^{page 418 note a} The growth of this thorn-bush may have been accidental here, but we know that thorns were purposely planted on tumuli. (See Jacob Grimm, Verbrennen der Leichen, Berlin Abhandl. 1849, pp. 203, 209, 242, 244; Nillson, cit. in loc.; Max Müller, Zeitschrift Deutsch. Gesellsch. Morgenland, ix. 11. Theocritus, Idyll xxiv. 87 ; where Wüstemann remarks in his commentary, “Omnibus spinarum generibus vim noxarum depellendarum inesse existimabant veteres.” See also Horæ Ferales, p. 69). The neighbouring tumulus known as “Barrow Hill “is beset with thorn-bushes at the present day ; and the British barrow of Dinnington, in South Yorkshire, on the estate of J. C. Athorpe, Esq. was similarly clothed. The thorn may have belonged to the “certis lignis” used, according to Tacitus, Germania, xxvii. in the cremation of chiefs.

^{page 419 note a} See Catalogue, infra, Sept. 24, 1868.

^{page 419 note b} Ancient Interments and Sepulchral Urns in Anglesea, p. 19.

^{page 419 note c} Normandie Souterraine, pp. 29, 30.

^{page 420 note a} The Abbé Cochet in the first edition of his Normandie Souterraine, p. 185, had stated that “l'usage d'enterrer plusieurs fois aux même end roit est éminemment moderne:” but in the second edition of that work, pp. 209, 432, 436, and also in the Tombeau de Childeric, p. 55, he has receded from this untenable position. Grimm, towards the conclusion of his paper, Ueber das Verbrennen der Leichen, ubi supra, p. 269, quotes the words of Sidonius Apollinaris, “Jam niger cæspes ex viridi, jam supra antiquum sepulchrum glebæ recentes,” to show that the practice was only too well known to the Christians of the later Roman Empire. See also Friedr. Simony, , “Die Alterthümer Halstatter Salzberg,” Wien, 1851Google Scholar.

^{page 420 note b} See Capitularia Regum Francorum, ii. 852.

^{page 420 note c} Cf. Abbé Cochet, Normandie Souterraine, ed. i. pp. 192, 193, 255, 265.

^{page 421 note a} The leaden coffins to be seen in the British Museum were dug up in Camden Gardens, Bethnal Green, in the excavations for the new Docks at Shadwell, and in Whitechapel. For the coffins in the York Museum, see Professor Phillips' Yorkshire, p. 247, and Descriptive Catalogue of Antiquities in York Museum, by the Rev. C. Wellbeloved, p. 77, and his Eburacum, p. 112.

^{page 421 note b} This conclusion rises to certainty almost when we read the account given by Ralph Thoresby, Phil. Trans. 1705, No. 296, p. 1864, of the excavation of a coffin, “probably interred 1500 years ago,” which was seven feet long, and was “inclosed in a prodigious strong one made of oak planks, about two inches and a half thick, which, beside the riveting, were tacked together with brags and great iron nails ‥ ‥ they are four inches long, the head not diewise, as the large nails now are, but perfectly flat and an inch broad.” The length of the Frilford nails is four and a half inches, and the breadth of their heads one inch and a quarter. See also L'Abbé Cochet, Normandie Souterraine, ed. i. p. 30 ; Archœologia, vii. 376, 381. Bloxam's Fragmenta Sepulchralia, p. 39.

^{page 422 note a} For a note of a discovery of leaden coffins in the neighbourhood of other Roman remains, see Schaafhausen, Die Germanische Grabstätten am Bhein, 1868, p. 131.

^{page 422 note b} For the imitative tendencies of the Teutonic races generally, see Coote's Neglected Fact in English History, p. 44; Worsaae's Primeval Antiquities of Denmark, Eng. Trans. 1849, p. 140; Engelhardt, Denmark in the Iron Age, Preface, p. viii.; Von Sacken, Leitfaden zur Kunde des Heidnischen Alterthums, p. 158; Wylie's Fairford Graves, p. 30; Merivale's Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 92; Eoach Smith, British Assoc. Beport for 1855, p. 145. For the presence of bones of animals and their teeth in Anglo-Saxon graves, see Wylie, I.e. p. 24 ; Akerman, Pagan Saxondom, Introd. p. xvii. For that of charcoal, Wylie, l.c. p. 29; Akerman, Further Researches at Long Wittenham, Archæologia, vol. xxxix. For that of shards and flints, Douglas' Nenia Britannica, pp. 10 and 34; Wylie and Akerman, ll.cc. For that of the Portorium, Lindenschmit, Archiv für Anthrop. ii. 3, 1868, in review of Winner's work, and in his own work, Die Germanische Todtenlager beim Selzen, p. 51; Von Sacken, l.c. p. 154 ; Akerman, Proc. Soc. Antiq. 2 S. iii. 165, See also Abbé Cochet, Tombeau de Childeric, passim, and Normandie Souterr. p. 31.

^{page 423 note a} See also Inventorium Sepulchrale, Introd. p. xvi. and p.8.

^{page 424 note a} The following passages may be cited in addition to those so often referred to from the Capitularies of Charlemagne. In the collection of the Canons of the Greek Synods, by Martin Bishop of Braga in Portugal, who died in 580, we find the following words, “Non oportet, non liceat Christianis prandia ad defunctorum sepulchra deferre et sacrificari mortuis.” See the Corpus Juris Canonici, where the passage is adopted as the text of Decretum Gratiani, De Consecr. dist. i. cap. 29, § 2, under the title Ex Concilio Martini Papæ. Hardouin, Acta Conciliorum, &c. 1611, iii. 390, has printed Martin of Braga's Collection, and, according to the margin of his edition, this particular canon comes from the third council of Aries, and not from a Greek source. See also Gretzer, De Funere Christiano, to which work I owe the foregoing quotation, lib. iii. pp. 159, 164, 166, ed. 1611, where Ambrose, Augustine, Cyprian, Gaudentius, and Faustus the Manichee, may all be found deposing to the fact of the funeral feast being abused by the Christians into an occasion of great licence. I do not happen to have met with any evidence to show that food or drink was put into the graves of the early Christians from any influence which any pre-Christian belief may have had upon them as to its possibly being of some use to the departed in the new world. This superstition was of course operative in the case of heathens, and amongst certain of the Scandinavian races (see Lubbock's Prehistoric Times, p. 89) it has lasted even down to our own times. Weinhold tells us (Altnordisches Leben, p. 493) that the tobacco-pipe, pocket-knife, and filled brandy flask were placed in Swedish graves (it is to be supposed only in remote districts), if not up to the present time, at all events up to the beginning of the present generation. Heathen customs, however, and customs as markedly heathen as cremation, retained their vitality to a very late period in the Baltic regions. (See for this Grimm, loc. cit.; Wylie, Archæologia, xxxvii. 467; and Lindenschmit, Alterth. heidiiisch. Vorzeit, heft ii. bd. ii. ad taf. vi., for long persistence of heathen customs amongst the Alemanni. See also Wylie, Graves of Alemanni.)

^{page 425 note a} For the interment of favourite animals with their masters, see Von Sacken, Heidnisches Alterthum, 1865, p. 155; Weinhold, Sitzungsberichte Phil. Hist. Klass. Akad. Wien, bd. 29, p. 203, 1859. The bones of a large dog were found at Long Wittenham in a Romano-British interment so near to certain human remains as to make it seem possible that the animal had been purposely so placed. For the burial of the horse (Das Trauer-Pferd) in Teutonic graves, and those of other races, see Keysler, Antiq. Select., 1720, p. 168; Wylie, Graves of the Alemanni; Archælogia, vol. xxxvi. ibique citata; Cochet, Normandie Souterraine, p. 298. For the suspension of the skull of the horse over graves, see Pagan Saxondom, p. 23. For the practice of eating horse-flesh, see Confessional of Archbishop Ecgbert, c. 38; the Decrees of Council held A.D. 785, under the presidency of Gregory, Bishop of Ostia ; and Penitential of Theodore, c. xxx. s. 17. See also Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, p. 115, and Keysler, l. c. p. 322, 340. Pearson, History of England, i. 138.

^{page 426 note a} For the discovery of carbonaceous matter in graves, see Cochet, Normandie Souterraine, ed. i. pp. 198, 255, 256, 304; Kemble, Horæ Ferales, pp. 98, 104; Wyslie, Fairford Graves, p. 29; Graves of Alemanni, p. 13; Schaafhausen, Germanische Grabstätten am Rhein, 1868, p. 104 ; Walder, Anzeiger für Schweiz. Alterthum, March 1869, p. 32. For the discovery of fragments of charcoal scattered throughout the entire mass of heathen tumuli, see Keller, Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zürich, bd. iii. p. 66. For the use of charcoal as being imperishable see Augustine, De Civ. Dei, xxi. 4.

^{page 427 note a} Normandie Souterraine, p. 194. See also Keysler, Antiq. Select, p. 174.

^{page 427 note b} See also the account of the plundering of the gorgeously-arrayed corpse of Pope Adrian I. in Mabillon, Museum Italicum, i. 41 ; Gretzet, De Funere Christiano, i. 28; Chrysostom, Hom. 84; Guichard, Funerailles, 1581, p. 581, where the Council of Auxerre is said to have condemned “toutes ces bobances.”

^{page 428 note a} Douglas, in his Nenia, appears to be the first person who drew attention to the lines of Shakespeare, referred to, see p. 10, and also p. 34. For other references to the custom, see Keller, l.c. p. 65; Wylie, Fairford Graves, p. 25; Akerman, Pagan Saxondom, introd. p. xvii. ; Weinhold, Sitzungsberichte Kais. Akad. Wiss. Wien. Hist. Phil. Rlasse, 1858, bd. 29, hft, i. p. 166. Fried. Simony, Die Alterthümer vom Halstatter Salzberg, Sitzungsberichte Kais. Ahad. Wiss. Wien. Phil, Hist. Klasse, 1851, p. 7; Keysler, l.c. p. 106. Kev. G, E. Hall. Nat. Hist. Trans. Northumberland and Durham, i. 2, 1866, p. 167.

^{page 429 note a} For the tendency of customs involving expense to assume cheaper forms, see Sir John Lubbock, Nat. Hist. Rev. Oct. 1861, p. 801; Prehistoric Times, p. 98, ed. i. p. 142, ed. ii.

^{page 429 note b} See Lucan. ix. 175.

^{page 429 note c} Since writing as above I have met with the following passage in Keysler's Antiquitates Selectæ, p. 173. “Inde Nimischæ, in pago uno miliari a Gubena distante universus adparatus culinarius erutus, cacabi, ollæ, catini, phialæ, patinæ, urceoli, lagenulæ, testante D. Christiani Stieffii Epistola.” This Epistola was published in 4to. in 1704, and treats of “Lignicenses atque Pilgramsdorficenses urnas.” See Keysler loc. cit. p. 113.

^{page 430 note a} See Wylie, Archæologia, xxxvii. 467.

^{page 430 note b} See Schaaf hausen, Die Germanische Grabstätten am Rhein, p. 125; and Collectanea Antiqua (vi. 201), a work with which I was not acquainted when I wrote, as above, for account of a Cemetery at Kempston.

^{page 431 note a} See also for figures of urns resembling those found at Frilford ; Engelhardt, Denmark in the Iron Age, English translation, 1866, p. 9 ; Urn from Smedeby, Slesvig ; Akerman, Pagan Saxondom, Introd. p. xxviii. and pi. iv.; Archælogia, vol. xxxviii. pi. 20, fig. 1. ; Hon. E. C. Neville, Saxon Obsequies, pls. 24–33 ; Bloxam's Fragmenta Sepulchralia, p. 59 ; Koach Smith, Inventorium Sepulchrale, introd. p. xv. For the discovery of a bone-punch for stamping ornaments, see Schaafhausen, Die Germanische Grabstätten am Rhein, p. 139, 1868.

^{page 432 note a} Archæologia, xxxvii. 473.

^{page 432 note b} For the rarity of the discovery of cremation urns, at least in an unbroken, undisturbed condition, in Kent, see Inventorium Sepulchrale, xv. xlvi. 184, 186; British Assoc. Report, 1855, p. 146; and Mr. Wylie, loc. cit. The Queen's College urn I have figured, Plate XXV. fig. 1. Its Anglo-Saxon origin is indubitable. The evidence for its coming from Kent amounts only to probability, and stands thus : in Queen's College Library there is a “List of the Collection of Egyptian, Etruscan, Greek, Roman, British, and other Antiquities, formed by the late Eev. Robert Mason, D.D. from the collections of Messrs. Belzoni, Salt, Burton, Millingen, and others, 1822 to 1839.” In this catalogue there is the following entry : “Sepulchral urns, a large and small, 2.” On the smaller of these two urns, which, however, is of Roman manufacture, there is a ticket, “Found at Faversham, Kent.” The exteriors of the two urns have much the same colouration or discolouration, which makes it seem likely that they came from the same excavation, and were, consequently, as we now find them, catalogued and placed together.

^{page 426 note c} For the opposition of the Christians to the practice of cremation, see Neander's Life of Julian, English translation, p. 108; Ibid.Minucius Felix, cit. p. 45; Acta Martyrum, Baron, ii. p. 290, Martyrdom of S. Tharacus ; Tertullian, cit. Grimm, Berlin Abhand. 1849, p. 207; Ep. Ecc. Vienn. et Lugduni, fin. Euseb. H. E. v. 1, cit. Pusey, Minor Prophets, Amos, vi. 10 ; Charlemagne, Capit. ad Saxon. 789, A.D. cit. Fleury, Ecc. Hist. i. 44, 45 ; Gruber, Origines Livoniæ;, cit. Wylie, Archæologia, xxxvii. 467; Kemble, Horæ Ferales, p. 95; Schaafhausen, Germanische Grabstätten am Rheine, p. 90; Jahrbuch des Vereines von Alterthums-freunden im Rheinlande, Bonn, 1868.

^{page 426 note d} Literary evidence for the numbers of the Saxons is furnished by such expressions as those which Claudian puts into the mouth of a personified Britannia,

“Ne litore toto

Prospicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis.”—Laus Stilichonis, xxii. 254.

Evidence for the sudden and continual vexations to which Britain and other regions were subjected by the Saxons may be found in Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvi. 4; xxviii. 2.

^{page 433 note a} See Collectanea Antiqua, iv. 161, vi. 166, vi. 201, seqq.

^{page 433 note b} Horæ Ferales, p. 95.

^{page 433 note c} For the coexistence of cremation with inhumation : see Kemble, Horæ Ferales, p. 918; Neville's Saxon Obsequies, p. 11 ; Wylie, Archæologia, xxxvii. p. 456 ; Akerman, Further Kesearches at Brighthampton, Archæologia, xxxviii.; Inventorium Sepulchrale, pp. 165, 195 ; Weinhold, Sitzungsberichte Kais. Akad. Hist. Phil. Klasse, bd. 29, p. 138, bd. 30, p. 176 ; Lindenschmit, Archiv Anth. iii. 114.

^{page 434 note a} Horæ Ferales, p. 98 ; and, per contra, the Rev. S. Finch, Coll. Antiq. vi. 220, and Thrupp, Anglo-Saxon Home, p. 399.

^{page 435 note a} See Roach Smith, British Association Report for 1855, p. 145, and the same writer's Collectanea Antiqua, v. 115, pl. x. where such an urn, bearing the inscription D.M. Laeliae Rufinae Vixita.iii.m.iii.d.vii. is figured.

^{page 435 note b} See Inventorium Sepulclirale, introd. p. xvi. pp. 8, 9, 12, 17, 18, 19, 40, 156, 159, 175.

^{page 435 note c} For the belief as to urns being “natural productions pullulating from the earth like bulbous roots,” see Horæ Ferales, p. 86. For other superstitions relating to them, see Cochet, Normandie Souterraine, p. 124; Wylie, , Arclæologia, xxxvii. 46.Google Scholar

^{page 436 note a} For the shallowness of Anglo-Saxon and other Teutonic interments, see Cochet, Tombeau de Childeric, p. 41; Bloxam, Fragmenta Sepulchralia, p. 47; Englehardt, Denmark in the Early Iron Age, p. 9; Akerman, , Archæologia, vol. xxxviii., Long WittenhamGoogle Scholar; Kemble, ibid. vol. xxxvii. 1856 ; Wanner, Alemannische Todtenfeld bei Schleitheim, pp. 10, 20.

^{page 436 note b} See Inventorium Sepulchrale, introd. p. xvi. &c.

^{page 437 note a} Das Alemannische Todtenfeld bei Schleitheim, p. 13. See also Lindenschmit, Archiv für Anthropologie, ii. 3, p. 356.

^{page 437 note b} For the indications which the presence of a buckle furnishes as to nationality, see Akerman, Pagan Saxondom, p. 58; Cochet, Tombeau de Childeric, pp. 228, 234.

^{page 437 note c} See Pagan Saxondom, p. 70, and pi. xxxv. fig. 4; Archæologia, vol. xxxvii. Brighthampton No. 1; vol. xxxviii. Brighthampton No. 16, preserved in Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Fairford Graves, pi. ix. fig. 10, object similarly preserved.

^{page 437 note d} See Akerman, Archælogia, vol. xxxix. “Further researches at Long Wittenham.”

^{page 437 note e} Die Germanische Grabstätten am Bhein, p. 119.

^{page 437 note f} Wylie, Graves of Alemanni, p. 13; Bloxam, Fragmenta Sepulchralia, pp. 67, 72; Akerman, Pagan Saxondom, introd. p. xvi. Compare plate xiv. with plates xxxix. Ivii. lxii. and Ixvi. of Strutt's Horda Angel-cynnan.

^{page 437 note a} Das Alamannische Todtenfeld bei Schleitheim, pp. 11, 18.

^{page 439 note a} In a note from Professor Pearson to me, in which he gives much valuable information upon other points relating to the history of this country in the times with which I am concerned, he says, “The Anglo-Saxon Laws, vol. ii. contain several lists of superstitious practices which the Church condemns, such as burning corn upon graves. It is true that the compilations in which these ordinances occur are in one sense not authentic, that is, have been ascribed to wrong authors; but they probably represent the customary law of the church here and on the continent with tolerable fidelity.”

^{page 439 note b} Iloræ Ferales, pp. 98–104.

^{page 439 note c} Opere cit. pp. 198, 255, 256, 304.

^{page 439 note d} Opere cit. p. 104.

^{page 439 note e} See Catalogue, p. 93, and Coll. Antiq. vi. PI. 28.

^{page 440 note a} See Lindenschmit, Archiv für Anthropologie, ii. 3. 356, in review of Warmer's Memoir, Das Alamannische Todtmfeld bei Schleitheim; Schaafhausen, op. cit. pp. 131, 154.

^{page 440 note b} Normandie Souterraine, ed. i. p. 192.

^{page 440 note c} Fairford Graves, p. 24.

^{page 440 note d} Extract from the “Times,” Thursday, Oct. 23, 1856, given in Horæ Ferales, p. 104.

^{page 441 note a} Daubeny, on Volcanos, pp. 49, 64.

^{page 441 note b} See Bruce, , Roman Wall, ed. iii. 1867, p. 438Google Scholar, seen by me subsequently to writing as above.

^{page 441 note c} Op. cit. pp. 122, 127; Wren, Parentalia, p. 266.

^{page 441 note d} See Beale Poste, Celtic Inscriptions, 1861, p. 71.

^{page 441 note e} Leo, however, in his Ortsnamen, p. 100–104, has tried to show that most of the local names near Heidelberg correspond to local names in Kent.

^{page 442 note a} Gibbon, vi. 336, chap, xxxviii. for Merovingians; Tacitus, Germania, chap. 16, for Germans generally; Coote's Neglected Fact in English History, p. 123; Ammianus Marcellinus, xvi. 2–12; Pearson, op. cit. i. 264. Augustine brought Frank interpreters with him into Kent, Bede H. E. i. 25, and the Welsh poems sometimes speak of the Saxon enemy as a “Frank;” see Skene, Four Ancient Books, i. 460.

^{page 443 note a} See Archéologie Céramique, pp. 11, 13.

^{page 443 note b} For the question of the extent to which the Celtic population were destroyed by the Saxon Invasions: see Pearson's History of England during the Early and Middle Ages, i. 99—103, 1867 ; Freeman's Norman Conquest, i. 18, 20; Akerman, Archælogia, 38, 2nd Report, Brighthampton ; Turner's, Anglo-Saxon History, i. 311Google Scholar; Wylie, Fairford Graves, p. 8; Kemble's, Saxons in England, i. 21Google Scholar; Wilson, D., Anthropological Review, iii. 81.Google Scholar

^{page 443 note c} For the various views which have been held as to the Roman cranium: see Ecker, Crania Germaniæ, p. 86, 1865; Ecker, Archiv für Anthropologie, i. 2, p. 279, 1866 ; ii. 1, p. 110, 1867 ; Holder, Ibid. ii. 1, p. 58; His, Crania Helvetica. 39 and 40; His, Archiv für Anthropologie, i. 1, p. 73, 1866; His and Vogt, Mortillet's Matériaux pour l'histoire de l'homme, August 1866, pp. 522, 523 ; Crania Britannica, p. 23, chap, ii. and ad pl. 49; Davies and Thurnam, cit. Indigenous Races, p. 312 ; Maggiorani, cited by Ecker, Cran. Germ. p. 88, and Arch, für Anth. l.c.; cited by v. Baer Bull, Acad. Imp. Sci. St. Petersburgh, 1860, p. 58, fig. g; Edwards, Des Caractères Physiologiques des Races Humaines, p. 50 ; Nott and Gliddon, Indigenous Races, p. 311, and Cardinal Wiseman, cit. in loco.

^{page 444 note a} As to the supposed degeneracy of the Britons, see Kemble, , Saxons in England, ii. 294, i. 6Google Scholar; Encyclopædia Metropol. xi. 378 ; Zosimus, cit. Men. Hist. Brit. lxxviii. vi. 6.

^{page 444 note b} As the German periodical, the Archiv für Anthropologie, is conducted under the joint editorship of Ecker and Lindenschmit, and as the latter, I apprehend, is as well known among archaeologists as the former is among biologists, no apology will be needed for the constant reference which I shall have to make to its pages. It may be well to add here that the English reader can find a very clear account of the classification of crania adopted by His and Rütimeyer, and alluded to very frequently by myself, as also by various writers in the periodical just mentioned, in the Prehistoric Remains of Caithness, pp. 104. 105, a work written by S. Laing, Esq. M.P. and Professor Huxley, conjointly.

^{page 444 note c} Proc. Soc. Antiq. ubi supra.

^{page 445 note a} Normandie Souterraine, p. 183.

^{page 445 note b} It has been suggested to me that the soldiers, who, on the hypothesis before us, are supposed to have left their bones in foreign lands, may have taken wives with them. But it could not have been often in days of such difficulty in travelling that “Lycoris

“Perque nives alium perque horrida castra secuta est.”

The soldiers of Gustavus Adolphus were, very many of them, married men, but I do not know that their wives accompanied them to his famous battle-fields. The men, too, who fought and won at Lützen had very different motives and incentives from those of the recruits who followed the standards of the various “tyrants ” and pretenders of the later Roman Empire, and it is only by means of such motives and incentives that men can be got in any large numbers to break away from family ties and join distant military expeditions.

^{page 446 note a} See, however, Hist. Mon. de Abingdon, i. pp. 2, 3.

^{page 446 note b} Rokitansky, Path. Anat. Sydenham Soc. Trans, iii. 208 ; Bock, Patliologie, p. 209.

^{page 446 note c} See Archæologia, xxxviii. No. 107, 770 k. Oxford Univ. Museum.

See Crania Britannica, Dec. 4, pl. xlvi. Two other crania of this “platycephalic ” type have been found in the Frilford cemetery subsequently to the writing of this paper, viz. March 22, 1869 (No. iv. and Both had belonged to young men. In both the body had been buried with the head raised; and in one the grave, though semioriented, was only 18 inches deep, and the arm lay across the body, and not by the side, as in the burials of Latinized populations (see Cochet, Normand. Souterr. p. 193). There were no relics, and we have not therefore more than probable evidence for their nationality.

^{page 447 note a} Crania Helvetica, pp. 8 and 9.

^{page 447 note b} Archiv für Anthropologie, i. 1, p. 127.

^{page 447 note c} Ibid. ii. 1, p. 110.

^{page 448 note a} See Broca, , Sur la Capacité des Crânes Parisiens, Bull. Soc. Anth. de Paris, tom. iii. 113, 1862.Google Scholar

^{page 449 note a} See Kemble's, Saxons in England, ii. 272Google Scholar; Pearson's, History of England, i. 45Google Scholar; Coote's, Neglected Fact in English History, pp. 40, 45.Google Scholar

^{page 449 note b} See Roman City of Uriconium, by J. Corbet Anderson, Esq. p. 129 ; and Holder, , Archiv für Anthropologie, ii. i. 88Google Scholar, Taylor, Words and Places, p. 284, ibique citata.

^{page 450 note a} Arch, für Anthrop. i. 1, p. 70. Crania Helvetica, p. 38, one of the Hohberg type skulls is supposed by the authors to have come from a cemetery the graves in which were oriented, and contained swords and spear-heads as well as coins. This however does not prove that they belonged to Roman soldiers, but rather the contrary. See Cran. Helv. p. 21, note.

^{page 451 note a} Ethnologische Schriften, p. 108.

^{page 453 note a} For an interesting history of dental caries, as observed in the ancient inhabitants of Britain, see a paper by J. R. Mummery, esq. Trans. Odont. Society, 1869.

^{page 453 note b} See Edwards, Des Caractères Physiologiques des Races Humaines, p. 53. See Keysler, l.c. p. 220, for the stature of the ancient races under comparison, ibique citata.

^{page 453 note c} See Thurnam, op. cit. pp. 40–41.

^{page 453 note d} Lectures on the Connexion between Science and Revealed Religion, p. 152, cit. Nott and Gliddon, Indigenous Races, pp. 311, 312.

^{page 454 note a} On Two principal Forms of Ancient British and Gaulish Skulls, pp. 31 and 101. Skulls of this form are considered by Sir Thomas Wilde to have belonged in Ireland to fair-headed, light-coloured, blue, or grey-eyed Celtæ, or Tuatha De Danaan. See Beauties of the Boyne, 2nd ed. 1850, pp. 221, 237, 239, and the figure at p. 232.Google Scholar

^{page 454 note b} See Ethnologische Schriften, p. 107, 108.

^{page 454 note c} Prehistoric Annals of Scotland, chap. ix. 1851.

^{page 455 note a} See Catalogue, Osteological Series, ii. 880, Prep. 5709.

^{page 455 note b} Archiv für Anthropologie, i. 2, p. 283. As Professor Ecker considers his Reihengräberform to correspond with the “Hohberg ” type of His and Rütimeyer, it would appear that he would consider this cast as belonging to that class from which, however, its cubic capacity differentiates it.

^{page 456 note a} See Dr. Thurnam, op. cit. p. 60.

^{page 456 note b} Huschke, Schädel, Hirn, und Seele, p. 48; Holder, , Arch, für Anthropologie, ii. 1, p. 55.Google Scholar

^{page 456 note c} The average height of 295 adult male patients examined in the Somerset County Lunatic Asylum by Dr. Boyd, and recorded by him in the Philosophical Transactions for 1861, p. 261, varied from 67·8 to 65 inches; that of 233 females from 63·2 to 61·6 inches. The average height of the modern German male is given by Vierordt in his Grundriss der Physiologie, 2nd ed. p. 460, as 172 centimètres (5 feet 3½ inches); that of the German female as 164 (5 feet 2¼ inches). In the long barrow explored by Dr. Thurnam (l.c. p. 27) at Tilshead, three male skeletons varied in length from 5 feet 5 inches to 5 feet 8 inches, and three female skeletons from 4 feet 9 inches to 5 feet 3 inches. The average height of the dolichocephalic men from megalithic and other long barrows is given by the same author (l.c. pp. 40, 41) as 5 feet 5 inches as against 5 feet 9 inches for the brachycephalic men from circular barrows.

^{page 456 note d} Sir Andrew Smith, K.C.B. has kindly informed me that he can safely state from extensive observation made during 17 years' residence in South Africa, that the Amakosa Kaffirs, to the eastward of the Colony, average, men 5 feet 8½ inches, women 5 feet 1½ inch.

^{page 456 note e} For introduction of panes of glass, or at least of the manufacturers of them, into England in 680 a.d., see Wylie, Fairford Graves, p. 17, per contra Corbet Anderson, Uriconium 1867, p. 69, ibique citata.

^{page 457 note a} See Prehistoric Remains of Caithness, p. 120.

^{page 459 note a} Jahrbuch der Schweizer Alpen for 1864, p, 398.

^{page 459 note b} Claudia coeruleis quum sit Rufina Britannis

Edita, quam Latiae pectora plebis habet—

Quale decus formse, Romanarn credere matres

Italides possunt.—xi. 53.

^{page 460 note a} Cochet, Normandie Souterraine, p. 188, ed. i.; Comptes Rendus, xxxvii. p. 518; L'Athenæum Français, Oct. 22, 1853, p. 1013.

^{page 460 note b} Op. cit. p. 100.

^{page 460 note c} The English and their Origin, pp. 59, et seqq.

^{page 460 note d} See p. 266, 267. Gateshead, however, may mean Capræ Caput. See Bede H. E. iii. 21.

^{page 460 note e} H. E. ii. 4, ii. 20.

^{page 460 note a} See also Crania Britannica, p. 184, vol. i. and pi. xx. p. 3.

^{page 460 note b} Pike, op. cit. p. 46.

^{page 460 note c} See Pearson, op. cit. p. 264.

^{page 460 note d} Professor Pearson, History of England, i. 101, suggests that the long duration of the struggle may have caused the victory of the Saxon Language, by allowing of the perpetual fresh arrivals of German speaking invaders.

^{page 460 note e} See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1838, vi. 118, 351, 376, chap. 38, viii. 156. For an instance of the power obtained and exercised by the Christian Ministers, see Fleury, Eccl. Hist. viii. 34, 50, of the Council of Macon. Fleury in his small work. Essays on Ecclesiastical History, tells us, p. 203, English Transl. 1721, that the Goths, Franks, and other German people dispersed into several parts of the Roman Provinces, were so few in comparison with the ancient inhabitants that it was not thought necessary to change the language of the Church on their account. On the other hand, Bede tells us, that in his time God was served in five several languages in Britain, namely, Anglorum, Britonum, Scotonim, Pictorum, et Latinorum. See also Taylor, , Words and Places, 1864, p. 151Google Scholar; Lingard, , Hist. A.-S. Church, i. 307.Google Scholar

^{page 462 note a} Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 186.

^{page 462 note b} See, however, his History of England, pp. 44, 51, 103, 112, 130, 264. The high development of the pictorial art to which Professor Westwood's magnificent work, recently (1868) published, speaks, belongs to Christianized, and therefore as little to “unalloyed Saxondom” as do Cædmon, Bede, or Alcuin.

^{page 462 note c} Hist. Civ. Franc. lect. vii. tom. i. cit. Merivale, ubi supra, note G, p. 185.

^{page 463 note a} History of the Anglo-Saxons, i. 332. See also Taylor, Words and Places, p. 339, and per contra, Kemble, on Runes, Archæologia, xxviii.

^{page 463 note b} Ozauam, however, cit. Merivale, l.c. 187, says, “Les lois de l'ancienne Germanie ne nous sont connues que par les témoignages incomplets des anciens, par la reduction tardive des codes barbares, par les coûtumes du moyen age. Il y reste done beaucoup de contradictions, d'incertitudes, et de lacunes.” Gibbon may be shown to be similarly self-contradictory by a comparison inter se of the following passages; vol. i. chap. ix. p. 362, ed. Milman, 1838 ; vol. vi. chap, xxxviii. p. 325 ; vol. v. chap. xxxi. p. 317. The stories told of the two Gothic Princes in the two latter passages are quite inconsistent with the statement contained in the first of the three, to the effect that “in the rude institutions of the barbarians of the woods of Germany, we may still distinguish the original principles of our present laws and manners.” See Finlason's Introduction to Reeves' History of the English Law, 1869, p. xl.; and Professor Pearson's Historical Maps, 1869, where at p. vii. the Professor speaks of the Saxon invaders as consisting of “a few boat-loads of barbarians.” I agree as to the barbarism, but differ as to the numbers of the Anglo-Saxons. Both these valuable works came into my hands after the coming of these sheets from the printers. See per contra, B. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, preface, p. xxii.

^{page 463 note c} Gibbon, v. 351, ed. 1838, says, “If the princes of Britain relapsed into barbarism whilst the cities studiously preserved the laws and manners of Rome, the whole island must; have been gradually divided by the distinction of two national parties. See also Pearson, l.c. pp. 99,100 ; Coote's Neglected Fact in English History, pp. 144, 149, 169 ; Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales ; Gododin, Poems, p. 382, 394, 412 ; Broca, Becherches sur l'Ethnologie de la France, Mem. Soc. Anthrop. de Paris, torn. i. 1860 ; Sir William R. Wilde, Beauties of the Boyne, pp. 229, 232 ; Dr. Thurman, “On the two principal forms of Ancient British and Gaulish Skulls,” Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London, vol. i. ibique citata; Huxley, Prehistoric Remains of Caithness, pp. 114, seqq.

^{page 464 note a} As taught by Professor Huxtey, l.c. p. 120; and Proc. Soc. Antiq. April 19, 1866.

^{page 464 note b} Arch, für Anthrop. bd. ii. hft. i. 55–57.

^{page 465 note a} See Crania Helvetica, p. 41 ; Arch, für Anthropologie, i. 70, 1866 ; Ecker, Cran. Germ. pp. 76–86; Huxley, l.c. pp. 117–118.

^{page 465 note b} For a discussion as to the priority in point of time of the brachycephalous or the dolichocephalous form of skull, see Mortillet, Matériaux pour l'Histoire positive et Philosophique de l'Homme, 1867, pp. 383–385 ; Ecker, Crania German, p. 93.

^{page 465 note c} On two forms, l.c. p. 31–44.

^{page 465 note d} See Bates, Naturalist on the Amazons, ii.p. 129, and per contra, Ecker, Crania Germaniæ Meridionalis, p. 2; Gratiolet, Système Nerveux, ii. 286.