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VIII.—The Palace of Westminster in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 November 2011
Extract
We do not know when the English kings took up their residence at Westminster. Some slight indications suggest that Canute may have first established himself here. It is clear from the name Westminster that the Abbey was first in place, and this is confirmed by the position of the Palace, built along a narrow marshy strip between the better ground of the Abbey precinct and the river. Holyrood seems to be a parallel case of a famous religious house drawing the king's palace to its side. There is no certain evidence for the existence of the Abbey itself until the opening of the last third of the tenth century. The points in favour of Canute's residence at Westminster are as follows. His son Harold was buried in the Abbey, and according to the traditions of the house he was a great benefactor to it, presenting it with many relics, and being much attached to the Abbot Wulnoth. Gaimar, a twelfth-century writer, says that the dispute as to the tide happened at Westminster. “He was in London on the Thames, the tide was flowing near the church called Westminster, and the king stood at the strand on the sand.” The first positive evidence as to the Saxon palace is contained in William of Malmesbury's Chronicle, which tells how King Edward the Confessor was wearing his crown at Westminster, and while sitting at table one Easter Day, surrounded by nobles, he saw a vision.
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References
page 132 note a In this passage we have the use of hall and “chamber” carried back to the time of the Confessor.
page 132 note b MS. 30 Arundel. “Longitudo Aule Westmonasterii est CCLXX. pedes. Latitudo LXXIIII.”
page 132 note c The relative proportion is fairly maintained in these excessive dimensions, and we are reminded that ancient dimensions of old St. Paul's, also reported by Stow, were equally in excess of the facts. Do these dimensions represent some old standard, such, for instance, as “the foot of St. Paul's”? On the other hand, the bays of the hall are nearly 20 feet from centre to centre, and it seems probable that the hall was designed as twelve bays long, each of 20 feet span: 240 altogether.
page 133 note a About the cost of a pair of oxen.
page 133 note b Riley, , Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs.Google Scholar
page 134 note a Archaeologia, xxvi. and xxvii.Google Scholar
page 134 note b See the reproduction of his survey in Archaeologia, 1. plate i.
page 134 note c Report from the Select Committee on Westminster Hall Restoration, 1885, p. 159Google Scholar.
page 136 note a One reason for the modifications in the spacing seems to be that the south wall of the hall is not set square to the rest of the work, and the west side is longer than the eastern. Irregularities still appear in the spacing of the present windows on the east side; in two cases they are as much as 16 inches out of centre (towards the south). In the end bay to the south the window is close to the wall-truss, and is smaller than all the rest.
page 136 note b In the Castle grounds at Gruildford there is a large base which can hardly be anything else than a part of one of the pillars of the Great Hall.
page 136 note c Mr. W. H. St. John Hope has referred me to the Norman Castle Hall at Leicester, illustrated in Mr. James Thompson's Account of Leicester Castle, as having a close resemblance to what has been shown was the probable form of the roof over the Great Hall at Westminster. Following this I have shown posts on the plan. He has also given me accurate measurements of the interior width of the hall, which is 67 feet 2 inches at the north end and 68 feet 2 inches towards the south, where the modern steps begin.
page 137 note a Issue Roll, 1 Ed. I.
page 137 note b Brayley and Britton, 116.
page 137 note c Vol. 1. 1–16.
page 138 note a Smirke says: “On the outside a column seems to have ornamented the angle of the reveal, with its base resting on a string course.”
page 138 note b Vetusta Monumenta, vol. vi. plate xxvi.Google Scholar
page 139 note a At the entrance to the Abbey Chapter House are preserved a number of carved capitals, some of which are the same as those figured by Smirke as having been found at the hall. Mr. Wright some years since told me that they came from the hall. Another of these capitals is now in the office of the Clerk of Works to the Houses of Parliament. A cast of a fragment of the notched string is at the Soane Museum.
page 139 note b Vol. 1. 12.
page 141 note a Brayley and Britton, 121.
page 142 note a Hall's Antiquities of the Exchequer, 14. Mr. Hall wouldi dentify a lodging in the palace, spoken of about this time, as a tower near to the river, with the tower which at a later time stood on the west side of the great hall, but the evidence is against the latter being earlier than the fourteenth century.
page 142 note b Part of the staircase between the great hall and the still existing undercroft of the later chapel was found to be of Norman work.
page 143 note a For example that of Rochester Castle, which is almost exactly like this.
page 144 note a In early days there would not hare been a deep chimney, and perhaps in any case this position would push this Norman chimney arch too far out of the middle of the length of the hall.
page 144 note b Brayley and Britton.
page 146 note a For entries from the Pipe Rolls of 23 Henry II. and later I am indebted to Mr. Hubert Hall's Court Life under the Plantagenets, 237. He says that Alnoth appears in the London Pipe Roll almost every year as receiving sums of about £7 10s., his fee I suppose.
page 146 note a Vol. vi. 71.
page 146 note b If this door were proved to be of Saxon work I would much rather suppose that it was refixed here than that it was part of the Saxon palace in situ. In the Confessor's time I should think this point was not only close to the river but in it.
page 147 note a The Commune of London, (J4.
page 147 note b Brayley and Britton, 122, 161.
page 147 note c Not the great conduit of New Palace Yard.
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