^{page 123 note 1} On the layout of the Palace of Westminster see papers by Ivy M. Cooper in Journ. British Arch. Assoc. 3rd ser. I (1937), 168 and iii (1938), 97.

^{page 124 note 1} H. B. Woodward, Geology of the London District, p. (Memoir of the Geological Survey, 2nd ed., 1922). The sketch-map (fig. 1) is based on the 6-in. Geological Map of London, by permission of the Controller of H.M. Stationery Office,

^{page 125 note 1} A spectrographic analysis (semi-quantitative) of this metal made by Mr. E. M. Jope in the Spectrographic Laboratory, The London Hospital, is as follows:

Main constituents:

Cu of the order 90 per cent.

Pb of the order 1 per cent,

Ag ” ” ” 0·5–0·1 per cent.

Traces: Co, Ni, Fe, Mn, Bi, V, Sb, Si, P.

None detected: Au, Al, W, As.

^{page 125 note 2} Identified by Dr. G. F. Claringbull; see p. 137.

^{page 125 note 3} For a diagram of this technique, see Viking (1957), p. 207, fig. 40.

^{page 126 note 1} Identified by Mr. J. Ramsbottom, Keeper of Botany, British Museum (Natural History), and Mr. H. A. Hyde, Keeper of Botany, National Museum of Wales.

^{page 126 note 2} e.g. 1. 1698 wyrmfah (ed. F. Klaeber, 1950) where even the meaning of the word is doubtful: fah indicates a distinction in colour or tone effects, and wyrm may mean ‘serpent’ or could be the word for the shellfish murex and mean ‘red’. As we know the blades actually had ‘shining serpentine forms’ and there is no evidence that the Anglo-Saxons covered these blades with a red colouring, the former meaning should be accepted—that is, if the poet was in fact thinking of the blade (cf. R. Cramp, ‘Beowulf and Archaeology’, Medieval Archaeology, i, 67).

^{page 126 note 3} See Liestol, A., ‘Blodrefill og mal’, Viking (1957)Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 4} Klaeber, op. cit. p. 185, but cf. Hatto, ‘Snake swords and boar-helms in Beowulf’, English Studies, xxxviii, 4, 145–60.

^{page 126 note 5} For diagrams of the different patterns obtainable from a screw, see A. France-Lanord, ‘La fabrication des épées damassées aux époques mérovingienne et carolingienne’, Pays gaumais, 10^e année, nos. 1–2–3 (1949), figs. 8 and 9; Liestøl, op. cit. fig. 2.

^{page 128 note 1} Liestol, op. cit. and the literature quoted there; also E. Salin, La civilisation mérovingienne, iii (1957), 57 ff

^{page 128 note 2} A. France-Lanord, op. cit.

^{page 128 note 3} Janssens, M., ‘Essai de reconstitution d'un procédé de fabrication des lames d'épées damassées’, Conservation, iii (1958), 3Google Scholar.

^{page 128 note 4} Summarized in Nature, clxxviii (1956), 1433–4Google Scholar.

^{page 128 note 5} Valiki, A. Zeki, ‘Die Schwerter der Germanen nach Arabischen Berichten des 9–11 Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xc (1936), 19–37Google Scholar; and E. Salin, op. cit. pp. 90 ff.

^{page 128 note 6} Petersen, J., De Norske Vikingesverd, 1919Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 1} Previously called the Wallingford sword; Bruce-Mitford, 1956, pi. xxi, B.

^{page 129 note 2} Petersen, 1919, p. 63.

^{page 129 note 3} There are, however, examples of closer connexion with panelled schemes like the sword from Spirdingsee, Lucknainen, Kr. Sensburg, East Prussia, where the device of vertical stripes is divided into a central panel of horizontal plan bounded by vertical plaited wires: Mannus, xxi, Taf. iii, 4a and b. Only one H hilt was mentioned by Petersen as being ornamented with silver plates, but this seems to be a mistake as his reference to Oslo Museum No. ‘C 15917 Garder Ullensaker, Akh.’ actually refers to a winged spearhead with inlaid silver plates.

^{page 129 note 4} G. Gjessing, 1934.

^{page 129 note 5} Annales de la Soc. Arch, de Bruxelles, xxi (1907), 81Google Scholar; ibid, xxxiii (1927), 85; Shetelig, H., Viking Antiquities, iv (1940), p. 124Google Scholar, fig. 81.

^{page 130 note 1} Arbman, 1937, pp. 218–22.

^{page 130 note 2} Behmer, 1939, Taf. XLIV, ib.

^{page 130 note 3} Ibid. Taf. XLVI, a.

^{page 130 note 4} Arbman, 1937, pi. 68, 1.

^{page 130 note 5} Ibid. pi. 68, 5 a and b.

^{page 130 note 6} Salmo, H., ‘Die Waffen der Merowingerzeit in Finn- land’, Finska Fornminnesföreningens Tidskrift, xlii (1938), 111–13Google Scholar, Abb. 36.

^{page 130 note 7} Ibid. pp. 114–16, Taf. x, 2, xvi, 2.

^{page 130 note 8} Knorr, Fr., ‘Bootkammergrab südlich der Oldenburg bei Schleswig’, Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ver. Schleswig-Holstein, xix (1911), 68Google Scholar.

^{page 131 note 1} Aner, E., ‘Das Kammergraberfeld von Haithabu’, Offa, x (1952), 61–115Google Scholar; see note 264, p. 112.

^{page 131 note 2} Wheeler, R. E. M., London and the Vikings (1927), 34Google Scholar. These swords seem to be submerged, along with Petersen Types D and E, in his Type III.

^{page 131 note 3} Nordman, C. A., ‘Vapnen i Nordens forntid’ in B. Thordeman, Våpen (1944), 49Google Scholar.

^{page 131 note 4} La Baume, P., ‘Die Wikingerzeit auf den Nord-friesischen Inseln’, Jahrb. des Nordfriesischen Vereins für Heimatkunde und Heimatliebe, xxix (1953), 13Google Scholar.

^{page 131 note 5} Hoffmeyer, A. B., Middelalderens Tveceggede Svœrd, i (1954), 28–30Google Scholar. The sword, pi. iic, classified as Type U was recognized by Jankuhn as belonging to the Mannheim group (his Taf. 1. 3). The hilt referred to on p. 27 as possibly being one of the Special Type 1 appears from the drawing in S. Müller, Vor Oldtid (1897), fig. 407, to be Type D.

^{page 131 note 6} L. Lindenschmit, Die Alterthümer uns. Heid. Vorzeit, iii, Heft xi, Taf. iv, 2 a and b.

^{page 132 note 1} Gjessing, 1934, p. 107 and pi. xxvi, a, C. 25396a.

^{page 132 note 2} Ibid. 109.

^{page 132 note 3} The sword in Leiden museum, H. Shetelig, op. cit. iv, fig. 79, decorated with inset jewel cells is likely to be of much the same date as the Suffelweihersheim hilt, and demonstrates connexions between Merovingian techniques, Special Type 1 and Type H.

^{page 132 note 4} Petersen, 1919, fig. 55; Gjessing, 1934,108, pi. xxvii, a.

^{page 132 note 5} Gjessing, 1934, 107, C. 24193; Univ. Olds. Arbok (1928), s. 98, Nr. 27, fig. 2.

^{page 132 note 6} Lindenschmit, op. cit. v, Bd. 4, Taf. 60, Abb. 2.

^{page 132 note 7} Gjessing, 1934, 107, pi. xxvn, b; Univ. Olds. Arbok (1929), 212, Nr. 129, fig. 19.

^{page 132 note 8} F. Knorr, op. cit. Taf. XIII, 2; Aner, op. cit. Abb. 19; Petersen, 1919, 110.

^{page 132 note 9} Lindenschmit, op. cit. iii, Heft, xi, Taf. iv, 1 a and b.

^{page 132 note 10} Petersen, 1919, p. 65, fig. 56; H. Shetelig, Oseberg, iii, fig. 294a and b.

^{page 134 note 1} Gjessing, 1934, p. 106, note 2.

^{page 134 note 2} Finska Forntn. Tidskrift, xli (1938), iii, fig. 36.

^{page 134 note 3} Leiden Museum, K. 1948/12.1. W. C. Braat, ‘Acht Frühmittelalterliche Schwerter aus dem Rijksmuseum van Oudheden zu Leiden’, Analecta Archaeologica, Festschrift Fritz Fremersdorf (1960), no. 6, Taf. 13, 6, Taf. 15, 6.

^{page 134 note 4} e.g. Haseloff, 1951, Abb. 31, Taf. 15, 4.

^{page 134 note 5} This sword has recently been mentioned by Professor Werner, ‘Frühkarolingische silverohrringe von Rastede (Oldenburg)’, Gertnania, xxxvii (1959), 185, note 30, with the suggestion that the plate is re-used. Comparison with the other pommels of this type shows that a decorated plate is normal in such a position. However, the plate has been cleaned since I saw it in 1958, and Professor Werner tells me that his reason for thinking it is a re-used piece is that the design is cut off and incomplete.

^{page 134 note 6} Jankuhn, 1939. Taf. 11, 3; the lower guard is misshapen by rust to a certain extent, and may have had slightly flatter sides than the upper guard.

^{page 134 note 7} Sanda, Gotland, Gotlands Fornsal Inv. B. 1915, Arbman, 1937, Taf. 68, 3; St. Ihre, Gotland, Grave 194, SHM 20550, Arbman, Taf. 68, 2; Birka Grave 942, Arbman, Taf. 65, 6; and Gavle, Gastrikland, Inv. 13279, Arbman, p. 220.

^{page 134 note 8} St. Ihre, Gotland, Grave 363, Arbman, Taf. 68, 1; Burge, Lummelunda, Gotland, Inv. 16905; Gotland, Arbman, Taf. 68, 4.

^{page 135 note 1} Fig. 4 is taken from a drawing by Mr. J. Ypey, Amers-foort, who is preparing the sword for publication, and kindly allows me to include the figure here. Since this drawing was made, traces have been found of two vertical bands on the central segment of the pommel similar to the horizontal bands on the guards. Mr. Ypey also calls my attention to a sword at the museum of Wijk bij Duurstede which has not yet been cleaned, but also appears to be of this type.

^{page 135 note 2} Gravraak, Melhus, Norway, Petersen, fig. 89; Kilmainham, H. Shetelig, Viking Antiquities, iii, fig. 3; Ballinderry Crannog, ibid. figs. 49–51, and Proc. Roy. Irish Acad. xlvii, Section C, no. 1 (1942), figs. 49–51; Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire du mobilier français, v, 365.

^{page 135 note 3} P.S.A. iii, 461; V.C.H. Berks, i, 243; Shetelig, Viking Antiquities, vi, 79–80.

^{page 136 note 1} Cf. the arrangement on the guards of the sword from Birka Grave 942, Arbman, Abb. 36.

^{page 136 note 2} A later development is probable in the silver guard from Halland, Falkenberg, Arbman, Taf. 41, 5, cf. also Taf. 42, 1.

^{page 136 note 3} Leiden Museum, F. 1936/11.1; W. C. Braat, op. cit. no. 5, Taf. 13, 5 and 14, 5.

^{page 136 note 4} Finska Fornm. Tidskrift, xli, Taf. x, 2.

^{page 136 note 5} Ibid, xli, Taf. xvi, 2.

^{page 136 note 6} This appears to be the sword published by Shetelig, Viking Antiquities, iv, fig. 78, with the provenance Engelbert, gem. Norddijk, Groningen, inv. nr. 1896. 1. 2. The sword from Engelbert, however, is a later medieval type. The Maarhuizen sword, inv. nr. 1936. xii. I has recently been cleaned by J. Ypey, who has kindly sent me the above information and a drawing from which fig. 5 is taken.

^{page 136 note 7} Tallgren, A. M., ‘Ett viktigt estlandskt fornfund fran slutet av mellersta järnaldern’, Finskt Museum, xxx (1923)Google Scholar.

^{page 136 note 8} Tromsø Museum 2960.

^{page 136 note 9} In the original publication of this sword Annales de la Soc. d’Arch. de Bruxelles, xxi (1907), a similar example was said to be at Munich, but Professor Werner tells me there are none of this type there. Another hilt referred to in this publication, from Harmignies Grave 242, is not similar, the pommel being a thin, disc segment divided, it is true, into three decorative fields by inlaid wires, but there the resemblance ends. The inlaid pattern is Merovingian in character, the pommel is set on a flat upper guard, and the lower guard is protected by an iron band, both being lenticular in plan.

^{page 137 note 1} Nevertheless, there is a sword hilt of the second half of the seventh century plated in this way; Werner, J., Das Alamannische Graberfeld von Biilach (1953)Google Scholar, Taf. xxvi, 3, p. 52.

^{page 137 note 2} Moss, A. A., ‘Niello’, Conservation, i, 2 (1953), 57–58Google Scholar.

^{page 140 note 1} References to swords are rare in literature at this early date, but it must have been one with sumptuous ornament that the Kentish reeve Abba mentioned in his will about A.D. 835, for he rated its value very high: F. E. Harmer, English Historical Documents (1914), p. 4.

^{page 140 note 2} P.S.A. xxiii (1910), 302–3, fig. 2; V.C.H. London, i, 154; B.M. Guide to Anglo-Saxon Antiquities (1923), p. 93, fig. 112; Brøndsted, J., Early English Ornament (1924), p. 144Google Scholar, fig. 119; Smith, R. A., ‘Examples of Anglian Art’, Arch, lxxiv (1923–4), 248–9Google Scholar, fig. 23; Kendrick, T. D., Anglo-Saxon Art (1938), p. 189Google Scholar, pl. LXXIX.

^{page 140 note 3} The hilt is reconstructed on a wooden core, so that the inside is not visible.

^{page 140 note 4} e.g. Talnotrie, Brondsted, 1924, fig. 108.

^{page 140 note 5} There is no bird’s head immediately behind the animal's head as on the drawing in B.M. Guide to Anglo-Saxon Antiquities, fig. 108; this is merely the continuation of the tail after it has passed under the beast's head.

^{page 141 note 1} This niello is now mostly silver in appearance.

^{page 141 note 2} E. H. Alton, P. Meyer, G. O. Simms, The Book of Kells (1950–1), passim, and Henry, F., Early Christian Irish Art (1954)Google Scholar, pls. 47 and 56.

^{page 141 note 3} Few animals achieve the wide-open gape as here, but compare the animal-headed terminal, fol. 76a, Dublin Trin. Coll.) 50, Ricemarchus Psalter, Zimmermann, 1916, iii, Taf. 214b; F. Henry, op. cit. pls. 34 and 35.

^{page 141 note 4} Compare, for instance, the formal scrolls primly confined to panels and the lush, ebullient growth in the arcade on the page of the arrest of Christ, F. Henry, op. cit. pl. 55.

^{page 141 note 5} Kendrick, 1938, pi. LV, fol. 75b; Zimmermann, Taf. 256a. There is no connexion with acanthus, as suggested by R. Smith, P.S.A. xxiii, 303.

^{page 141 note 6} Zimmermann, Taf. 3156, terminals of the X, Taf. 316a.

^{page 141 note 7} Zimmermann, iii, 286, fol. 306; Kendrick, 1938, lxv, 2. Single animal-headed scrolls occur elsewhere, e.g. fol. 24V.

^{page 141 note 8} Double-headed whorls in the space by the X in the Codex Aureus, fol. 11a, Zimmermann, Taf. 284, and on fol. 5b in the third column of the canon tables, Zimmermann, Taf. 286b: hanging-bowl escutcheons—The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial, pi. 10a and c.

^{page 141 note 9} Brøndsted, 1924, fig. 115.

^{page 141 note 10} Zimmermann, 1916, iii, 321–3.

^{page 141 note 11} As noticed by R. Smith, Arch, lxxiv, 247, fig. 20.

^{page 141 note 12} Bruce-Mitford, 1956, p. 193, pi. xxvi, A, top left,

^{page 141 note 13} Ibid. pi. xxxi, B.

^{page 142 note 1} Haseloff, 1951.

^{page 142 note 2} Zimmermann, 1916, Taf. 290, 291.

^{page 142 note 3} e.g. St. Ninian’s treasure, Illustrated London News, ccxxxiii, no. 6233, figs. 7 and 8; Antiquity, xxxiii, pls. xxv–xxix. O'Dell, A. C., St. Ninian’s Treasure (1960), pp. 17Google Scholar and 21.

^{page 142 note 4} Zimmermann, 1916, Taf. 291a central column, also fol. 6r.

^{page 142 note 5} P.S.A. xxiii, 303, fig. 1.

^{page 142 note 6} H. Hencken, ‘Lagore Crannog’, Proc. Roy. Ir. Acad. liii, Section C, no. 1, pp. 88–94.

^{page 143 note 1} Baldwin Brown, The Arts in Early England, iii, pl. xxvi, 3, 5.

^{page 143 note 2} Stolpe, H. and Arne, T. J., Le Nécropole de Vendel (1927)Google Scholar, pi. 11, 1 and pi. xxxiv, 4.

^{page 143 note 3} Behmer, 1939, pi. XLVia, pl. LX, 7b.

^{page 143 note 4} Antiquity, xxi, pls. 11, in, and iv; H. Stolpe and T. J. Arne, op. cit. pls. v, 1, and xxxvi, 4.

^{page 143 note 5} Hougen, B., Snartemo Funnene (1935)Google Scholar, pl. vii, 2.

^{page 143 note 6} Bruce-Mitford, 1956, pi. xxvii, A.

^{page 143 note 7} Ibid. pl. xxii, D.

^{page 144 note 1} Hodgkin, R. H., A History of the Anglo-Saxons (1952)Google Scholar, pl. IV.

^{page 144 note 2} Bruce-Mitford, 1956, p. 192.

^{page 144 note 3} MacDermott, M., ‘The Kells Crosier’, Arch, xcvi 1955), 100Google Scholar.

^{page 144 note 4} A. A. Moss, op. cit. p. 61.

^{page 144 note 5} MacDermott, op. cit., 100.

^{page 144 note 6} ‘The St. Ninian’s Isle Silver Hoard’, Antiquity, xxxiii (1959), 241–68Google Scholar, pi. xxxii, h, fig. 6; Illustrated London News, ccxxxiii, no. 6220, fig. 2; A. C. O’Dell, op. cit. pp. 8, 9.

^{page 144 note 7} H. Shetelig, Viking Antiquities, iii, fig. 62, p. 92.

^{page 144 note 8} Antiquity, xxxiii, figs. 4 and 11, p. 263.

^{page 145 note 1} Brondsted, 1924, fig. 92.

^{page 145 note 2} Ibid. fig. 115.

^{page 145 note 3} J. E. Forssander, ‘Irland-Oseberg’, K. Human, Vetenskapssamfs: i Lund Arsberättelse(1942–3), p. 177, Abb. 21, 22.

^{page 145 note 4} Common in Irish plastic art, ibid. Abb. 19, 20.

^{page 145 note 5} Arbman, 1937, Abb. 21.

^{page 145 note 6} V.C.H. Berks, i, 243–4, plate opposite p. 240, fig. 2; Brandsted, 1924, 143; Baldwin Brown, op. cit. iii, 311, pl. LVI.

^{page 145 note 7} Fayssett, B., Inventorium Sepulchrale (1856), p. 132Google Scholar.

^{page 145 note 8} W. J. Andrew and R. A. Smith, ‘The Winchester Anglo-Saxon Bowl’, Ant. Journ. xi, 1, fig. 2.

^{page 146 note 1} Except for simple tight twists and pseudo-plaits.

^{page 146 note 2} Holmqvist, W., Germanic Art (1955), pp. 66–72Google Scholar, and The Syllöda silver pin—an English element in the art of the Viking Age’, Suomen Museo (1959), 34–63.

^{page 146 note 3} No. 1935. 3, of unknown provenance; given by our President, Dr. Joan Evans, who bought it from a London jeweller where it had arrived in a batch of gold for melting down.

^{page 146 note 4} It is not surprising that few examples of this type of wire work have survived, for it is even more vulnerable to wear and tear than filigree which is firmly anchored to a base for its complete length.

^{page 147 note 1} British Museum, The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial, pl. 23, left-hand clasp, particularly the lower edge.

^{page 147 note 2} Oman, C. C., ‘Anglo-Saxon Finger-rings’, Apollo, xiv (1931), 104–8Google Scholar, figs. C, 26, A, 9, and B, 20.

^{page 147 note 3} Ibid. fig. A, 8; V.C.H. Essex, i, pl. opp. p. 322, fig. 15.

^{page 147 note 4} P.S.A. xx, 65; British Museum Anglo-Saxon Guide, pl. x.

^{page 147 note 5} Arbman, 1937, Taf. 65, 2.

^{page 147 note 6} Stenberger, M., Die Schatzfunde Gotlands, i (1958), 144–5Google Scholar, ii (1947), Abb. 264, 2, etc.

^{page 147 note 7} C. C. Oman, op. cit. fig. B, 4; Burlington Fine Arts Club, pl. XVII, p. 18; Haseloff, G., ‘Zum Ursprung des nordischen Greiftierstils’, Festschrift für Gustav Schwantes (1951), Abb. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 147 note 8} Burlington Fine Arts Club, pi. XVII, p. 8.

^{page 147 note 9} Arbman, 1937, Taf. 59, 1, Taf. 60, 3–6.

^{page 147 note 10} Haseloff, 1951, Abb. 8, lower row.

^{page 147 note 11} Hoist, H., ‘Nye bidrag til belysningar Honfunnets mynter’, Nordisk Numismatisk Årskrift (1951)Google Scholar.

^{page 147 note 12} Brøndsted, 1924, fig. 125, p. 150.

^{page 148 note 1} Bruce–Mitford, R. L. S., ‘The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial’, Proc. Suffolk Inst. Arch, xxv, pt. I (1949), 51–53Google Scholar.

^{page 148 note 2} E. T. Leeds, Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology, pl. XXVII, 65.

^{page 148 note 3} Arbman, H., ‘Verroterie cloisonn´e et Filigrane’, K. Human. Vetenskapssamfs: i Lund Arsbera’ttelse, iii (1949–50), fig. 17Google Scholar.

^{page 148 note 4} W. Holmqvist, op. cit. (1959), p. 48. Both the Hon pendants with snakes and the Kirkoswald centre boss are in fact 2 cm. in diameter.

^{page 148 note 5} Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Bruxelles, L' Art Merovingien (1954), pi. 46, 4.

^{page 148 note 6} Bruce-Mitford, 1956, pl. xxvi, A, and pi. xxvii, D.

^{page 148 note 7} W. Holmqvist, op. cit. (1959), p. 54, note 51.

^{page 148 note 8} Baldwin Brown, op. cit. iii, pi. LXXIII, I ; Medieval Archaeology, ii (1958), pi. VIII, D.

^{page 148 note 9} Petersen, J., Vikingetidens Smykker (1928)Google Scholar, fig. 121; cf. Paulsen, P., ‘Der Goldschatz von Hiddensee’, Mannus, xxvi (1934)Google Scholar, Abb. 10, a; and Univ. Oldsaksamlings Skrifter, B, ii (1929), p. 215.

^{page 149 note 1} E. H. Alton, P. Meyer, and G. O. Simms, The Book of Kells, iii (1950–1), e.g. fols. 26^r and 188^v, head terminal to frame near left lower corner.

^{page 149 note 2} Cf. also various roundels near the top of fol. 29^r, etc.

^{page 149 note 3} J. Romilly Allen, The Early Christian Monuments Scotland, iii, 292, fig. 308B, and 324, fig. 335c

^{page 149 note 4} The opinion on the date of this coin was kindly given by Mr. S. E. Rigold.

^{page 149 note 5} Rosenberg, M., Geschichte der Goldsmiedekunst (1918)Google Scholar, s. 117. Abb. 213.

^{page 149 note 6} R. Jessup, Anglo-Saxon Jewellery (1950), pl.xxxviii(i).

^{page 149 note 7} Ibid. pi. xxxviii, c.

^{page 149 note 8} Ibid. pp. 117–18, pl. xxvi, 2.

^{page 149 note 9} Proc. Suffolk Inst. Arch, xxv, 1 (1949), pl. xivGoogle Scholar, a.

^{page 149 note 10} P.S.A. xiv, 314.

^{page 149 note 11} Arbman, 1937, pls. 56, 57, 58.

^{page 149 note 12} W. Holmqvist, op. cit., p. 6i, fig. 28.

^{page 150 note 1} Cat. Nat. Mus. Ant. Scotland (1892), p. 202; Finlay, Scottish Crafts (1948), col. pl. opp. p. 57.

^{page 150 note 2} R. Jessup, op. cit., pi. xxxviii, 2, c, cf. pi. xxxvii, 1, and 2, a.

^{page 150 note 3} Schlunk, H., ‘The Crosses of Oviedo’, The Art Bulletin, xxxii (1950), 91–114Google Scholar.

^{page 150 note 4} Arbman, 1937, Taf. 63, 8 and 9.

^{page 150 note 5} A technique known in Carolingian work, but there is no evidence of it so far in England. The flower centre pattern is known on Anglo-Saxon jewellery, e.g. Southend, Ant. Journ. xi, 61; High Wycombe, V.C.H. Bucks, i, 195; Sheffield Public Museum, Cat. Bateman Coll. (1899), p. 223; but it is also not unknown on the continent.

^{page 150 note 6} Arbman, 1937, pp. 200–1, Taf. 61, 2, 62, 17.

^{page 150 note 7} Leeds, E. T., ‘Notes on examples of late Anglo-Saxon metalwork’, Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, iv (1911)Google Scholar; F. and H. Elgee, Archaeology of Yorkshire, p. 186; Trans.Hist. Soc.Lanes, and Cheshire (1870–1), xxiii, 200. These two discs do not appear to have been published, although Sir Thomas Kendrick realized their importance when reviewing Arbman’s Schweden und das Karolingische Reich in Ant. Journ. xviii, 87–88. These associated objects were not known to Leeds when he wrote about the strap-ends in 1911.

^{page 151 note 1} This ribbon filigree in combination with granular work is also to be seen on the gold ring with sard intaglio found near Faversham, Kent, British Museum R.C. 206. Dalton, O. M., Cat. of Finger Rings, Early Christian (1912)Google Scholar, pl. 1, 206.

^{page 151 note 2} Haseloff, G., ‘An Anglo-Saxon openwork mount from Whitby Abbey’, Ant. Journ. xxx (1950), 170–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; discussed also by W. Holmqvist, Germanic Art (1955), pp. 66–72. According to G. Zarnecki, English Romanesque Lead Sculpture (1957), 42–43, pl. 81, the Whitby lead mount was made c. A.D. 1200, but even if this is the case, the coherence of the filigree material grouped by Haseloff is not thereby disturbed.

^{page 151 note 3} W. Holmqvist, op. cit. (1959), fig. 13, pp. 57 et seq.

^{page 151 note 4} Antiq. Journ. xxi, 161–2, pls. xxxiv and xxv.

^{page 152 note 1} V.C.H. Lanes, i, pl. opp. 260.

^{page 152 note 2} G. Haseloff, op. cit. pl. xx, b and a.

^{page 152 note 3} C. F. Battiscombe, The Relics of Saint Cuthbert (1956), p. 333, fig. 3, pl. xix.

^{page 152 note 4} Blunt, C. E., ‘Four Italian Coins imitating Anglo Saxon types’, Brit. Num. Journ. xxv (1947), 282–5Google Scholar, fig. 2.

^{page 153 note 1} Arbman, 1937, Taf. 60, 2; cf. also Taf. 62,16,62,3, etc.

^{page 153 note 2} B.M. Anglo-Saxon Guide, fig. 205.

^{page 153 note 3} Bruce-Mitford, 1956, pi. xxi, A, pl. xxiii.

^{page 153 note 4} Sheffield City Museum Annual Report, 1955–6, pl. 2, b.

^{page 153 note 5} Bruce-Mitford, 1956, pl. xxi, B.

^{page 154 note 1} Jankuhn, 1939, p. 161.

^{page 154 note 2} Ibid. p. 162.

^{page 154 note 3} Wormald, F., The Miniatures in the Gospels of St. Augustine (1954), p. 6Google Scholar, pi. vii and pi. xi, b.

^{page 154 note 4} B.M. Cotton Tib. C. II, Brondsted, 1924, fig. 101.

^{page 154 note 5} e.g. B.M. MS. Royal I E VI.

^{page 154 note 6} Wassenbergh, A., Wijsenbeek, L. J. F., Van Friezen, Franken en Saksen (1959)Google Scholar, pi. xxxi.

^{page 155 note 1} Haseloff, 1951, Taf. 7A and B.

^{page 155 note 2} Haseloff, 1951, Abb. 38 and 39; H. Shetelig, Viking Antiquities, v, figs. 11 and 12.

^{page 155 note 3} One is illustrated: Blindheim, C., ‘Preliminary report on the recent excavations on Kaupang, near Larvik, Vestfold’, Annen Viking Kongress (Bergen, 1953), pp. 59–67Google Scholar, fig. 2. See also: Blindheim, C., ‘Kaupang undersøkelsen etter 10 år’, Viking, xxiv (1960), 43–68Google Scholar, fig. 6.

^{page 155 note 4} J. Romilly Allen, op. cit. iii, 451, fig. 470. R.C.A. & H.M. Scotland, Dumfries, no. 628.

^{page 156 note 1} Arbman, 1937, pp. 162–3, Abb. 30; Böhner, K., Die Fränkischen Altertumer des Trierer Landes (1958)Google Scholar; Winkelmann, W., ‘Ein münzdatiertes Grab des 7 Jahrhunderts n. Chr. aus Hemer, Kr. Iserlohn’, Germania, xxxvii (1959), 303Google Scholar.

^{page 156 note 2} Haseloff, 1951, Taf. 9B.

^{page 156 note 3} Peterborough Museum. Mr. G. C. Dunning brought this object to my notice.

^{page 157 note 1} C. Blindheim, op. cit. (1960), fig. 6, middle right.

^{page 157 note 2} The black inlay in this looks similar but has not yet been examined.