¹ Desvergnes is largely undocumented and often unreliable.

² J.-M. Suares, Descriptiuncula Avenionis et Comitatus Venascini (Lyons, 1658), 18.

³ Courtet, J., Dictionnaire gêographique, historique, archéologique et biographique des Communes du Département de Vaucluse (Avignon, 1857). 317–18.Google Scholar

⁴ Documents used by Faucon and Müntz are normally cited below from the original.

⁵ Müntz, 21–2.

⁶ Faucon, 85.

⁷ The texts of a considerable number of documents utilized below are given in the three volumes of Schäfer (1911, 1914, 1937) as occasionally indicated; those volumes also contain many other texts illustrating papal building operations and extensive glossaries of technical terms; see also the extremely detailed information, largely based on the IE series used here, in Sella, P., Glossario Latino Italiano: Stato della Chiesa—Veneto Abruzzi (Vatican, 1944).Google Scholar

⁸ General statistical and financial analyses of the papal accounts covering building in and around Avignon are provided in Piola Caselli; the accounts themselves are frequently deficient and this work is occasionally inaccurate. Thus, Piola Caselli, 54–5, writes incorrectly of the partial demolition of a whole range of the Sorgues palace in 1362/3; no source is cited, but presumably this follows Jamot, 171. Piola, 196, citing IE 300, fols. 67–78, records 4,378 florins spent in 1362/3, but these were for minor repairs and cleaning with no indication of any major demolitions.

⁹ Avignon, Bibliothèque du Musée Calvet, Album de Laincel, nos. 105, 107, 109 (here, pls. XLVb, a, XLVIa respectively); the album, ‘Vues d'Avignon, du Comtat, etc.‘was presented to the Museum by the Marquis de Laincel in 1851.

¹⁰ Baugéan, J.-J., Nouveau Voyage pittoresque de la France (Paris, 1817), III unpaginated; Professor P. Gavaudan kindly brought this illustration to our attention.Google Scholar

¹¹ The series of maps, by Digoine Fils et Vache, is kept in the Mairie at Sorgues, to which we are indebted for the opportunity to inspect and copy the relevant portion of this map and of the present town plan.

¹² The drawings appear to be of late seventeenth- or early eighteenth-century date, and certainly antedate 1774, since the present parish church, consecrated in that year, is not shown in the view in plate XLVb. We are grateful to Professor Michael Kitson of the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art and Mr Paul Goldman, Department of Prints and Drawings, British Museum, for their advice. Professor Kitson noted the Italianate style of the landscape, which derived from that developed by such Bolognese artists as Annibale Carracci and Guercino in the first half of the seventeenth century, and commented that the topographical interest suggested a date around or a little later than 1700, 1650 and 1750 being the outside limits. The artist, one of a great many working in that style, remains anonymous.

¹³ Avignon, IQ 60 no. 1007.

¹⁴ Avignon, IQ 14 (unfoliated).

¹⁵ Desvergnes, 126, states that the church was constructed with stones taken from the palace; this notion derives from a misunderstanding which arose in 1770; see below, note 176.

¹⁶ cf. reproductions in Labande, 1, 17–19, 25, 40 and pl. iii.

¹⁷ Avignon, IQ 58 no. 753; IQ 60 no. 1007.

¹⁸ Müntz, 22.

¹⁹ We are grateful to M. and Mme Croix who kindly allowed us to inspect the interior of 6 Rue du Château. The occupants of no. 12 also kindly allowed access but, apart from a diaphragm vault, no original feature was visible internally. It was not possible to inspect the interiors of nos. 8 and 10.

²⁰ Summary and bibliography in Leonelli; the attribution to Fernández de Heredia is rejected below, pp. 184–6 (Appendix I).

²¹ Jamot, 153–8, 167–72.

²² Below, p. 174.

²³ Coville, A., ‘Sur les Fresques de Sorgues’, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres: Comptes Rendues (1941), 383–406.Google Scholar

²⁴ The authors are most grateful for much kind help and encouragement to M. and Mme Michel Hayez in the Archives Départementales de Vaucluse; to Mme M.-C. Leonelli of the Centre International de Documentation et de Recherche du Petit Palais d'Avignon; to M. René Guilly, Conservateur des Musées at the Louvre, for materials relating to the ‘Maison des Fresques’; to M. E. Quiot, Professeur P. Gavaudan, Dr F. Loiseleur des Longchamps and M. and Mme Croix, all of Sorgues, for local information; to M. H. Aliquot for observations on comparable medieval buildings in and around Avignon; and, above all, to the late M. and Mme Albert Pètre, proprietors of the ‘Maison des Fresques’.

²⁵ …medietate de ipso castro de Ponte de Sorgia et de ipsa villa et ejus territorio et de iis omnibus quae ad praedictam villam vel castrum de Ponte de Sorgia: Devic, C. and Vaissete, J., Histoire générale de Languedoc, 2nd edition, 18 vols. (Toulouse, 1872–1904), v, 935–9.Google Scholar

²⁶ S. Fantoni Castrucci, Istoria della Città di Avignone e del Contado Venesino, 2 vols. (Venice, 1678), II, 87–8.

²⁷ Contemporary copy in Paris, Mss. Latins, Nouvelles Acquisitions 1751, fols. 88^v–90.

²⁸ Faucon, 82, assumes that there was already a fortified gateway before 1318.

²⁹ See below, p. 175.

³⁰ Faucon, 86, n. 1, considers that this building was t he Count's ‘vieux chȃteau’.

³¹ Coll. 447, fol. 74, 90^v.

³² IE 53, fol. 55.

³³ IE 16, fol. 148: Schäfer (1911), 620.

³⁴ Below, pp. 182–3, and Rey, R., L'Art gothique du Midi de la France (Paris, 1934), 219–25.Google Scholar

³⁵ Piola Caselli, 30.

³⁶ IE 16, fols. 121^V–125.

³⁷ IE 16, fol. 148: Schäfer (1911), 620–1.

³⁸ IE 24, fol. 77: Schäfer (1911), 623; the area was 12–5 eminate, and the properties and owners are listed in IM 798 (5 April 1322).

³⁹ IE 47, fols. 105^v–106: Schäfer (1911), 628–9. These and various other curtes, domus and hospitia purchased for the audientia in 1322 were listed in IE 35, fol. 33^V. In 1323 land was bought for the magnum viridarium of the palace: IE 35, fol. 33.

⁴⁰ IE 53, fols. 50, 55.

⁴¹ Reg. Aven. 17, fol. 388.

⁴² Reg. Aven. 155, fols. 449–449^v. The modern Notre-Dame de Beauvoir is apparently on a different site: Desvergnes, 116,127. Piola Caselli, 30, incorrectly states that land was ‘given’ by the Benedictines.

⁴³ IE 35, fols. 19–33^v.

⁴⁴ IE 54, fol. 118: Schäfer (1911), 631; the area purchased covered more than 44 eminate.

⁴⁵ Details in IE 37passim (1319–23). There is no sign of wood in the towers shown in plates XLV, XLVI. In 1319 building was to be ad modum operis castri noui, that is in the style used at Châteauneuf, completed for John XXII in 1323: IE 37, fol. 45. The reference is obscure: see drawing from the Album de Laincel in Labande, I, 17. The low ‘tower’ shown in the centre of the south wing in plate XLVla appears not to have been mentioned in the papal accounts; it may have contained the staircase mentioned below, note 51.

⁴⁶ IE 53, fol. 5O^v. It is difficult to distinguish the outer main gate (presumably the primum portale magnum or prima magna porta) and the main palace gate (secundum portale magnum) of the texts. The tower ubi est porta coladissa was also mentioned in IE 37, fols. 27^V 57^V 61^V. Faucon, 87, interpreted the bell suspension in plate XLVa as a sentry box or ‘tour de guette ’.

⁴⁷ IE 41, fols. 154, 155.

⁴⁸ IE 37 passim; the phrases a parte aque and a parte aque Sorgie referred in places to the west side, but elsewhere to the north. In one case the range de parte aque was on the north, since it was described as having a tower to its west in 1321 when Thomas Daristot pictor anglicus painted it: IE 37, fols. 43,80. At the date of the Laincel drawings there were windows in the north face of the palace (pi. XLVa); yet there was no clear reference to rooms in the north anywhere in the fourteenth-century accounts. Faucon, 88, interprets the large high window which the Laincel Album (pi. XLVa) showed in the west face of the north-west tower as being in a great ‘salle d'apparat’ running along the north range and under the north-west tower.

⁴⁹ IE 32, fols. 61^v–62: Schäfer (1911), 308.

⁵⁰ IE 37, fols. 37, 39^v, 80^v. IE 53, fol. 48^v, documents the main stairway and the upper and lower cloisters. Faucon, 87–8, assumes that the east and north halls were at ground level, and that the ground floor of the east range was divided into two longitudinal parts, one exterior, possibly a dining hall, and one interior.

⁵¹ In 1323 a stone window was made in gradario quod est in Capella dicti palacij per quod descenditur de capella ad consistorium dicti palacij a parte inferiori pro illuminando dicto gradario: IE 53, fol. 56^v. This staircase was possibly in the lower central ‘tower’ on the south side. That this chapel was next to a tower and not in one is suggested by the phrase camera turris que estjuxta capellam dicti palacij: IE 37, fol. 90.

⁵² … pro recopieriendo capellam domini nostri: IE 58, fol. 167: Schäfer (1911), 295; IE 32, fol. 61^v, mentioned the tiles.

⁵³ … capella domini nostri que fit in aula que est in dicto palacio a parte ville: IE 37, fol. 87; cf. IE 58, fol. 167. IE 58, fol. 164,167, referred in 1324 to a capella domini nostri and a separate capella bassa.

⁵⁴ IE 53, fol. 50. In the east side was an aula magna dominj nostrj a parte orientis iuxta studium: IE 37, fol. 62. There were payments in picturis studij et Camerarum dominj nostrj in aula que est a parte orientis: IE 37, fol. 82. The term aula was evidently used to mean ‘wing’ or ‘range’ as well as ‘hall ‘or ‘room ‘. In 1357 the pope's chamber may have been in the south-east tower—pro vna sarratura in turri ante cameram domini nostri pape … and pro vna sarratura in porta turris desuper cameram domini nostri pape…: IE 282, fol. 124^v.

⁵⁵ Coll. 447, fol. 90; the guardaroba may have been the pope's camera parva next to his magna camera: Coll. 447, fol. 102^v.

⁵⁶ IE 282, fol. 122^v.

⁵⁷ IE 282, fol. 122^v; IM 4737, fols. 40, 42^v.

⁵⁸ … aula que est a parte orientis a parte inferiori iuxta turrem: IE 37, fol. 67^v.

⁵⁹ … .claustris dicti palacij a parte superiori eta parte inferiori: IE 53, fol. 48^v.

⁶⁰ Coll. 447, fol. 98.

⁶¹ IE 37, fol. 94^v.

⁶² … curritoria claustrorum: IE 37, fol. 35.

⁶³ IE 53, fol. 48. In 1321 there were expenses in dictis curritoribus in capite aularum et camerarum and pro quodam arcu lapideo facto … in claustris dictj palacij a parte gradarij per quod assenditur ad curritoria aularum dicti palacii super quo arcu est posita comaloria claustrorum et pro pilari lapideo facto super dicto arcu vbi coopertura dicti gradarij firmatur…: IE 37, fols. 31, 31^v. There were also a magna janua corredori superioris, a porta in medio gradario and a porta iuxta corredorium magni tinelli: IE 269, fols. 38^v—39, 64. The accounts mention numerous other doors.

⁶⁴ IE 37, fol. 75.

⁶⁵ … primo portale magni gradarij claustrorum: IE 53, fol. 48^v. IE 269, fol. 39, mentioned the porta in medio gradario.

⁶⁶ … pro vna porta lapidea facta in capite seu in angulo claustrorum a parte superiori iuxta capellam dicti palacij per quam descenditur de claustris ad consistorium: IE 37, fol. 39^v; see also the text in IE 53, fol. 56^v, quoted above, note 51.

⁶⁷ … in scaleriis exterioribus dicti palacij: IE 37, fol. 54.

⁶⁸ The steps survive4, pi. XLVllla.

⁶⁹ IE 269, fol. 38^v; IE 282, fol. 124; IM 4737, fols, 5, 6.

⁷⁰ IE 37, fols. 29, 68; IE 53, fol. 46; IM 4737, fol. 5^v.

⁷¹ IE 37, fols. 27^v, 68.

⁷² IE 37, fols. 88^v, 90^v.

⁷³ IE 150, fol. 81^v; IE 212, fols. 25, 33^v.

⁷⁴ IE 37, fol. 75.

⁷⁵ “IE 37, fols. 19^v, 25, 27^v, 33, 33^v, 34^v, 43, 43^v, 57^v, 68. All sorts of divisions and arrangements within towers in the Avignon palace are illustrated in Labande, I, 96–131 passim and pi. XII.

⁷⁶ IE 269, fols. 38^v–39; IE 282, fols. 122^v 124–124^v.

⁷⁷ IM 4737, fols. 4^v–5^v, 55, 73^v.

⁷⁸ IE 53, fol. 57.

⁷⁹ Renovation by the present owners, M. and Mme Croix, in the year or so before we inspected the interior in 1987. We are grateful to them for allowing us access and for their information about the work done.

⁸⁰ Another is visible at 12 Rue du Chȃteau; cf. the description of the vaulted lower hall of the south range, above, p. 168 and note 50. The arch is the only obvious original feature now visible within that house. We did not have access to the interiors of nos. 8 and 10.

⁸¹ M. Croix reported that these slabs did not extend over the whole floor, so they may already have been reused from a previous floor or from elsewhere.

⁸² Information from M. Croix: the surface is now rendered in plaster.

⁸³ IE 53, fol. 48^v (as above, note 59).

⁸⁴ This point is argued in detail in Appendix II.

⁸⁵ Below, pp. 171–2.

⁸⁶ IE 37, fols. 10, 11, 28; IE 53, fols. 48^v, 49^v, 50.

⁸⁷ IE 37, fols. 11, 22. The first of these houses seems to have been repaired, since in 1332 feci fieri vnum fomellum in domo antiqua, iuxta primam portam palacij quia antiquus erat dirutus: Coll. 447, fol. 237^v.

⁸⁸ IE 37, fol. 62; IE 57, fol. 77. In 1329 a hospicium of Benedictus de Ruffe was housing ten palace guards, but it may have been outside the palace: Coll. 447, fols. 47^v, 53.

⁸⁹ IE 53, fols. 55, 59; IE 16, fol. 76; see the pyramidal roof in plates XLVa and XLVb.

⁹⁰ IE 150, fol. 81^v; IE 162, fol. 76.

⁹¹ IE 282, fols. 123^v, 124^v.

⁹² IM 4737, fols. 40, 41, 55; cf. Schäfer (1937), 414.

⁹³ IE 53, fols. 52^v, 55, 58; IE 212, fols. 25, 26.

⁹⁴ Despite the superficial similarity between the two drawings, there are differences in their representations of the wall, and they provide insufficient detail for it to b e possible to reconcile the two and thus form a clear idea of t he layout of t h e wall and buildings in front of the palace.

⁹⁵ The pyramidal kitchen roof at Avignon is shown, interior and exterior, in Labande, I, 71, 111–12.

⁹⁶ IE 35, fol. 20^v. In 1330 there was a murus palacij a parte uille: Coll. 447, fol. 127^v.

⁹⁷ IE 53, fol. 49^v, showing that the gate by the Viguier's house had a portcullis; it was clearly mentioned in 1319, as the domus seu casa vbi operabatur porta coladissa que est a parte Sorgie iuxta domum quant inhabitat viguerius, in IE 37, fol. 11.

⁹⁸ IE 162, fol. 76.

⁹⁹ IE 37, fol. 25; there is no indication of the whereabouts of the old gateway.

¹⁰⁰ IE 37, fols. 15, 16^v; André-Michel, R., Mélanges d'Histoire et d'Archéologie: Avignon (Paris, 1926), 17, translates cancelli as ‘barrières’.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Coll. 447, fols. 78–78^v, 82–88^v, mentioned merleti with arqueti, barte and unum pannum muri a parte ville in 1327 and 1330. In 1332 fecisset poni bardes inter merletos totius palatii … pro amouendis barbacanis lapideis tocius palacii et loco eanan factis merletis: IE 32, fols. 61^v–62: Schäfer (1911), 308. The dictionaries provide a variety of meanings for barda, embardamentum, etc., but the word is occasionally recognizable as meaning saddle, pavement or buttress, interior or exterior, and it cannot here safely be regarded as meaning anything more precise than a stone slab. Barbacanus also had a wide variety of meanings.

¹⁰² Illustrated in Labande, I, 67, 83 et passim.

¹⁰³ Above, note 97.

¹⁰⁴ Faucon, 86, mistakenly judged from the drawings that a main fortified palace entrance was at the point where the bridge joined the river bank. Plates XLVa and XLVb suggest, somewhat ambiguously, that in the late seventeenth or eighteenth century the palace wall ran southwards along the river and turned inland when it reached the bridge, having a tower on the corner, and that the road across the bridge passed through a gateway in the town wall which ran southward from that tower (cf. fig. 3).

¹⁰⁵ André-Michel, op. cit. (note 100), 84–101; Guillemain, B., La Cour pontificate d'Avignon (1309–1376): Étude d'une Société (Paris, 1962), 619–22.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Schäfer (1914), 727.

¹⁰⁷ Schäfer (1937), 153.

¹⁰⁸ … pro muris in Circuitu Palatij in December 1360: IE 293, fol. 133. A pons jardinj of 1343 suggests a ditch between palace and garden: IE 212, fol. 33.

¹⁰⁹ A pons leuaticus mentioned in April 1359 was in dicto palatio: IE 269, fol. 90^v. In 1372 there was one in introitu palacij: IM 4737, fol. 80^v.

¹¹⁰ Expenses in January 1360 pro fossatis in circuitu et pro custodia eiusdem castri: IE 293, fol. 195. I n February 1360 there were expenses pro muris et conductibus pro custodia dicti loci faciendis in circuitu dicti palatij …; in March 1360 pro muris el conductibus siue passerijs in circuitu castri dicti loci pro custodia; and in June 1360 pro muris et fossatis faciendis in ambitu dicti loci: IE 293, fols. 195,195^v, 196, 197^v. Expenses pro muris in Circuitu palacij came in December 1360: IE 293, fol. 133. In 1367 the magister vallatorum was paid pro certis cannis vallatorum factorum in Ponte Sorgie: Schäfer (1937), 191. Whether castrum meant the palace complex or the whole town is uncertain.

¹¹¹ IE 282, fol. 124^v.

¹¹² IM 4737, fols. 5^v, 6, 80^v.

¹¹³ The regular accounts for 1352–62 show a low total expenditure at Sorgues of only 2,428 florins: below, p. 174. However, Piola Caselli, 32, apparently has no good reason for saying that the palace was ‘going to ruin’ in those years, to be ‘restored’ in 1362/3 by Urban V: above, note 8.

¹¹⁴ The main outer walls shown in pi. XLVIa might be those of the circuit completed in 1360, but excavation would be required to locate them precisely and to test whether they were contemporary with or later than the main palace building.

¹¹⁵ IE 53, fols. 49–51^v, 54, 59; IE 58, fols. 165,167; IE 150, fol. 81^v.

¹¹⁶ Coll. 447, fols. 56–56^v, 133^v, 248–250; cf. below, p. 175.

¹¹⁷ IE 150, fol. 81^v.

¹¹⁸ IE 247, fol. 93^v; IE 282, fols. 124, 127; IE 300, fol. 71^v; IM 4737, fols. 5, 6; Schäfer (1937), 43, 411, 493, 545.

¹¹⁹ IE 150, fol. 81^v. The raised water channel still covered by enormous stone slabs may have carried water to the palace from the north-east, though Desvergnes, 123, says it is modern.

¹²⁰ IE 131, fol. 67^v: Schäfer (1911), 313. T h e distance paid for was 166 canne and 7 palmi. In 1357 the fishpond had a bridge: IE 282, fol. 124. There is now no sign of where this large pool was, but the Laincel album view of the palace from the south-east (pi. XLVIa) shows a stretch of water on that side of the palace, and the piscarium may originally have been there.

¹²¹ IE 282, fol. 124^v.

¹²² Coll. 447, fols. 80, 9 9, 127^v.

¹²³ IE 212, fols. 30^v, 31^v; for t h e drawbridge, above, note 109.

¹²⁴ H. Aliquot, ‘Dernières déouvertes avignonnaises: les chasses des livrées cardinalices de Gaillard de la Mothe et de Raymond de Canillac’, in La Chasse au Moyen Âge: Actes du Colloque de Nice (Nice, 1980).

¹²⁵ M. Charageat, ‘Le Pare d'Hesdin: création monumentale du XIIIe siècle,’ Bulletin de la Société de I'Histoire de I'An Français (1950); van Buren, A., ‘Reality and literary romance in the park at Hesdin’, and other contributions in E., Macdougall (ed.), Medieval Gardens (Washington, 1986).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Bellafiore, G., ‘I Giardini Paradiso a Palermo nelle età islamica e normanna’, Argomenti di Storia e dell'Arte, I (1983), 30.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Ehrle, F. and Egger, H., Der vaticanische Palast in seiner Entwicklungen bis zur Mitte des XV. Jahrhundens (Vatican, 1935), 38–44;Google ScholarRedig de Campos, D., I Palazzi Vaticani (Bologna, 1967), 25–33Google Scholar; Steinke, K., Die mittelalterlichen Vatikanpaläste und ihre Kapellen (Vatican, 1984), 51–2.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Rrautheimer, R., Rome, Profile of a City: 312–1308 (Princeton, 1980), 208–9, 233–5, figs. 165, 182; possibly Paolino da Venezia's map reflected the situation in about 1280.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ V[alois], N., ‘Jacques Duèse (Pape Jean XXII)’, in Histoire littéraire de la France 34 (Paris, 1914), 398–9.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ On Avignon, Labande, I, 37, 46 and end plan.

¹³¹ Kirsch, J.-P., Die Rückkehr der Päpste Urban V. und Gregor XL von Avignon nach Rom (Paderborn, 1898), xxx, 164–5; see also Ehrle and Egger, op. cit. (note 127), 60–82, and Steinke, op. cit. (note 127), 73–4, 99–102.Google Scholar

¹³² Schäfer (1914), 21–3; E., Baluze and G., Mollat (eds.), Vitae Paparum Avenionensium, 4 vols. (Paris, 1916–1928), I, 218–19.Google Scholar

¹³³ Schäfer (1914), 230, 354.

¹³⁴ Schäfer (1911), 86–7, 92–3, 405–6, 426.

¹³⁵ Schäfer (1914), 641, 652, 674.

¹³⁶ Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 248, fols. 93, 232.

¹³⁷ Vitae Paparum, op. cit. (note 132), IV, 131.

¹³⁸ Schäfer (1937), 13, 49, 64, 95, 98–9, 117, 128, 148–50, 289, 332, 336, 373. 378, 382–3, 392, 474. 488, 576, 579, 583.

¹³⁹ Tomasello, A., Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon: 1309–1403 (Ann Arbor, 1983), 31, 69, 83.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ N. Valois, La France el le Grand Schisme d'Occident, 4 vols. (Paris, 1896–1902), II, 446.

¹⁴¹ H. Moranvillé (ed.), Journal de Jean le Fèvre évêque de Chartres, (Paris, 1887), 35, 38, 41–2, 172, 174, 204 et passim.

¹⁴² Müntz, 36.

¹⁴³ de Alpartils, Martin, Chronica Actitatorum temporibus domini Benedicti XIII, F., Ehrle (ed.) (Paderborn, 1906), 30–2, 144.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Vitae Paparum, op. cit. (note 132), III, 338, 475.

¹⁴⁵ Casanova, E., ‘Visita di un Papa avignonese a suoi Cardinali’, Archivio della R. Società Romano di Storia Patria, 22 (1899).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Coville, A., La Vie intellectuelle dans les Domaines d'Anjou-Provence de 1380 à 1435 (Paris, 1941), 371, 381–3.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Piola Caselli, 32.

¹⁴⁸ Reg. Aven. 348, fols. 29^v–30^v.

¹⁴⁹ Piola Caselli's book provides a general account of costs, salaries, materials and accounting techniques for all the papal castles, using the extensive extracts from the accounts published in Schäfer (1911,1914,1937). Kane, E., ‘A document for the fresco technique of Matteo Giovanetti in Avignon’, Studies: an Irish Quarterly Review 255 (1975), shows how the expenditure accounts can be utilized.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ No document supports the claims for Cucuron's intervention or superintendence made by Jamot, 152, Piola Caselli, 59, and others.

¹⁵¹ Schäfer (1911), 280, 283, 286–7; Faucon, 83, and Jamot, 151, claim Gauriac as constructor or ‘architect’ of the palace.

¹⁵² Schäfer (1911), 287, 289–94.

¹⁵³ IE 81, fol. 69^v.

¹⁵⁴ Schäfer (1911), 77–8, 87, 275, 280, 289, 291, 295, 301–2, 308, 313.

¹⁵⁵ Schäfer (1937), 23, 164.

¹⁵⁶ Schäfer (1914), 66, 219, 354, 567, 728, 740, 749, 822.

¹⁵⁷ Schäfer (1937), 22, 611 et passim; Falgayriac also appeared as Bernard.

¹⁵⁸ R. Michel, ‘Les constructions de Jean XXII à Bonpas’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire 31 (1911), 374–5, 391.

¹⁵⁹ The painting is studied on the basis of the accounts in Müntz, Faucon and Jamot; detail concerning painters, materials and salaries is not here repeated.

¹⁶⁰ Faucon, 83–4, 92–7, with texts in Müntz, 23–4; IE 57, fol. 77^v, mentioned the painted cloth.

¹⁶¹ IE 150, fol. 81^v.

¹⁶² IE 212, fol. 36.

¹⁶³ IM 4737, fol. 80.

¹⁶⁴ Radke, G., ‘Medieval frescoes in the papal palaces of Viterbo and Orvieto’, Gesta 23 (1984), 27–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Müntz, 19–20.

¹⁶⁶ Faucon, 92–7; Castelnuovo, E., Un pittore italiano alla cone di Avignone: Matteo Giovannetti e la pittura in Provenza nel secolo XIV (Turin, 1962), 13–17; pis. 1–6.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ IE 269, fols. 36, 39.

¹⁶⁸ IE 32, fols. 61^v–62: Schäfer (1911), 308.

¹⁶⁹ P., Gasnault and N., Gotten (eds.), Innocent VI (‘1352–1362): Lettres secrètes et curiales (Rome, 1976), IV, no. 2153.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ IE 293, fol. 129.

¹⁷¹ Schäfer (1937), 49, 489–90.

¹⁷² Above, p. 166.

¹⁷³ IE 35, fols. 1, 34. Another set of accounts for the same period, which included many of t h e same expenses, totalled 24,450 livres of Vienne: IE 97, fol. 95.

¹⁷⁴ Piola Caselli, 45, 53, 57, 67 n. 14, 195–6; though presumably incomplete, these figures probably give a reasonably accurate impression of expenditure.

¹⁷⁵ Above, pp. 165–6.

¹⁷⁶ The idea that there had been a ‘château’ near the modern parish church was current in 1770, for when the church's foundations were dug in the area known as ‘le plan de la tour’ they uncovered what was thought to be a castle (‘du côté du clocher on trouva de vieilles constructions qui paraissaient par leur forme indiquer une citadelle’): entry in a manuscript of the statutes of Sorgues once in the Bibliothèque du Cercle at Sorgues, as copied into the inventory of the Archives Communales de Sorgues now in Avignon, BB 16.

¹⁷⁷ A drawing from the Album de Laincel shows a tower defending the bridge at Villeneuve-lès-Avignon; illustrated in Labande, I, 25.

¹⁷⁸ … iuxta portale uocatum de Avinione: IE 47, fol. 106; Desvergnes, 124, mentions four gates and traces of walls.

¹⁷⁹ Above, pp. 171–2.

¹⁸⁰ … tarn pro clausura ipsius loci: Archivio Vaticano, Obligationes et Solutiones 3 1, fols. 210^v–211. The maintenance of town walls was presumably not the financial responsibility of the papal curia, and that might account for an absence of references to town walls in the curial records. The entry of 1360 pro fossatis in circuitu… castri apparently referred to the palace: above, note 110. Local financial measures concerning the town's fortifications from 1372 onwards are in Avignon, CC5.

¹⁸¹ Avignon, Inventaire des Archives de Sorgues, AA I no. 6 (abstract of a parchment now lost). The town's vallatus was mentioned in 1391: Avignon, H Célestins Gentilly 54.

¹⁸² IE 47, fol. 106; IE 53, fols. 46, 48–49^v, 61^v. In the Avignon audience, rounded steps inside the hall led into a side room: Labande, I, pi. VIII.

¹⁸³ Schäfer (1911), 286; Labande, I, 45.

¹⁸⁴ Herde, P., Audientia Litterarum Contradictarum: Untersuchungen über die päpstlichen Justizbriefe und die päpstliche Delegationsgerichtsbarkeit vom 13. bis zum Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Tübingen, 1970), I, 22et passim.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ … .pro operibus hospicij antiqui papalis Pontis Sorgie, in quo tenetur Curia et cuditur moneta rehedificandi: IE 58, fols. 164^v, 165^v–166: Schäfer (1911), 295; cf. Faucon, 119–22. G. Mollat, ‘Les Papes d'Avignon et leur Hôtel des Monnaies à Sorgues (Comtat Venaissin)’, Revue Numismatique, ser. 4, 12 (1908), dates the mint as being at Sorgues from 1301 to 1354. Idem, Les Papes d'Avignon: 1305–1378, rev. edition (Paris, 1964), 474, wrongly places the mint inside the papal castle.

¹⁸⁶ … pro edificatione domorum ubi debet cudi monetam: IE 16, fol. 121^v: Schäfer (1911), 280.

¹⁸⁷ It seems unlikely that this ‘old papal hospicium’ was ever a residence of t h e pope or of the Counts of Toulouse, as suggested by Faucon, 86, n. 1.

¹⁸⁸ IE 53, fol. 53.

¹⁸⁹ Coll. 447, fols. 79^v, 127, 128–128^v, 236–237.

¹⁹⁰ IE 32, fols. 61^v–62: Schäfer (1911), 308–9.

¹⁹¹ Nîmes, G 1238 no. 145.

¹⁹² Jamot, 125.

¹⁹³ Above, p. 173.

¹⁹⁴ Aliquot, H., ‘Les livrées cardinalices de Villeneuve-lès-Avignon’, in Genèse et Débuts du Grand Schisme d'Occident: 1362–1394 (Paris, 1980).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ Desvergnes, 123, reported that the effaced arms were those of the papacy, but it is not now possible to identify any heraldic feature to confirm that. Müntz, 22, in his brief description of the house, said merely that the arms were ‘malheureusement martelé’; also, that the façade appeared originally to have been crenellated.

¹⁹⁶ Jamot, 156, fig. 15.

¹⁹⁷ For 62 Rue Ducres, above, p. 175; on Villeneuve-lès-Avignon, Aliquot, op. cit. (note 194).

¹⁹⁸ cf. those shown on houses in Ambrogio Lorenzetti's fresco depicting the Results of Good Government in Town, dated 1331–40, in the Palazzo Pubblico at Siena: van Marie, R., The Development of the Italian Schools of Painting, 6 vols. (The Hague, 1924; repr. New York, 1970), 11, 405, fig. 269, and 406; illustrated in colour in C. Brandi (ed.), Palazzo pubblico di Siena: vicende costruttive e decorazione (Siena, 1983), fig. 246.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ Jamot, 141, fig. 3.

²⁰⁰ M. Laclotte and D. Thiébaut, L'École d'Avignon (Paris, 1983), 203–7. Note that the width of fragment 34.9 is 1.66m, not 0.95m as stated; it thus filled the full space between the east window and the south-east corner.

²⁰¹ Jamot, 156, fig. 15; one window had fifteenth-century graffiti scratched in the plaster: ibid., 157, fig. 16. Jamot, 157, also noted that the walls of the two chambers had been left roughly dressed, for the better attachment of the plaster. There is a similar window seat with painted surround in the Chambre du Cerf in the papal palace at Avignon: Laclotte and Thieébaut, op. cit. (note 200), 149.

²⁰² Aliquot, op. cit. (note 194); we are grateful to M. Aliquot for his opinion on the date of the roof structure. Leonelli, 418, n. 2, also mentions the roof and wall decoration; it is clear from the context of her reference to the gable ends (‘murs pignons’) that the walls she refers to as south and north are those described here as east and west respectively.

²⁰³ Above, pp. 175–6.

²⁰⁴ Below, Appendix I.

²⁰⁵ Texts in André-Michel, op. cit. (note 100), 11–12.

²⁰⁶ Among more detailed studies of the frescoes, the best general treatment with full and recent references is Laclotte and Thiébaut, op. cit. (note 200), 133–6, 203–7 et passim. The date is of some importance as it affects the dating of other paintings such as those in the Livree de Canillac. Coville, op. cit. (note 23), suggested that there was more than one artist.

²⁰⁷ C. Picard, ‘Ovide, Gervais de Tilbury, et les fresques de Sorgues’, Revue Archéologique, 6 ser., 21 (1944), 187–9.

²⁰⁸ Illustrated in Labande, I, 17.

²⁰⁹ cf. Tabacco, G., La Casa di Francia nell'Azione politico di Papa Giovanni XXII (Rome, 1953), 48–9.Google Scholar

²¹⁰ Willemsen, C., I castelli di Federico II nell'Italia Meridionale (Naples, 1979).Google Scholar

²¹¹ Gardelles, 69–72; Vale, M., ‘Seigneurial fortifications and private war in later medieval Gascony’, in M., Jones (ed.), Gentry and Lesser Nobility in Late Medieval Europe (Gloucester, 1986), 137–8 and pis. 2–3.Google Scholar

²¹² Taylor, A. J., ‘Master James of St George’, Engl. Hist. Rev. 65 (1950), 433–57; idem, ‘The castle of St Georges-d'Espéranche’, Antiq. J. 33 (1953), 33–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹³ Durliat, M., L'Art dans le Royaume de Majorque (Toulouse, 1962), 194–215, pis. XIII-XVIa and fig. 18.Google Scholar

²¹⁴ Gardelles, 76–7, e.g. Le Mas d'Auvignon and Le Grand Puch, figs. 84–7.

²¹⁵ Daymard, J., Histoire du Vieux Cahors, 2nd edition (Cahors, 1927), 232–4Google Scholar; Salch, C.-L., L'Atlas des villes et villages fortifiés en France (Moyen Âge) (Strasbourg, 1978), 124–30, with photographs and a drawing of the palace first published in 1866.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ cf. R. Rey, op. cit. (note 34), 219–25; the stylistic origins of the Avignon palace have seldom been discussed and those of Sorgues remain a problem.

²¹⁷ Gardelles, 61 and figs. 118–19 (Pujols), 146 (Savignac) and 156 (Villandraut); cf. also the palatial building shown on the right of du Wiert's 1612 drawing of Mont de Marsan (Gardelles, fig. 107). Such buttresses should be distinguished from the shallow counterforts on donjons, e.g. Saint Emilion, 1237 (Gardelles, fig. 139) and Biron, late thirteenth century (Gardelles, fig. 19), which are thought to derive from the Anglo-Norman keep.

²¹⁸ Gardelles, 71 and figs. 27, 76–7 and 84–5.

²¹⁹ Gardelles, 59.

²²⁰ cf. Castelnuovo, E. and Ginzburg, C., ‘Centro e periferia’, in G., Previtali (ed.), Storia di Arte Italiana, part 1, Materiali e problemi, (Turin, 1979), I, 328–30.Google Scholar

²²¹ White, J., Art and Architecture in Italy: 1250–1400 (Harmondsworth, 1966), 187–9 and pis. 81B, 82A.Google Scholar

²²² Ibid., 333–4 and pis. 157–8.

²²³ Paul Jamot's notes cited in Leonelli, 410 and 418, n. 7.

²²⁴ Jamot, 143 and fig. 6 (reproduced upside down); above p. 179.

²²⁵ Details and description in Leonelli, 410–11. We are grateful to Mr C. R. J. Humphery-Smith, F.S.A., for advice about the heraldry.

²²⁶ Luttrell, A., The Hospitallers in Cyprus, Rhodes, Greece and the West: 1291–1440 (London, 1978), XIX, et passim.Google Scholar

²²⁷ Idem, ‘Juan Fernández de Heredia and the compilation of the Chronicle of the Morea’, in D. Mackenzie and A. Luttrell (eds.), Libro de los Fechos et Conquistas del Principado de la Morea: Juan Fernandez de Heredia's Aragonese Version of the Chronicle of the Morea (Madison, forthcoming).

²²⁸ Leonelli, 421, n. 56.

²²⁹ On the ‘gótico de los Heredias’, C. Guitart Aparicio, Arquitectura gótica en Aragón (Zaragoza, 1979).

²³⁰ Schäfer (1937), 148; Luttrell, op. cit. (note 226), XIX, 311.

²³¹ He purchased a hospitium at Avignon before 8 May 1365: Valletta, National Library of Malta, Archives of the Order of St John, Cod. 322, fols. 300 (bis)^v–302^v. He had an ostel at Avignon in about 1387: text in Registre criminel du Châtelet de Paris: 1389–1392, ed. Société des Bibliophiles François, 2 vols. (Paris, 1861), 1, 248–9.

²³² Luttrell, op. cit. (note 226), XIX, 312 et passim.

²³³ Texts in Ferrando, J. Martinez, Jaime II de Aragón: su vida familiar, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1948), 11, 75–6, 194.Google Scholar

²³⁴ The Castellan sealed with a castle at least from 1276 onwards: Delaville le Roulx, J., ‘Sceaux de l'Ordre de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem des Langues d'Aragon et de Castille’, Mémoires de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 55 (1895), 154–5Google Scholar; Riley-Smith, J., The Knights of St John in Jerusalem and Cyprus: c. 1050–1310 (London, 1967), 357, n. 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²³⁵ Bibliography in Mackenzie and Luttrell, op. cit. (note 227).

²³⁶ Leonelli, 419, nn. 21, 24; Avignon 1360–1410: Art et Histoire (Avignon, 1978), 37 and fig. 18, where the false supposition that Fernández de Heredia changed his arms in or after 1376 leads to the chalice being dated before 1376. The same supposition leads to the Sorgues frescoes being dated ‘sans doute’ before 1377: ibid., 48.

²³⁷ Gabriel, A., La Cité de Rhodes MCCCX-MDXXII, 2 vols. (Paris, 1921–1923), 1. 67, 101.Google Scholar

²³⁸ G. Gerola, ‘Gli Stemmi superstiti nei Monumenti delle Sporadi appartenute ai Cavalieri di Rodi’, Rivista del Collegia Araldico 11 (1913)* 736 and fig. 3; 12 (1914), 169–70, 404 and fig. 15, 444 and fig. 16.

²³⁹ Galbreath, D., Papal Heraldry, 2nd edition (London, 1972), 22 (fig. 37).Google Scholar

²⁴⁰ Leonelli, 419, n. 9.

²⁴¹ A. Morganstern, ‘T h e La Grange tomb and choir: a monument of the Great Schism of the West', Speculum 48 (1973), 57, n. 28, interpreting them as of a ‘Torres’ family. P. Merceron and H. Aliquot, ‘Constants héraldiques sur les armes de Juan Fernández de Heredia et de sa familie’, Cuademos de Estudios Caspolinos 10 (1984), has not been available.

²⁴² J. Roman, ‘Généalogie de la Familie d'Aix-Artaud de Montauban,’ Bulletin de la Société d'Études des Hautes-Alpes 20 (1901), 105–10. H. Jougla de Morenas (ed.), Grand Armorial de France (Paris, 1934), no. 1426, gives ‘De gueules à trois châteaux d'or posés 2 en chef et 1 en point’ as the arms of Artaud de Rayol, but has no entry for Artaud de Montauban.

²⁴³ C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi, rev. edition, 3 vols. (Münster, 1913–14), I, 497, 514; Dictionnaire de Biographie Française, III, (Paris, 1939), 1145–8.

²⁴⁴ Gap, Musée Départementale, no. 1807, published in Archives Municipales de Gap: Le Lime rouge de Gap (Gap, 1958), frontispiece, and in [G. Dusserre], Histoire de la Ville de Gap (Gap, 1966), 72–3.

²⁴⁵ J. Roman, ‘Denier de Jacques Artaud de Montauban Évê;que de Saint-Paul-Trois-Châteaux 1364–1366’, Revue Numismatique, 4 ser., 6 (1902).

²⁴⁶ Idem, Inventaire des Sceaux de la Collection des Pièces Originales des Titres à la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris, 1909), I, 59.Google Scholar

²⁴⁷ Paris, Pièces Originates, 107 dossier 2228 nos. 2, 4.

²⁴⁸ Avignon, C 116, fols. 23^v–28 et passim.

²⁴⁹ Nîmes, G 1238, no. 145.

²⁵⁰ Acts of 1406 and 1410 in Avignon, H Célestins Gentilly 57.

²⁵¹ Marguerite and Guillaume were alive on 19 October 1373: Grenoble, Archives Départementales d'Isère, B 3980.

²⁵² Will of 1373 in Grenoble, B 3980; many standard genealogical works contain extensive confusions concerning the Artaud family.

²⁵³ On Gautier de la Bastide, Luttrell, op. cit. (note 226), XXIII, 33, 37.

²⁵⁴ cf. Ourliac, P., Droit rotnain et pratique méridionale au XVe siècle: Étienne Bertrand (Paris, 1937), 112–27.Google Scholar

²⁵⁵ Modern copy of his will in Avignon, E families 7.

²⁵⁶ Wills of 1422 and 1427 in Grenoble, B 3980.

²⁵⁷ Grenoble, B 4454, fols. 242–243, 249^v–250.

²⁵⁸ According to G. Allard, Histoire Généalogique des Families de Bonne… (Grenoble, 1672), 170–2, she married Hugonin son of Pierre de Vesc. According to an unpublished manuscript of the same Allard, she married Pierre de Vesc: Paris, Pièces Originales 107, dossier 2228, 19.

²⁵⁹ Extremely detailed study in C.-J.-E. de Boisgelin, Esquisses Généalogiques sur les Families de Provence (Draguignan, 1900), I, part 1, 115–22 et passim.

²⁶⁰ Nîmes, G 1238 no. 146.

²⁶¹ Avignon, Notaires, Beaulieu 686, fols. 275–278^v; 708, fols. 249–249^v; Vicenti 1112, fols. 19–19^v (references kindly supplied by M. Michel Hayez).

²⁶² P Palliot, La vraye et parfaite Science des Armoires (Paris, 1660), 23; on Breul and Merle, Amé, E., Dictionnaire topographique du Département du Cantal (Paris, 1887), 80, 311.Google Scholar

²⁶³ Roman, op. cit. (note 242), I, 249, 2 5 7 - 8; G. Demay, Inventaire des Sceaux de la Collection Clairambault à la Bibliothèque Nationale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1885–6), 1,174, 633–4. T. de Renesse, Dictionnaire de Figures Héraldiques, 7 vols. (Brussels, 1892–1903), v, 449, Lists four families who bore a sautoir brétessé on their coats of arms, but in no case was this on a red field.

²⁶⁴ Parchment of 22 June 1409 in Avignon, CC5.

²⁶⁵ Nîmes, G 1238.

²⁶⁶ Laclotte and Thiébaut, op. cit. (note 200), 203–4; above, p. 165.

²⁶⁷ Faucon, 86.

²⁶⁸ Above, p. 170.

²⁶⁹ Above, p. 169.

²⁷⁰ Above, p. 169.

²⁷¹ Faucon, 87.

²⁷² Above, p. 171.

²⁷³ Above, p. 172.

²⁷⁴ Unfortunately, the part of the Digoine map of 1858 which is kept in the Maine at Sorgues, and on which figure 1 here is based, does not extend far enough east of the palace to show this area.