^{page 213 note 1} Border Antiquities of England and Scotland, 1814, plate between pp. 208 and 209Google Scholar. The Clephane horn was shown at the Manchester Art Treasures Exhibition in 1857, and in the illustrated account of that Exhibition a drawing of it is given on p. 17, with description by Sir George Scharf; in 1862 t i was also shown at the Special Exhibition of Works of Art at South Kensington (Catalogue, 1863, no. 212, p. 18Google ScholarPubMed). For the genealogy of Clephane see Sir Douglas, R., Baronage of Scotland, 1798, pp. 317–19Google Scholar, Clephane of Carslogie. The first member of the family, there mentioned, is Alanus de Clephane, who lived at the end of the twelfth century.

^{page 213 note 2} Sir Walter Scott, as above, p. 206, asserts that the smaller barons held their lands and towers for the service of winding a horn on the approach of a hostile party. But he brings no evidence to show that Carslogie Castle was so held.

^{page 213 note 3} The total length of the horn is 22 in., and the diameter of the mouth 5 in. A large fragment 3½ in. by 1½ in. to 2 in. has been broken from the rim, and another fragment, some 4½ in. by ½ in. to ¾ in. is lost on the inner curve. From this, a large crack runs to the mouthpiece.

^{page 214 note 1} Sir G. Scharf called attention, a good many years ago, to the general analogy between the treatment of subjects on the horn and that of Roman moulded ware (Manchester Art Treasures Exhibition, p. 17); the resemblances are certainly striking, as regards both the arena and hunting scenes, and the formal beasts and monsters round the mouth. (Cf., for example, Walters, H. B., Cat. of Greek and Roman Lamps in the British Museum, 1914, no. 1398Google Scholar, and Cat. of Roman Pottery, 1908, nos. M. 62, M. 364, M. 1463Google Scholar; Folzer, E., Romische Keramik in Trier, 1913, pl. ii, 29, xx, 5, 7.)Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 1} Hampel, J., Alterthümer des frühen Mitetlalters in Ungarn, ii, pp. 888 ff., and iii, pl. 532-5 (the Jasz Berény horn); ii, pp. 921-4 ff., and iii, pl. 536, 537 (the two Prague horns).Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 2} Photographs of some of the miniatures are in the Collection des Hautes Études at the Sorbonne at Paris (cf. Catalogue, no. C. 510 ff.); of these two are reproduced in Dalton, , Byzantine Art and Archaeology (figs. 158, 289).Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 1} Kondakoff, N., The Frescoes on the stairs of the Cathedral of S. Sophia at Kieff, in Zapiski of the Imp. Russian Arch. Soc, 1888, pp. 287 ff.Google Scholar; Arnaloff, and Riedin, , The Cathedral of S. Sophia, Kieff, St. Petersburg, 1889Google Scholar, and Ancient Monuments of the art of Kieff: the Cathedral of S. Sophia, Charkoff, 1899Google Scholar; Th. Schmidt, , The Cathedral of S. Sophia, Kieff, Moscow, 1914 (all in Russian)Google Scholar. The illustrations of the frescoes given in these publications are from the drawings by Solutseff published in an Album entitled Drevnosti Rossieskago Gosudarstva: Kievskie Sophieskie Sobor. The frescoes did not escape restoration when the decoration of the Cathedral was renewed.

^{page 217 note 2} The gryphon is too usual to require special reference. The sphinx, in the wider sense of a quadruped with human face, occurs on one of the Prague horns; and in Byzantine manuscripts and textiles (cf. Homilies of Jacobus Monachus in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS. Grec. 1208, eleventh cent., ff. 66 and 194Google Scholar; Falke, O. von, Kunstgeschichte der Seidenweberei, p. 117)Google Scholar.

^{page 217 note 3} The first European metal stirrups seem to be mentioned in the Art of War of the Emperor Maurice (582-602).

^{page 218 note 1} For charioteer's costume, cf. note, p. 220 below.

^{page 218 note 2} A compressed version is also found on the diptych in the Barberini Library at Rome with the Ascension and Pentecost, originally published by Gori, (Thesaurus Vet. Dipt., iii, p. 40)Google Scholar, but better reproduced in recent years by H. Graeven in his Italian series of photos of ivory carvings, and by Modigliani, E. in L'Arte, ii, 1899, p. 289Google Scholar . The two scenes closely reproduce Byzantine models, but the style is evidently western.

^{page 218 note 3} Hampel, as above, ii, p. 922.

^{page 219 note 1} On the Prague horn with chariot-races, the correct form of the meta is shown (three spindle-shaped columns on a base), though this horn cannot be far removed in date from our example. It may be noted that variations in the form of the meta are recorded at an early date: a medallion of the Emperor Philip, perhaps of A.D. 248, shows them apparently replaced by edifices with gable roofs ( Daremberg, and Saglio, , Did. des ant. grecques et romaines, i, p. 1191, fig. 1522)Google Scholar . On the lamp in the British Museum, already quoted, polygonal structures with domed roofs appear on the spina.

^{page 219 note 2} A figure on the Jasz Bereny horn blows what appears to be an oliphant to accompany the performance of acrobats. A panel from a Byzantine ivory casket in the British Museum shows a performer with a similar horn (Cat. of Early Christian and Byz. Antiquities, pl. xii, b).

^{page 219 note 3} The Byzantine hippodrome bulked large in the national life from the foundation of Constantinople, and from the fourth century its games and spectacles afforded subject for legislation ( Th. Mommsen, , Theodosiani Libri XVI, vol. i, pt. ii, pp. 819ff. = Lib. XV, v. 1). For the descriptions of the Hippodrome in Byzantine literature, seeGoogle ScholarRambaud, A., De byzantino hippodromo et circensibus factionibus, Paris, 1870Google Scholar, and Unger, F. W., Quellen der byzantinischen KunstgeschichteGoogle Scholar in von Edelberg's, R. EitelbergerQuellenschriften für Kunstgeschichte etc. des Mittelalters, vol xii, Vienna, 1878, pp. 286 ffGoogle Scholar . Much of our information is derived from the De Caerimoniis of Corfstantine Porphyrogenitus (see especially Bonn Edition, i, pp. 303 ff., ii, p. 336).

^{page 220 note 1} Asher, A., The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, 1840, i, p. 52Google Scholar . Benjamin says that at Christmas ‘you may see in the Hippodrome surprising feats of jugglery. Lions, bears, leopards, and wild asses, as well as birds, that have been trained to fight each other, are also exhibited, and all this sport, the equal of which is to be met with nowhere, is carried on in the presence of the king and queen.’ Similar entertainments were given on the occasion of marriages in the imperial family, or visits of foreign potentates (ii, p. 48).

^{page 220 note 2} Rambaud, A., De byzaniino hippodromo, p. 75Google Scholar . The helmet was of silver (venerabile, κασσίδιον ἀργυρούν σεμνόν). On the monument of the famous charioteer of the sixth century, Porphyrius, at Constantinople, a boy is seen apparently holding such a helmet by the side of the standing charioteer ( Mordtmann, A., Mittheilungen des K. Deutschen Arch. Instituts, Athenische Abtheilung, v, 1880, p. 299Google Scholar; Woodward, and Wace, , in George, W. S., The Church of S. Eirene at Constantinople, p. 79)Google Scholar.

^{page 220 note 3} It has been observed above that this is not the regulation tunic of Roman and Early Byzantine times (αὐριγάριον or ἁρμελαύσιον), which only reached to the knees, and is known to us from representations on many works of art, e.g. contorniate medals (Sabatier, , Description générale des medallions contorniates, pl. iii, iv, v, vii)Google Scholar; the lamp in the British Museum (Walters, , Catalogue of Greek and Roman Lamps, no. 1398)Google Scholar; the monument of Porphyrius mentioned in note 2, above; the diptychs of the Consul Lampadius at Brescia (Molinier, E., Ivoires, p. 32Google Scholar) and of Basilius at Florence (Venturi, , Storia dell' arte italiana, i, fig. 349), or the marble relief from Constantinople in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum at BerlinGoogle Scholar (Wulff, O., Altchristliche und mittelalterliche Bildwerke, etc., 1909, p. 16Google Scholar). Nor does it show the body-protection, apparently largely composed of leather thongs, which is clearly seen on some of these monuments. In addition to the above instances, we may note the representations of charioteers on silk textiles reproduced by J. Lessing in his Album, and by O. von Falke in his text to it entitled Kunstgeschichte der Seidenweberei, i, figs. 74 and 87 (textiles of the sixth and seventh centuries at Aix-la-Chapelle and Brussels), the similar fabric in the Louvre (Cahier, and Martin, , Mélanges d'archéologie, iv, p. 257 and pl. xx)Google Scholar, the bronze statuette in the Louvre (Cahier and Martin, as above, p. 259 and pl. xxi), and the gilded glass, now lost (Garrucci, R., Vetri ornatí dí figure ín oro, pl. xxxiv, fig. 3)Google Scholar.

^{page 220 note 4} While, as already noted, the oliphant at Prague gives the meta in its regular form of a base bearing three spindle-shaped columns, the costume of the charioteer seems to depart, as on our horn, from the common model.

^{page 221 note 1} Though sprays of foliage are interspersed in this zone (cf. above, p. 214), whole trees are not introduced as in the Kieff frescoes, and on a contorniate medal, where they appear within the enceinte of the amphitheatre (Sabatier, as above, pl. ix, fig. 1). Such representations, unless entirely due to the fancy of the artist, almost suggest that trees and bushes were planted in the arena, on the occasion of beast-hunts, to give the scene a touch of realism. The figures of men and animals on the Kieff frescoes present a close analogy in style to those on the horn. Cf. Kondakoff, , Zapiski, as above, p. 289.Google Scholar

^{page 221 note 2} This method of fastening up a tunic for active exercise, though known in earlier times, is very frequently shown in Byzantine art of the middle period: it is perhaps the fashion ἐπημοιβοίς τελαμώσι — alternantibus loris — which Oppian describes (cf. Bordier, H., Description des peintures et autres ornements contenus dans les mss. grecs de la Bibliothèque Nationale, p. 272Google Scholar; Kondakoff, as above, p. 293). As the costume of hunters, soldiers, outdoor servants, etc., it is almost universal.

^{page 221 note 3} In more ancient times, wrestlers and boxers were, as we should expect, entirely or almost nude (cf. Sabatier, as above, pl. vii, fig. 12, and viii, 10; Garrucci, as above, pl. xxxiv, figs. 6 and 7). Wrestlers are shown in the twelfth-century manuscript of the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Bordier, as above, Index, s.v. Lutteurs).

^{page 221 note 4} At first sight they suggest the body-armour worn by beast-fighters in the arena in earlier times, though this only covered the left shoulder and half the body, cf. the diptych in the Basilewsky Collection at St. Petersburg (Darcel, A. and Basilewsky, A., La Collection Basilewsky, no. 45, and pl. xvi)Google Scholar; this protection, however, does not seem to be required in the case of such contests as those here represented. It is more probable that the cavities represent discs of metal applied to the garments as a distinguishing mark of a corps or troop. Discs, in similar groups of five, ornament the breasts of three figures in the Kieff frescoes (Kondakoff, as above, p. 300, and fig. 4).

^{page 221 note 5} This figure may be compared with that of a dancer on the ivory panel from a casket in the British Museum (Catalogue of Early Christian and Byzantine Antiquities, no. 301, pl. xii, b). Here the figure holds two wreaths, which seem to be part of the apparatus used in the dance. On other early monuments the wreath held by a victorious charioteer or athlete has the appearance of a simple ring (Sabatier, , Descr. gén. des méd. contorniates, viii, b and c). On a diptych of the Consul Areobindus, rings appear to be used as missiles against a bearGoogle Scholar (Molinier, , Ivoires, p. 21, no. 10Google Scholar; Gori, , Thesaurus Vet. Dipt., i, p. 128)Google Scholar.

^{page 222 note 1} Hampel, as above, ii, p. 899, fig. 26.

^{page 222 note 2} We may compare the nude figure leading a dog on the casket in the British Museum, mentioned above.

^{page 222 note 3} e.g. Gospels of tenth century in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, f. 6 (Bordier, H., Descr. des peintures et autres ornements, etc., p. 103)Google Scholar. It will be remembered that a hunting leopard is led on a leash in Benozzo Gozzoli's frescoes in the chapel of the Riccardi Palace at Florence. It has been suggested that the object held up by the rider may be a bowl of blood, with which the leopard was rewarded after a capture.

^{page 222 note 4} Codinus, , De officiis, ch. xxii. The Greek words are: Ίστέον δὲ καὶ τούτο, ὠς οί Παρδόβαλλοι, ὁπηνίκα Φέρουσι τοὺς πάρδους, ίππόται εἰσέρχονται εἰς τὸ παλάτιον καὶ ίππόται ὁμοίως ἐξέρχονταιGoogle Scholar

^{page 222 note 5} Cf. above, p. 220.

^{page 222 note 6} On the general subject of oliphants the following papers in Archaeologia may be consulted: Gale, vol. i, 168; Pegge, vol. iii, 1; Ellis, vol. xvii, 311; Nicholls, vol. xxxix, 349.