^{page 165 note [a]} Though Leland led the way right, yet Mr. Camden, whose learned writings being earlier and more universally known, gained him the title of the Father of British Antiquaries, unluckily misled his descendants, as to the site of Camulodunum, It is probable that they have at last got right again.

Dr. Mason Woodwardian Prosessor at Cambridge, who had considered these matters during many years, after repeated journies through most of the southern parts, taken in order to gain knowledge from actual views, appears, by his Manuscripts now before me, not to have had the least doubt of Colchester being the ancient Camulodunum, from it situation, plan, buildings, roads, and coins (to which we may add an inscription to Mercury, found only six or seven years ago). He even wonders, that Malden should ever have been thought of, as it has scarce any pretension, but a small similitude of found. A single coin or two is mentioned as found there; whilst Mr. Gray is possessed of, I had almost said, a load of coins found at Colchester during his time.

^{page 165 note [b]} Neiva was declared emperor 18 Sept. 96.

The Consualia were celebrated 21 Aug. 97.

The emperor died towards the end of January, 98. inlesss than a month, after entering into his 4th Consulship; which however appearence some of his coins.

^{page 167 note [c]} The observation may be extended to monuments of every kind. I believe Abbé Winckelman has said as much with respect to statues in his Monum. Antich. ined. I do not recollect a Neptune, in the seven volumes of Count Caylus, except tom. VII. pl. XCVII. 3. a sea-horse between his legs, one hand, raised higher than the head, probably held a trident: very beautiful 2nd well preserved; but this was found in Spain, in a temple of Hercules, at Cadiz, upan a retiring of the sea in 1631. Pl. LXXIII. 4. holding a T, a pickax or mallet, is too rude a figure, to lay any stress on. Neptune appears on an Etruscan vase. 2. XIX. Nor doth Augustinus Mariottus increase this short list in an essay, where one might expect it, if we may trust to the review of it in Acta Erudit. Lipsiae, 1763, p. 311. But add a fine statue found extra portam Ostiensem, non procul a Tiberi. Gruter. III. p. 1073. from Boisard. Antiq. tom. VI. p. 113.

^{page 167 note [d]} The coin of Augustus, in Musellius, tab. III. 2. in Occo, p. 25. has no inscription. Nor is the S. C. on those of Agrippa or Augustus in Occo, p. 25, and of Caligula in Theupolo, p. 399. deserving of much notice on this occasion, as those letters are most likely expressive only of the metal, or particular species of coin, without any reference to the type. On those in Occo for Vespasian, Titus, Hadrian, and Severus, with NEP. NEPT. or NEPTVNO RED. if the last word means REDuci, it may be designed, in the flattery of those ages, for the emperor, as another NEPTVNE RETVRNED; and then the deity is not mentioned. This reading is supported by one of Postumus, in Occo, p. 392. and in Banduri, who has also one with DIANAE REDVCI, probably for his wife. In the same sense Fortuna Red, and Manens may mean the Emperor; but unless the I or last letter of REDVCI is very plainly expressed, which is not likely to be the case in the cast coins of this emperor, we should perhaps read REDVCTori; and then indeed the god will be mentioned plainly as the restorer or bringer back safe of the emperor; just as in one of Gallienus he is called CONServatori AVGusti. But the earlier instances are too few and indeterminate; and those of Postumus and Gallihenus too late and illiterate, to form any just exception to the position advanced. So few and uninstructing are the instances where Neptune is at all mentioned in the inscription. Nor do I know that this ambiguity is cleared up by inscriptions. In Graevii Rom. Antiq. tom. x. Praef. we have, as on coin, NEPTVNO REDVO. SACRVM, &c.

^{page 168 note [e]} Hence I should guess, that the Athenian coins in Gessner, II, 35, 36, which exhibit Neptune full-cloathed in a flowing vest, were more than doubtful. Even the Romans we see represented him naked, though contrary to their usual mode; and certainly Graeca res est nihil velare. See notes [d] and [da].

^{page 168 note [f]} The victories of a single charioteer seem to have been incredibly numerous; See Gruteri Infer. II. p. 337, 342. but they run 12, 24, and even 48 matches in a day; Brotier on Tacitus, iv, 274. 2; and one man might win more than once in one day, which hardly happened to the horses; yet their victories amount to 113 and p. 338. 5. which more than one should five thought Horace meant by “often.” According to M. Delalande's account of Italy, the horses there are still very lucky in this point. M. D'Orville, in his Sicula, produces an inscription in honour of an horse called Cretus V. CC X. and understands it to mean, that he won 210 times; perhaps it may be Victor, or Vicit Circensibus decies.

^{page 169 note [g]} Pernaps one should except Augustus. Alii dictum factumque ejus criminantur; quasi classibus tempestate perditis, exclamaverit, etiam invito Neptuno victoriam se adepturum: ac die Circensium proximo solenni pompae simulacrum dei detraxerit. Sueton. Aug. 16. yet c. 18, after the victory at Actium, he dedicated a monument on the spot to Neptune and Mars; and Neptune appears on his coins. See before, note [d] and Occo, p. 25. Caesars de Julien par Spanheim. p. 665, and 666. Nor was Tiberius fond of these sports: but it was owing to covetousness, or rather to his apprehension of danger from such large popular assemblies. Gronovii Marmorea Basis, c. XIII. Sueton. Tiber, c. 34. Brotier in Taciti Annal. XIII. c. 49. 2. VII. c. 17. 2.

^{page 169 note [h]} Hence probably C. Patin. Imp. Rom. Num. fo. p. 137. Nerva sustulit speciosa (would not pretiosa be better?) spectacula. See next note.

^{page 170 note [i]} For τινὰς perhaps we should read τιμίας expensive. Zonaras, p. 583, Paris, 1686, fol. mentions his suppressing the gladiators chiefly, because that was the most humane action; , .

^{page 170 note [k]} Dion in Nerva, p. 1119. B.

^{page 170 note [l]} That these expences were excessive is most certain. See Brotier on Tacitus, tom. II. p. 450. Yet I do not know, that any body has told us, wherein the expence of giving chariot games consisted; whether in hiring the chariots, or the prices given to the drivers, &c. It is remarked of Alcibiades, as a thing of extraordinary extravagance, that he first sent three chariots at one time to the Olympic games. Would not many of our private gentlemen do as much now, if it was the fashion, without any body's wondering at it? The procuring of gladiators, and wild beasts from Africa in such amazing profusion, must needs have occasioned large expences: But that is another question.

^{page 170 note [m]} P. 567.

^{page 170 note [n]} P. 581.

^{page 170 note [o]} P. 697.

^{page 170 note [p]} P. 741.

^{page 170 note [q]} P. 798.

^{page 170 note [r]} See Brotier, Tac. IV. p. 411.

^{page 171 note [s]} P. 683. , &c. It has been proposed to read instead of ἄνευ, but unnecessarily. Under the emperors the Romans seem to have been fonder of chariot-races, than the other parts of their games; Maecenas therefore advises Augustus not to allow any city but Rome (where the populace were to be kept in good humour at all events) to give chariot-races without the other usual gymnastic exercises, in order to prevent useless expences, factious riotings in favour of particular charioteers; and that there might be no want of the best horses for the army. All these reasons relate to the chariots; he might have added in favour of the other parts, that they were calculated to form soldiers. It has been said, that a bill was proposed in Queen Elizabeth's time to stop the increase of coaches (though the Queen herself drove only a pair of horses) from an apprehension of not being able to mount the army upon occasion; an apprehension that has been completely confuted, by the incredible increase of both. I will only add, that as a man, when he finds himself at his full strength and vigour, must expect to go off; so nations, when arrived at the highest pitch of riches and power, must not hope to continue at one stay. How rich and strong were the ages of Solomon, Augustus, and Louis XIV. and how soon were they succeeded by times of poverty and weakness!

The Roman emperors. I mean the good ones, endeavoured to do what was properest for the exigencies of the times, according to their respective abilities. Under Augustus the disorder began among private persons; see the excellent Tacitus, Ann. iii, c. 35. and Brotier, tom. II. p. 402; but as the sovereign was rich, he enabled the senators to defray the expence from the exchequer; when both sovereign and subject became equally indigent, Nerva could do no other in the same view than cut off the occasion of the expence.

This good old man sold the imperial plate, to relieve the distresses of the people!

^{page 172 note [t]} Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr. XXIV. 232.

^{page 172 note [u]} See Patin. Numism. Imperat. Roman, p. 217, 5. fol. Ficoroni, de Plumbeis Numismat. p. 1, 2.

^{page 172 note [x]} Marm. Ancyr. Chishul, & Sueton. Pitisci, p. 1172.

^{page 172 note [y]} ii. c. 61.

^{page 172 note [z]} L. xv. p. 1177. ed. 1670 8vo.

^{page 172 note [aa]} XCIV. 12. p. 474.

^{page 173 note [bb]} Tab. III. 5.

^{page 173 note [cc]} P. 25, 26.

^{page 173 note [dd]} As this is contrary to the order of the senate, as well as custom of the Roman, statuaries, we may suppose the moneyer, confined to a small space, chose to represent him as Neptune. See note [e].

^{page 173 note [ee]} Blainville, however, mentions seeing two coins of Drusilla, both alike, and both good. Travels, II. 156. But these were probably Greek. Dr. Lang with says, he had two coins of Pansa exactly alike, Observ. on Dr. Arbuthnot. And though I am well aware of the wildness of the contrary assertion, against which I could urge many arguments; yet these and one instance seem insufficient to contradict C. Patin, who had 3000 Denarii of Trajan before him at once, and all different. Historia Numism. p. 142, 243. Amstel. 1683. 12mo. and others; or at least to account for the difficulty, as it actually appears, either one way, or the other. See note [yy].

^{page 173 note [ff]} Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr. xxiv. 152. One however with IMP. VIII. is inspected, p. 154.

^{page 174 note [gg]} Occo. p. 35. Lord Pembroke's Museum III. t. 3.

^{page 174 note [hh]} P. 740, A. U. C. 735. Chishul, Monum. Ancyr. p. 187. says, this was done twice, in the years 729 and 740. Jobert. I. 445. 9.

^{page 174 note [ii]} XXIV. 4

^{page 174 note [kk]} See Erizzo and Keysler's Travels, vol. III. p. 149.

^{page 174 note [ll]} Addison's Travels, p. 81, ed. 1709.

^{page 175 note [mm]} Keysler, III. 109.

^{page 176 note [nn]} Gruter, Index. p. XXIX.

^{page 176 note [oo]} Jobert, II. 236.

^{page 176 note [pp]} Tom. IV. p. 354. n. 2.

^{page 177 note [qq]} Lord Pembr. Mus. p. II. t. XVII. and p. III. t. LXXXV. Jobert, II. 177. Occo p. 174. Even in inscriptions dates are very rare: there is one in Gruter XIII. 2. POST INTERAMNAM CONDITAM, DCCIII, and the consuls of Rome; by which it appears to be A.U.C. 784. v. Brotier's Tacitus, I. p. 263. (8). and 332. (3). As this date on the coin makes it perfectly singular, I cannot help mentioning, that Ficoroni de Plumbis, p. 4. gives an imperfect inscription from a block of marble, which looks as if it might be helped from this coin ——HADRIANI AVG.COS. II. CLXXII Are we to supply the first defect by another I and A, or A N, or only, as on the coin, ANN; and from the coin too to add, before the final numerals, where there is no mark of defect, DCC, so as to make both mean the same year, or nearly so. Ficoroni says, that He read non sine difficultate; but in his plate all that can be read is as plain as it is here. This proceeding is too common, but very vexatious, as one cannot help wondering where the difficulty was, and as it deprives one of the true use of an engraving; which, if a faithful representation, might give some ingenious person an equal chance with him who saw the original, to remove the difficulty; whereas making every thing plain reduces engraving to common printing. After all, the stroke, or line, strongly terminated at both ends, standing over , and just its breadth, persuades me that no date is here intended, but that it stands for numero, the number of the blocks of marble. See similar instances, but for low numbers, in Ficoroni, p. 7, 8. 64, Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr. XXIV. 170.

^{page 179 note [rr]} Gruter, CCLIV. 4. Jobert. II. 194, 231.

Scaliger de Emendat. Temporum, Col. Allobr. 1629, p. 477.

^{page 179 note [ss]} Graevii Antiq. Rom. IX. p. 14.

^{page 180 note [tt]} Just as the general meaning of modern coronation medals, however faultily or carelessly executed, can never be mistaken by the spectators of the ceremony.

^{page 180 note [uu]} If the Consulships or Tribuneships now serve to date, it is more perhaps than was originally intended; otherwise they would probably have seen the necessity of using some other method, in the instance of Hadrian's third Consulship, which lasted so long.

^{page 181 note [ww]} This seems to have answered. I have a penny list of all the counterfeit gold known to be in currency. There may be thirty-five Portugal pieces; and only fix or seven of ours, viz. four guineas, one half, and two quarter guineas. This short list shews too how very easy it is to point out certainly the difference between the true and false; but how could any thing of that kind be done for the Romans? A further guard might be added, to make filing impossible, or at least immediately discoverable by the dullest eye; and which, at the same time, should contribute to the beauty of the coin; instead of setting the letters to the edge, which makes it look as if clipped at the mint; a contrivance that, besides not answering the end (for I have a guinea of 1756, I think, in all other respects perfectly fair, which wants 13 grains) familiarises the eye to the same appearance in earlier pieces, where its unsuspected depredations are more violent and injurious. And could sweating be prevented as easily, nothing further would be wanting for the security or beauty of our gold coin. Perhaps this last evil is tolerably well guarded against by an act passed since the first part of this note was written: but the trouble of weighing even a guinea is thought much of by an opulent people, and indeed destroys the idea of coin; which ought to convey an immediate declaration of the weight and fineness, without wanting scales or touchstone; both which the Chinese are forced to use to their bullion; being a people (to the disgrace of their encomiasts) too necessitous, too ingenious, and too knavish, to be trusted with coin.

^{page 181 note [xx]} N. H. l. XXXIII. c. 46. tom. II p. 627. The whole passage is worthy consideration.

^{page 181 note [yy]} Patin had 3000 of Trajan, no two of which were alike. See note [e].

^{page 182 note [zz]} If there is any truth in this argument, what can make a plated denarius worth at this time three or four guineas; as was expected for some at a sale of coins two or three years ago, under the direction of Abbé Giraldi, who was exceedingly angry that the company disliked his putting up such himself at this enormous price. Cui bono, but the seller's ?

^{page 182 note [aaa]} At least this is a fruitful mine for forgers on paper to work with; if they are not able to furnish a drawing, they can hardly be puzzled to furnish out the few necessary words. Is there no reason for believing that the coin supposed to be for Camulodunum is of this sort, and that for Divana too; unless Richard of Cirencester's Epithet to Deva of Getica (which Dr. Stukely writes Cretica) may serve to authorize it? What evidence, besides Mr. Camden's word, are we to suppose Dr. Leigh had, when he pronounced this coin unquestionable? Much better doth Dr. Ph. Fowke write. Leigh's Natural History of Lancashire, b. iii. p. 27. and 30.

^{page 183 note [bbb]} V. Froelich. Quatuor Tentamina, p. 365. But it is not easy to say, what Gessner intended, when speaking of the metal of ancient coins, he says, aes purissimum, solus Antonius Triumvir aereis nummis ferrum admiscuit. Numism. Reg. Mac. ad Lectorem, p. 9. But who hath a right to say now that he was the only one who did so? why aereis & admiscuit, when Pliny says denario & miscuit? can we really form any idea of such a debasement, or are any coins of such a mixed metal now extant? and if the great natural historian meant only common plating, then the tinning of brass vessels could hardly be reckoned by him any extraordinary invention of the Gauls, N. H. tom. II. p. 669. l. xxv. c. 48. tom. II. p. 627. l. xxxii. c. 9.: and it was still easier to extend the like application of silver to horse and kitchen furniture, such as they plainly had in quantities at Herculaneum. See Caylus; which very thing has however lately appeared among us as a new invention: but I have not yet heard that we do, what the slaves practised in their rings, and what might be advantageously done in many cases, ferrum auro cingere.

^{page 183 note [ccc]} It is probable, that the counterfeiters of coin among us are more fully employed than is generally thought, as the vile goods they circulate must cease to answer the intended purpose, after a short currency. Thus a mixture of pewter and brass washed over with silver, though it may impose for a few days on a careless observer, will quickly be of so jaundiced a complection as not to be passed off even to a poor turnpike-man in the dark.

P. S. In note [a], I have mentioned the discovery of an inscription at Colchester: it is in Mr. Gray's possession, but difficult to make out. That it should be the only one, that has hitherto been found in a place where the Romans resided so long, and in such great numbers, is really extraordinary: it is still more so, that no other has been discovered in the whole county. As this circumstance is pretty well known, from the void in Horseley, &c. I was surprized to find that a late writer on the affinity of the Irish and Punic languages should give the Greek inscription found at, or near, Corbridge in Northumberland, to the eastern coast of Essex, at the town of Colchester, till upon a careful reading of Dr. Todd's account of this stone in Phil. Trans. N° 330, I perceived, that the mistake arose from the Doctor's saying, that it was found at Colchester, a mile west of Corbridge upon the banks of the river Tyne. The writer has also adopted the Doctor's copy, though less perfect than Dr. Hunter's in Phil. Trans. N° 278, and his translation too, which is less simple and natural, than Mr. Horseley's Northumb. CVI. p. 246 and 397. See also Mr. Wallis's Hist. of Northumb. II. p. 127. The same spot, or Corbridge at least, has also furnished another inscription in the same language to Astarte. See Stukeley's Carausius, II. p. 161. and Wallis, II. p. 127. The stone is finely figured in the Archaeolog. II. p. 93. and is only mentioned here, for the sake of giving Mr. Tyrwhitt's reading of it, which wants no commendation, or explanation:

To end of note [c] add, Mr. Wallis, II. p. 46, and 537, describes two sculptures of Neptune, found, the one at Carraw-Brough, the other at Cap-heaton: this last holds in his right hand a trident, and in his left an anchor, and is, I believe, of silver, and was found with several other sacred things of the same metal.