , Myh. Vasen, Taf. D, 19, 19.Google Scholar

^{page 507 note e} L'Origine de l'Age de Bronze en Europe, p. 13, fig. 23, and p. 14. Sophus Müller describes it as a knife, but notices its resemblance to some early European razors.

^{page 507 note f} and Naqada and Ballas, pl. lxv. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 507 note g} Evans, J., Ancient Bronze Implements of Great Britain, pp. 216Google Scholar, 217, figs. 265, 268. That from Winterslow had already been recognised by Dr. Thurnam, who published it in Archaeologia, xlii. Plate XXII. fig. 8, as a razor blade. But these British types are very divergent from the Cretan, and have no probable connexion with them. It is possible even that like other British types (Evans, J., op. cit. 218, 219Google Scholar) they are simply late developments of the duplex Italian form. A tanged Sicilian type (Bull, di Paletn. 1905, p. 59, fig. 159), with a two-edged blade rounded at the end, preserves traces of a similar origin. It forms a double blade with a slight indentation at the end.Google Scholar

^{page 508 note a} B. S. A. 1903.

^{page 508 note b} See above, fig. 54.

^{page 508 note c} See above.

^{page 509 note a} Cf. op. cit. 46, 47Google ScholarPubMed.

^{page 509 note b} The tripod vessel of copper found at Mycenae (Schliemann, fig. 440) with its spout and three handles, two horizontal and one vertical, has no such claim.

^{page 509 note c} That from Phaestos has been mentioned above. I obtained another from a Late-Minoan chamber-tomb at Kavusi in East Crete, now in the Candia Museum.

^{page 509 note d} An illustration of what remains of this tablet is given in my Report on the excavations at Knossos in 1903 (B. S. A. ix. 128, fig. 84), but I had not then noticed the significance of this particular item. In its general outline the bowl approaches 14c.

^{page 511 note a} A single example of a painted clay vessel of this kind of Late Palace Style was found in the Royal Villa, B. S. A. 1903.

^{page 512 note a} See below, fig. 142.

^{page 512 note b} 'Φ. 'Aρχ. 1891, pl. ii. 2, etc.

^{page 513 note a} Mycenae, 320, fig. 482, 483. Scliliemann's Grave I.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 515 note a} For the influence of the Palace Style of Knossos on the later pottery of Crete and the area, see especially The Pottery of Knossos, 199, 200. (I. H. S. xxiii)Google Scholar

^{page 515 note b} An example of this round the upper rim of a large painted jar from the Isopata tomb will be seen below, fig. 142b. For this as a fresco decoration see Theodore Fyfe, “Painted Plaster Decoration at Knossos,” Journal R. I. B. A. x. 167, figs. 64-67, there described as “tooth ornament.” It recurs on the hearth of the Megaron of Mycenae. It is also a favourite conventional way of rendering feathers on the wings of sphinxes or griffins.

^{page 515 note c} See op. cit. 129, figs. 70-80Google ScholarPubMed.

^{page 516 note a} Some of the parallels are very close, The festoon pattern of 16 may be compared with that of B. S. A. ix. p. 317, fig. 16 (2). It is itself of Palace origin. The combination of an attenuated foliate band with one of chevrons seen in the three-handled amphora 6a, is repeated in the Palaikastro jug loc. cit. fig. 16 (1).

^{page 516 note b} B. S. A. ix. 316.

^{page 516 note c} E.g. 64b, 70c, and the end of the larnax from Tomb 100. Compare the types given by Petrie, Tell-el-Amarna, pl. xxvii. 33, pl. xxviii. 63, pl. xxx. 125, 126. For the rayed shoots as seen on some of the Tell-el-Amarna fragments (pl. xxvii. 35, 36, xxviii. 67) compare those on the side of the larnax. Certain varieties of the Tell-el-Amarna sprays do not occur in the present cemetery. On the other hand the spray on the stirrup-vase 54a is not found on the Egyptian site: the parallel here shows a certain contemporaneity, but not identity of fabric. The reserved, light on dark, sprays of some of the Tell-el-Amarna fragments (pl. xxvii. 27-34) are remarkable examples of adherence to an archaic tradition.

^{page 516 note d} E.g. 5a, 21_a This is really a truncated version of the former motive. Compare 5a and Tell-el-Amarna, pl. xxviii. 59, pl. xxix. 73.

^{page 517 note a} Only one fragment figured by Petrie in his Tell-el-Amarna, belonging to a globular flask (pl. xxix. no number), shows the foliate ornament in a very degenerate stage. Compare the flask from Palaikastro with similar ornament, Dawkins, B. S. A. ix. 306 and fig. 15, who notes the resemblance to the Tell-el-Amarna fragment.

^{page 518 note a} Mr. Curelly informs me that the corkscrew-like degeneration of the triton shell occurs on the painted Ægenn vase-fragment from Gezer.

^{page 518 note b} For the triton, see Hogarth, B. S. A. vi. 74, fig. 16, and J. H. S. ix. 334, fig. lb, on a Late Palace fragment, and my Report, Knoxsos, 1903, B. S. A. ix. p. 115, fig. 71. In the latter case the shells, perhaps rather argo argonauta than triton, are worked into a triple figure. Other early developments of the same shell occurred on vases from house floors at Knossos.

^{page 518 note c} Xanthoudides, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1904, pl. i. pp. 43, 44.

^{page 518 note d} Compare a vase of this type from Egypt with marine decoration of the Second Late-Minoan Period. et, Grèce Primitive, 925, fig. 485.Google Scholar

^{page 519 note a} Evans, A. J., Report, Knossos, 1900, p. 41. The prototypes of these may be sought in a baggy form of Egyptian alabaster vases, characteristic of the Middle Empire, which survives into the early part of the Eighteenth Dynasty.Google Scholar

^{page 519 note b} Two specimens occurred in this grave in a very fragmentary state. They were decorated with a kind of rockwork design, typical of the Late-Minoan II. class. Fragments of a small three-handled amphora with plant designs of the Palace Style were found in the same tomb.

^{page 519 note c} B. 8. A. vi. 82, described as a large squat aryballos in unglazed greenish ware with black spiraliform ornament.

^{page 519 note d} Report, Knossos, 1901, p. 16, fig. 6.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 521 note a} See J. H. S. xxiv. (1904), 324, fig. la.Google Scholar

^{page 521 note b} Tsountas, 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1888, pp. 138, 139, and pl. ix. 2, 4, pl. x. 2, 3, 4.

^{page 521 note c} Op. cit. pl. ix. 4.

^{page 521 note d} Op. cit. pl. ix. 2.

^{page 521 note e} Small examples of this type have been found in the Dictæan Cave. One is published by B. S. A. vi. 112, fig. 45. Another obtained by me in 1896 is in the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 521 note f} S. Xanthoudidcs, 'AΦ. 'Eρχ. 1904, p. 27, fig. 6 (the last vase but one to the right).

^{page 521 note g} Op. cit. 29, fig. 7, and p. 31. The fibula belonged to the Bronze Age interment of the tomb.

^{page 522 note a} Two gold fibulas were of the same type, accompanied by a very late stirrup-vase in a tomb at Old Paphos. (Journ. Anthrop. Inst. xxx. 104.) Similar brooches are found in chambertombs of the Late Bronze Age or the transitional period when iron was coming into use in Sicily and Italy. (Bull, di Pal. 1905, pp. 45, 46, and p. 58, fig. 155.)Google Scholar

^{page 522 note b} A fibula much resembling this with the knobs somewhat modified was found by Miss Boyd ni a tomb at Kavousi, belonging to the Latest Bronze Age of Crete. (American Journal of Archæology, v. (1901), 136. fig. 2.) In a tomb at Assarlik, again, in Caria, the type occurred with Sub-Mycenean pottery and iron weapons. J. H. S. viii. 74, fig. 17.Google Scholar

^{page 522 note c} Od. xix. 172 seqq.

^{page 523 note a} The dagger, however, 95e, exemplifies this type of hilt.

^{page 524 note a} 'EΦ. 'Aρχ. 1904, p. 22 seqq. For the Mulianà tombs see above.

^{page 524 note b} A close parallel to these transitional tomb-groups is also supplied by the contents of a built tholos tomb found at Erganos, not far from the site of Lyttos, and described by Halbherr, (American Journ. of Archæology, 1901, p. 271Google Scholarseqq. and pl. vi.). In this case, side by side with the remains of crouched skeletons and late stirrup-vases closely resembling the examples described above, was a cinerary urn decorated in a style in which Late Minoan elements still preponderate, though there is some infusion of the Geometrioal. No metal objects were found in this tomb, but it is safe to say that the cremated remains belong to the beginning of the Iron Age. For the abundant traces of the survival of Minoan (Mycenaean) elements even in the developed Geometrical style of Crete see especially American Journal of Archæology, 1901, p. 305seqq.Google ScholarPubMed; op. cit. 1897, p. 252 seqq.; Nachleben mykenischer Ornamente (Mitth. d. k. deutschen arch. Inst. Athens, 1897, p. 234Google Scholarseqq.). Boyd, Harriet A., Excavations at Kavousi in 1900 (American Journal of Archæology, 1901, p. 146seqq.). At Knossos itself, as I hope to show on another occasion, this persistence of the older elements is very well marked.Google Scholar

^{page 527 note a} At the base of the wall that blocked the entrance, on the inner side, was a kind of miniature niche. A similar feature occurred on the inner side of the blocking of the fore-hall. The object of these small niches is uncertain. They may have contained food offerings.

^{page 529 note a} To take some instances almost at random, Grave No. 72 has a north to south length of 1·20 metre and height l·30 metre; No. 81, east to west, 1·40 metre, height 1·30 metre; No. 93. east to west, 1·65 metre, height 1·50 metre; No. 13, north to south, 2 metres, height 2 metres; No. 56, north to south, 1·50 metre, height 1·50 metre.

^{page 531 note a} Only one small fragment is wanting.

^{page 536 note a} A. C. Mace, Ei Amrah and Abydos, plate 1., Tomb D, 11. An interesting vase in the form of a hedgehog was found in the same grave.

^{page 536 note b} See J. H. S. xxiv. (1904), p. 325Google Scholar, where various similar vases are cited. Nothing exactly answering to this very characteristic Egyptian type occurs among those illustrated in Von Bissing's Catalogue of the Gizeh Stone Vases.

^{page 536 note c} Op. cit. plate xiv. a, b. These were of grey steatite.

^{page 537 note a} See for instance Garstang, J., El Arabah, plates xvii. xviiiGoogle Scholar. The type is also frequent in Cypromycensean tombs (J. H. S. xvii. p. 150, Cyprus Museum Catalogue, p. 37, and Excavations in Cyprus, figs. 62, 66, 68, 70). The term “base-ring ware” applied to this class is unsatisfactory, as these vessels rarely show anything at their base that can be called a ring. A more distinctive feature is the raised ring or collar round the neck in connection with the handle. It seems to represent the original noose of a thong handle round a neck of hard material.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 537 note b} Dendera, plate xxi. 1 b; Von Bissing, Gat. Gen.; Steingefasse, plate xxi. No. 18619.

^{page 537 note c} Tomb Δ 15. The group of objects from this tomb is n the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 538 note a} Tomb E. 288. The group of objects belonging to this is also in the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 538 note b} See my account of the Hagios Onuphrios Deposit in Cretan Pictographs, etc. (Quaritch, 1895), 118, figs. III, 112, where a Fourth Dynasty vase of this type is compared with one from near Olous (Elunda), Crete.

^{page 538 note c} Ledge-handled stone vases, with a separate rim, already occur in the pre-Dynastic period, as at Nagada.

^{page 538 note d} A Fourth Dynasty example of this from El Kab is in the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 538 note e} It is by no means certain that the present bowl had any detached rim.

^{page 538 note f} Compare F. von Bissing, Steingefässe (Cat. Général des Ant. Egyptiennes an Musée de Caire), L8355 and 18356.

^{page 538 note g} Excavations in Cyprus, p. 25, fig. 41 (No. 1815).Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 539 note a} Von Bissing, Metalgefässe, etc. 3436.

^{page 540 note a} See J. H. S. xxiv. 1904, p. 322seqq. and plate xiva.Google Scholar

^{page 541 note a} In Cretan Pictographs, etc. Quaritch, 1895, p. 117seqq.Google Scholar

^{page 541 note b} El Kab, plate x. pp. 17, 30.Google Scholar

^{page 541 note c} Report: Knossos. B. S. A. viii. p. 121seqq. and ix. p. 98.Google Scholar

^{page 541 note d} Eg. Augo, Gournia, Zakro, and Palaikastro. See Hastings, H. R. (American Journal of Archæology, ix. 279), who also regards them as hair-pins.Google Scholar

^{page 541 note e} Necropoli di Phaestos, 141, fig. 100 c.Google Scholar

^{page 547 note a} See “Painted Plaster Decoration at Knossos“: Journ. R. I. B. A. x. 127, where it is referred to as “tooth ornament.”Google Scholar

^{page 550 note a} It must be at the same time observed that, both in the case of the architectural frescoes and the vase, this checker work design is by no means an exact representation of the isodomic courses of the best Minoan masonry. It is rather a conventional equivalent for similar construction suggested, it seems, by Egyptian painted façades, on which such checker work is frequent. Rather, indeed, it represents the appearance of a painted plaster facing than of actual structural features.

^{page 551 note a} Report; Knossos, 1904, B. S. A. x. p. 41seqq. and fig. 14.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 551 note b} P. 13 and p. 14, fig. 6.

^{page 551 note c} Cf. B. S. A. vi. 103, fig. 31, from the Dictaean Cave. Savignoni, Necropoli di Phaestos, tav. 1. 2. Furtwängler u. Loeschke, Myk. Vasen, Taf. xxiv. 341.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 554 note a} Cf. also the roof of the smaller chamber at Orchomenos. L'Art, etc. vi. 446.Google Scholar

^{page 556 note a} The question as to how far these signs are to be regarded as ordinary masons' marks or to what extent they may be held to have a religious significances is beyond the scope of the present paper. It is evident that some of the forms correspond with characters of the conventionalised pictographic script of contemporary seals and clay documents. At the same time from the manner in which they were used on the blocks of Minoan buildings it seems reasonable to conclude that they stood rather for signs than letters. It is clear that some of them, like the double-axe, had a religious value.

^{page 558 note a} Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, plate vii. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 559 note a} Lavori eseguiti dalla Missione Archeologica Italiana, etc. (Reudiconti della r. Acad. dei Lincei, xii. Luglio 1903).Google Scholar

^{page 561 note a} V. 79,4.