^{page 219 note a} It is probably one of those referred to in the payment made January, 1531: “To John Porth 3 new great books of paper Royal of the largest assize, bought by him for the King's rich jewels and plate; and for the repairing of the old book. 15s. 8d.”

^{page 219 note b} Also the manors of Woodstock, More, Richmond, Bewley or New Hall, Castle of Nottingham St. John's nigh London, Bedington, Duresm Place, St. James House nigh Westminster.

^{page 220 note a} The following are the bulwerks, etc. mentioned: Bulwerk of Gravesend, Mylton, Estilbery, West Tilbery, Higham, Queenboro Castle, Sandown Castle, Deale Castle, “Walmer Castle, Dover Castle, and its bulwerks, Sandgate Castle, Cambre, Portsmouth, The Tower at Portsmouth, The South Castell, Yarmouth Castle I. of Wight, Carisbrook Castle, Sandwich bay, West Cowes, Calshotte, Hurst Castle, Poole, Pendennis Castle, St. Mawse, Isle of Portland, Sandisfote, Calice, Gruisnes, Blakeness, Newhaven, High Bulloigne, Base Bulloigne, Nottingham, Pontefract, Carlell, Warke, Holy Island, Alnwick, Berwick, Newcastle, Kymouth, Scarboro, Flamboro, Kingston, Harwich, Bangor, Humes Castle, Roxboro, Combspick.

^{page 220 note b} Vol. iv. p. 341.

^{page 221 note a} Vol. xviii. p. 134.

^{page 221 note b} In 1554, Soranzo, the V e netian, reports: “His majesty has a great quantity of very fine artillery both in the fortresses beyond sea, as well as in many places in the realm, and especially at the Tower of London, where the ammunition of every sort is preserved.”

The following account of a visit to the Tower in 1672 by Mons. Jorevin de Rocheford was published in 1672 at Paris, and is printed in Grose's, Antiquarian Repertory, iv. 569Google Scholar. It is interesting as stowing the state not only of Tower, but also of antiquarian knowledge in those days.

“The great arsenal consists of several great halls, and magazines filled with arms of all sorts, sufficient to equip an army of an hundred thousand men. Our conductor shewed us a great hall, hung with casques and cuirasses for arming both infantry and cavalry; among others were some which had been worn by different kings of England in their wars; they were all gilded and engraved in the utmost perfection.

“We saw the armour of William the Conqueror, with his great sword; and the armour of his Jester, to whose casque was fixed horns; he had, it is said, an handsome wife. Moreover they shewed us a cuirass made with cloves, another of mother of pearl; these two were locked up in a separate closet. We passed into another hall, where there were nothing but muskets, pistols, musketoons, bandeliers, swords, pikes, and halberds, arranged in a very handsome order, so as to represent figures of many sorts. We saw William the Conqueror's musket, which is of such a length and thickness, that it is as much as a man can do to carry it on his shoulders. We descended from this room into another place, where there are the magazines of cannons, bullets, powder, and match, and other machines of war, each in its particular place. But after all, this is nothing when compared to that of Venice. It is true, that I saw in a cabinet in the king's palace many arms, which, for their beauty and exquisite workmanship, surpassed the rarest in the arsenal of Venice. This was by the permission of Monsieur de la Mare, the king's armourer. “

^{page 223 note a} Henry's cannon, called “the Twelve Apostles,” do not appear in the list.

^{page 224 note a} In 1536, there was at Portsmouth “a brass piece of Venice making.”

^{page 225 note a} In 1523, among the guns at the Tower ready for use were:

Of brass, bumbards, bumbardelles, double curtows, curtows, and others.

Of iron, a hoole welslang.

At Portsmouth in 1528 there were:

Of brass, a demy curtowe, 12 susters (? sisters), 2 vice pieces of Houndesdyche, 2 vice pieces called payee valaunce (? pieces volantes).

Henry VIII. had French gunmakers working at Houndsditch, and the vice probably refers to the mounting of the guns by being screwed into a wooden block.

In 1529 at Carlisle Castle besides small serpentines of brass of a foot long and other guns, there was 1 pot gun.

In 1523 the Earl of Surrey mentions 4 lizards at the siege of Lesford.

In “a remembrance of the ordnance “of the year 1523:

A bombarde colbren or postell is mentioned as requiring 36–40 horses, and 60–80 labourers assisting them, to draw it.

^{page 226 note a} In 1517, we are told that English ships proceeding to trade at Bordeaux, on arriving in the Gironde cast anchor off Blaye, and left the chambers of their artillery there. This was a temporary disarmament without the labour of landing the cannon.

Though not contained in the portions of the Brander MS. now selected, there are many guns mentioned in the various strongholds enumerated in the Inventory, which are of much interest as showing the great variety of ordnance and ammunition in those days. Thus we have:

Rasiliskes, cannons, demi cannons, bastard cannons and cannon periers, culverins, Novemboro (Nuremberg) culverins, demi culverins, bastard culverins, sacres, curtail sacres and wringtailed sacres, minions, fawcons, brode fawcons, fawconnets, serpentines, robinetts, bases, ring bases, double bases, single bases, demye bases, waggan bases, port pieces, fowlers, murtherers, flankers, mortar peices, slinges, demy slings, quarter slings and Portugal slings, topp peices, hag bushes of iron and of brass, Boymish (Bohemian) hag bushes, black cartes, shrimps, bombards, organ pipes of brass, haile shot peices.

Sling was evidently the English form of the German schlange, a serpent, which with the English culverin from the French couleuvre gives the early notion of the shape of cannon. The organ pipes were the Gatling guns of the day, and the shrimps appear to have been, like the waggon bases, small guns mounted by threes in protected carts.

Of these waggon bases we may form some idea from the engravings of the Cowdray pictures, and the description of some similar engines of war used by Albany in his campaign in Scotland in 1523. Queen Margaret writes to Surrey of him: “Alsua he hath gret pavays apon vhylz (pavices upon wheels) vyth the artylery to schwt and to brek the hostys syndre, and of thys he hath mony, and every een of them hath tway scharpe swordys befoor them that nen may tawsche them.”

Sir William Bulmer in a letter to Surrey also speaks of “six carts covered with steel and brass with eight men in each and certain guns; ” he adds, that each cart “is carried with barbed horses and goeth backward.” We have here the ribaudequin figured by Grose, and the forerunner of the armoured train of modern campaigns.

The “topp pecis ” were probably like the topp darts mentioned further on, for use in the tops of ships.

^{page 227 note a} In 1512, 261. 13s. 4d. was paid to Robert Scorer for ten tons of iron shot. This rate of 21. 13s. 4. per ton -would make the cost of the 475 iron shot purchased of George Brown in 1517, for the king's basiliscus (made by Humfrey Walker), about 2s. 6½d. a piece, supposing the gun to throw a 75 lb. shot. Fronsperger in 1566 says, that the rana or basiliscus threw a ball of that weight. In 1511, Richard Sackfeld, and in 1514 Richard Scorer, are mentioned as gunstone makers at a fee of 6d. per diem. In 1523, the Emperor sent hither by Henry's request a maker of cannon balls, reckoned the best in Spain.

In the same year among the charges at Calais is one to Henry Dyke, smith, for a “1000 of ieron dysye making, to be caste in ledde.”

This may explain the frequent occurrence of an expression in the lists of stores at various forts and bulwerks.

Thus, at Hurst Castle are “quarter sling shotte of stone cast about w^t leade,” also shot of the same sort for “bases.” At St. Mawse “slinge shot of leade diced w^t stone and yron.” At Calice, “shotte of stone covered w^t leade ” for sacres and fawcons. At Guisnes “sacre shot of yrone covered w^t leade.” At Wark Castle, “fawcon shot diced w^t yron;” also “shott for bases diced and undiced.” At the castle of Stand in baye, there were “demyculveryn shotte of dice and leade;” and at Westilbery, “demycannon and fawconnet shot of brasse,” occur.

From the above it is clear that compound shot were much used in Henry VIII.'s time, and the lead-covered projectile of Sir William Armstrong had been anticipated by more than 300 years.

Whether these dice were cubes or roughly trimmed blocks one cannot tell, but no doubt it had been found that the interior surfaces of the brass guns were soon damaged by the hard and imperfectly spherical shot of iron or stone. Fronsperger, in his work on military matters, does not mention these diced shot, but perhaps by 1566 the custom had died out. It is curious that Charles V. in 1535 complained that the cannon balls fired at his forces in Africa were stamped with a lily. This probably in France answered to the rose and crown in England, which we are told was stamped on selected bows. The rose and crown is seen on ordnance of this and Elizabeth's reign.

^{page 227 note b} In 1512, gunpowder at 3½d. per lb. and saltpetre at 4d. were bought from Francis di Errona, a Spaniard, from whom similar stores had been purchased in June, 1510. Gunpowder at 4d. was also got from Ric. Faulconer, who with Hans Wolf seem to have been makes in 1514.

In 1519, gunpowder for 2001. was bought of Edmund Frende and Harmon Baghragh.

In 1525, Luke de la Arche and Geoffry Hewys were appointed gunners in the Tower, beingbound to furnish the king on demand with gunpowder at seven marks the last. La Arche having in 1533 killed one Cooke, though pardoned, forfeited the gunnership, which was then given to Anthony de Naples and William Parker on the same terms, and in addition to renew old gunpowder, for 46s. 8d. the king supplying, “sulphur, saltpetre and cole.”

In 1530, there was a purchase of twelve barrels of saltpetre at 4½d. the lb. from Thomas Aley. The barrel held about 118 lbs.

^{page 229 note a} Vol. xxxi. plate xxi. fig. 1.

^{page 229 note b} Vol. ii. pl. 25.

^{page 230 note a} In Feb. 1547, in fact on the day of Henry's funeral, Feb. 16, Lord Cobham writing to the Lord Protector mentions hagbutters who are to have 8d. per diem finding their own weapons and powder. He thinks “this increase of wages to them will not only be a great hindrance and a decay to the archery of the nation, since all men covet the highest pay, but will be a means, as they have found by experience, that the able and tall men who receive for other weapons only 6d. a day shall be greatly discouraged when they see such weak personages entertained for the harquebuse, as besides that weapon, are apt nor meet for any other service of war, and yet very few of them skilful and expert of that weapon.”

The fire-arm, though destined even to supersede the bow altogether, did not for many years take the place of that weapon in the minds of the soldiers at least, for in 1551 Barbaro the Venetian ambassador reports, “on receiving notice of the enemy's approach, the whole camp raises the English cry of bows, bows.”

^{page 231 note a} At Calais there were cross-bows called prodds, and also those called latches, with windlasses, and benders to bend small cross-bows. Quarrels are mentioned also, headed, and feathered with wood. According to Meyrick, the great arbalast was termed a latch, while the prodd was for shooting bullets.

As a sporting weapon, the use of the cross-bow was limited by statute to persons, or the servants of persons, of a certain income. At Guisnes cross-bows of steel were kept in store, and arrows and quarrels of wild fire are mentioned at many places.

^{page 232 note a} Gonzalo Fernandez writes to Charles V. in 1529, that the arms of the Earl of Desmond's men are small bows and swords.

^{page 233 note a} In December there is another payment of 21Z. 13s. 4d. to the bowyers of London for 1000 bows made in the Tower. In 1511 there is a payment to the bowyers of London for fourteen bows at 8d. each, and in 1513, Thomas Pykeman, the king's bowmaker, supplies for his use eight bows for 53s. 4d. In 1512, Henry purchased bowstaves from Anthony Bavaryn and Laurence Bouvix of Lucca. In 1512, Walter Hyndy supplies 100 sheaves of arrows with cases and girdles at 5s. each. These were for the king's guard, and in 1517, leather cases for arrows and girdles for the same are supplied for 104 men at 12d. each, while in 1529, the charge of William Temple, the king's fletcher, for the arrows, cases, and girdles, mounts to 5s. 3d. and 5s. 4d. the set. In 1518, the bows for the guard cost 3s. 4d. each, and the arrows and furniture, 5s. 4sd. In 1525, occurs a payment for 758 bows at Id. each. A petition of the bowyers of London in 1572, when bows were 40s. per 100, mentions that the price of bows had within 40 years been raised to 6Z. 10s. Od. the 100 (about 15⅕d. each), which the petitioners observe was “the price given by Henry VIII. For those selected for his service and made in the Tower, but not good; so he sent two men of science into the country where they grow, who chose 10,000, which were marked with the rose and crown, and were the goodliest ever brought into England.” Hen. Pykeman and Hen. Suthworth were bowmakers in the Tower, 1526. In 1525, 120 cases for 120 sheaves of arrows with girdles were purchased for 51., i. e. 10d. each.

^{page 235 note a} Among the royal servants, we find the two Pykeman's, father and son, as king's bowmakers in 1527; Buckstede, William Langwile, and William Temple, king's fletchers, and Henry Byrde, yeoman of the king's bows in 1528; John Wauryn, bowyer, and John Laake, arrow-head maker, in the same year; William Long, arrow-head maker at 4d. per diem in 1530, George Fownset, king's bowstring maker in 1533, and many others. Piers is mentioned as crossbow maker in 1519, and Gyllame (Bagot) the same in 1525.

^{page 235 note b} In 1529, there is a payment to Richard Rowley, blacksmith, for 2500 sockets, rings, and staples of iron to garnish archers' stakes, and 5000 archers (stakes) ready garnished with heads, sockets, rings and staples, 6l. 13s. 4d.

The Venetian ambassador, Falier, in 1531, says, the archers “have a two-pronged iron stake to resist a charge from the enemy's horse.”

^{page 237 note a} The term javelin is generally applied to a light spear, sometimes to such a one as was hurled like a dart; but though in this inventory the weapons so named might be of this kind, we must remember that the term is used in the ordinances for the royal body guard in 1509, as alternative with demi-lance, “each custrel to have his javelin or demi lance.” In 1520, there is a payment of 91l. 6s. 8d. to Sir William Skevyngton for gilt halberds and javelins for the guard, and in 1527 javelyn staves were bought in Gracyus Street at 3s. per dozen; 136 javelins occur among the arms, &c. of the ship Henry Grace Dieu in 1521.

In 1525, 4l was paid for 20 gilt javelins with leather cases, and 54s. 10d. for 47 others. The leather cases would be for the heads only, as may be seen in the case of modern Japanese weapons. Guyot¹ de Heulle sending to Henry VIII. in 1517 an abalettre (? an arquebuse) and four javelins, remarks, “they are not made here (Brussels) but are got from Italy.”

At Greenwich there was “a greate javelynge guilte.” (Harl. MS. 1419.)

^{page 237 note b} Grayne is used in the country for the tine or prong of a fish-spear. This then would be a kind of trident.

^{page 237 note 1} Was this the “Guyot an Almain,” with whom Hall mentions Henry VIII. As fighting at Greenwich in Oct. 1510 with the battle-axe?

^{page 238 note a} 1514, Nov. 9. The Marquis of Dorset to Wolsey. At a boar-hunt, “My Lord of Suffolk met the first and gave him the first stroke with the tokke, that he bowed it three ways of his hand, and slew him. And he (Dorset) struck the second with a boar-spear, that he continued not long after.”

^{page 238 note b} At the siege of Brescia in 1512 when preparing for the assault, “every man took out his knife and whittled his spear-handle to prevent its slipping.”

^{page 238 note c} Cott. MS. Julius E 4.

^{page 240 note a} Among the stores at Calais are mentioned 100 dartes for Irishmen croked (barbed). These would be for the Irish troops who were used at the siege of Boulogne, and of whom there is an interesting representation in the engraving of the picture of that siege formerly existing at Cowdray House. The Irish contingent is shown arriving with a “prey of cattle “and preceded by their bagpiper. Each of the men carries two darts in his hand, and is clad in a long shirt with his legs bare. The late Sir Sibbald Scott supposed it to be a picture of Scottish troops on account of the bag-piper, but the darts and costume of the men, together with the fact that Irish troops and not Scottish were at the siege, upsets that idea, and in Derrick's Image of Ireland in Elizabeth's reign the bag-piper is shown in the same prominent position. Among the arms, etc. of the Henry Grace Dieu in 1521 are enumerated twelve dozen casting darts.

^{page 240 note a} In 1553, a chasing staff appears among other weapons as part of the armament of the champion at the coronation. Most of the notices of cost, etc. of spears to be found in the Calendars of the State Papers refer to those used in the tilt-yard, but there are occasionally items connected with the war spear, for fuller details of which one must look under the names of Collen cliffs, Northern staves, etc.

In 1546, John Crochet, the king's armourer, and William Hayward, the king's joiner, receive 35l. 18s. 6d. for spears, spear-heads, burres nails, workmanship, carriage, &c.

In 1519, Hayward receives for 206 spears, burres, hydes, nails, &c. 24l. 5s. 8d.

In 1520, the charge for making, garnishing, and burring with leather 800 spears was only 39l. 3s. 2d. John Crochet also supplied spears for the jousts at Greenwich to the amount of 25l. 8s. 4d.

In the preparations for the Field of Cloth of Gold in 1520, 2000 mornes of steel glazed were supplied at 10d. each. These were the spear-heads for the jousts. Counter roundels at 10d. and filed burres (evidently metal ones) at 6d. were also purchased to the number of 2000, 1000 vamplets of Isebrok, that is of Innspruck steel, at 5s. each, with further charges of 10d. each for grinding and glazing, and 6d. for garnishing and lining also occur.

In 1521 we have the war-spear for service in Ireland, and making, righting, heading, and burring 200, and seasoning and making 500 more cost 42l. 18s.

In 1530, there is a charge of 4d. each for 200 spear-heads of steel. Hentzner in 1598 mentions “Lancea Caroli Branden Suffolcice quae tres spithamos crassa erat;” and in 1660, the Tower inventory mentions, “Great lances, whereof two are said to be King Henry the VIII. and one Charles Brandons, Duke of Suffolkes.” A large fluted lance is still shown under the latter title, No. .

Caesar Feramosci, writing to Henry VIII. in 1523, tells him that the emperor sends him with other things four large Neapolitan lances and two Spanish ones, which he judged would suit him. Philip de Comines mentions the bourdonasses or large hollow lances met with in the wars in Italy, and such may these have been. Hall also in his account of the tournaments, &c. at Paris on Nov. 7, in 6th of Henry VIII. says, “The Countie Galeas came into the place on a jennet trapped in blewe sattin, and he himselfe lykewise apparelled and rā a corse with a spere which was at the hed v ynches on every side square, that is xx ynches about and at the but ix ynches square that is xxxvi. ynches. This spere was tymber and yet for al that he ran cleane with it a long couise and slighteley avoided to his great honor.”

^{page 241 note a} Ferdinand of Arragon used a sheaf of arrows as a badge.

^{page 242 note a} In 1553 and 1554, their price appears to have been 8d. and 20d. though before that time eight groats had been paid; and in 1521, Henry VIII. paid John Gilkirke, factor to Sir Harmon King, for 2030 great Colen clyfts to make spears, at 10l. the hundred of six score, or 1s. 8d. each. At fol. 432b are noted 130 Colyn cleves with stele heddes.

^{page 242 note b} These were probably such axes as were used in combats in the lists, for which see the Life of Jacques de Lalain, etc. Nos. in the Tower are good specimens.

^{page 243 note a} Besides the staff weapons mentioned in the inventories here selected are others such as Flemish halberts and “Welsh glaives in the store at Calais. In the inventory these last are written “Walche gloves,” but a note of the stores at Calais in 1536 in the Record Office gives what is probably the proper reading. Whether this was the “Welsh hook “mentioned in Shakespeare, I. Hen. IV. ii., 4, or a corruption of the German Walisch-Italian, and some weapon of the glaive class, is not quite clear.

There are also in Harl. MS. 1419, among the weapons at Greenwich, “Three staves, every of them having a picke with two graynes, at the neyther end a wyrral (? ferule) of iron tynned.” Whether these were weapons, or if so what, it is impossible to say.

^{page 243 note b} Henry V. act v. prol. In 1513, in the vanguard commanded by the Earl of Shrewsbury, were three whifellers, three taboryners, and three trumpets. In this case the word means a fifer.

^{page 243 note c} See The Reliquary, N.S., vol. i. p. 4Google Scholar.

^{page 244 note a} Among the New Year's gifts to Henry in 1532, are mentioned wood-knives given by Sir John Nevyle and Thomas “Warde, and swords from Lord Awdeley, Rawlyns, and Sir Edward Seymour. The last-named gave a sword with “the hilts gilt with kalendars upon it.” This was probably a couteau de chasse, similar to one now at Vienna, on which the date, 1530, the names of Charles V. and Ambros Gemlick de Monaco are engraved, together with a calendar for that year, the Sundays and festivals being in golden characters. A much later example of the year 1686 is now in the Toẃer collection No. . In 1532, the New Tear's gifts also include a wood-knife from the Duke of Norfolk, and “2 hyngers (hangers) gilt with velvet girdles “from Lord Rocheford.

Among other presents of swords to Henry may be noted an Eastern scimetar from his friend and admirer the Marquis of Mantua, who so often presented him with valuable horses, and in the same year 1514 the cap and sword sent by the pope, and received with much state. This sword is only described as having the hilts and scabberd gilt and being a long one. Among the regalia of James I. in the Secret Jewel House in the Tower:—Item, one greate twoe handed sworde garnyshed w^th syluer and guylte presented to king Henry the VIII. “by the pope.”

In 1510, among the accounts for the revels, there is a payment to Marryn cutler for two Turkey knives at 13s. 4d. each, to be worn at the mummery. In 1512 46l. was paid to Thomas Stodarde for swords.

The Marquis Casmyris of Brandenbourg in 1515 sent Henry a sword and dagger, and Sir Richard Wingfield in referring to the gift mentions a “stokke “(tuck or estoc) which he was about to send on also. From the context it is evident that Wingfield had been commissioned by Henry to obtain weapons, just as Jerningham and others had been sent into Italy for armour, &c.

In 1520 large purchases of weapons were made for the tournaments and other sports which formed an important feature of the Field of the Cloth of Gold; and the conditions of the combats were discussed before hand. In a memorial touching these events, we find “according to Francis's opinion, which always he referreth to yours, with the more nimble sword, more strokes shall be delivered, and more gorgeously than with the pesaunt sword.” Francis also thinks that “at the barriers the heavy swords shall be much better to be occupied. The two-handed sword is left out, as it seems a dangerous weapon, and few gauntlets would stand the heavy strokes to which they would be exposed.” The above is a severe criticism on the armour of the day, and Francis may have thought that a combat with large swords would be too much in Henry's favour.

Among the purchases are 1000 myllen (Milan) swords for the tourney at 4s. each, 600 twohanded swords at 7s. 6d. each, 100 heavy swords for the tourney on horseback, with tangs of massy steel, with two bands, at 10s. each, including cutting them shorter, new binding and scaling them. Also glazing, new binding, and scaling 600 two-handed swords at 12d. each, and 400 heavy swords at 4d. each. Shortening 500 swords with new pomels and crosses at 10d. each. Swords with scabbards at 2s. 8d. each. On this occasion Bauffe Braund and Richard Pelland, armourers, were sent into Flanders and Germany for arms and armour.

Marion, the king's bladesmith, appears to have received 20s. per annum for keeping the king's swords, and a sword of his make occurs among the goods of Thomas Cromwell in 1527.

At Greenwich, also in Harleian MS. 1419, we have an early mention of one class of swords. The entry is “ij rapiers w^t guilte hiltes th'one skaberde of white velvet th'other blacke velvet.”

The date of the first notice of this weapon is as undecided as the etymology of the name, but the word does occur as early as 1520 in the accounts of the expenses of Sir Edward Guildford.

^{page 246 note a} In the guardrobe of the Tower were three other targets, and at Greenwich five, “of which two paynted w^t the kinge's armes.” (Harleian MS. 1419.) In 1521 seventeen dozen long targets and —round targets are among the arms of the Henry Grace Dieu. In the same year, among the New Tear's gifts to the king, are two long and two round targets presented by Vincent Woullf. By the term shield are doubtless meant targets in the notes of the royal jewels in 1528 and 1530, when “a shield of berall” and three shields with the salutation, a pillar and an oak, as well as three gold targets, are mentioned.

^{page 248 note a} In 1531, there is mention of a messenger carrying a letter concealed beneath the boss of his buckler.

As London bucklers have been mentioned, we may note that George Bromfelde was the king's buckler-maker, and two others of this profession, Roger Morgan in Tothil Street, and Richard Hamkyn, of King Street, Westminster, occur in the records of this reign.

^{page 250 note a} 1511. Payment to John Blewbery, for the new forge at Greenwich, made for the armourers of Brussels.

1514. Payment to John Blewbery of wages of the armourers of Milan and of Brussels.

1515. Blewbery receives 11l. 8s. for the gowns, coats, and hose of eleven Almain armourers, also 100s. for their diets.

1515. July, Aug. Sept. payments of 16Z. 12s. 6d. per month for their wages. They were then at Greenwich. In 1529, the wages for twenty-eight days amounted to 25L 6s. 9d.

In March, Blewbery had received 201. for making a harness mill; but in October, Andrew Brand, armourer, was getting 26s. 8d. per month, for the hire of his mill for cleaning the king's harness.

1516. Payments to Sir Henry Guildford for the Almain armourers, and in November, payment for some at Southwark.

1517. Sir Henry Guildford receives money for erecting two forges, and for repairs at the armoury in Southwark.

In July, payments on account, to Henry Smyth for making an armoury house at Greenwich.

1518. George Lovekyn receives 16d. per diem for “overseeing the workmen in the armoury at Greenwich.”

1519. The wages of the Almain armourers at Southwarkfor twenty-eight days were 161. 13s. 7d.; and besides 117s. 6d. paid to Sir Edward Guildford for stuff bought for the armourers at Greenwich and Southwark, in April, Sir Edward received in May, 271. 4s. the yearly charge for red cloth for the livery, and kersey for the hose of the Almain armourers.

1530. Sir Edward Guildford receives 23s. 8d. for apparel for eighteen armourers.

^{page 252 note a} In the 1564 report, we have “Animees or corslets,” and as they are mentioned in the same list with “Almaine corslets,” “Almaine rivets,” and “corslets,” there were doubtless distinctions at one time between the different defences. The anime when complete apparently included tacesa and gauntlets, which the corslet and the Almaine rivet did not. In 1569, “Animee or Almaigne corslets” are mentioned.

The “fine cote of maile edged with crymsen vellet with sleeves,” etc. and the morions and sculls which were covered with velvet or satin and garnished with gold lace, were superior pieces, and intended for officers or at least court guards.

In 1564, 5d. each was charged for cleaning shirts of mail, and 2d. each for sleeves.

The Almayne rivet in 1512, consisted of a salet (salade) gorget, a breastplate, a backplate, and a pair of splints (taces). The corslet, which was its equivalent in 1579, when the Almayne rivet had become “out of use,” included a morion or burgonet. The Almaine rivet in 1512 cost 11s. the suit.

In 1569, “Animee or Almaigne corslets” are noted as being at Westminster.

In 1516, Godfrey Home receives 1431. 6s. 8d. for 400 suits, about 7s. 1d. the suit.

In 1520, 12d. a piece was charged for cleaning Almaine rivets brought from Calais, and 4d. per suit for new buckling, leathering, and mending.

In 1515, Sir Robert “Wingfield, writing to Henry VIII. from Vienna, mentions lance knights arrayed in red with their halcretis, pikes, and guns. The halcretis were the allecrets, which, as noted above, resembled, if they were not identical with, the animes, etc.

^{page 253 note a} Brescia appears to have had a great name at this time for certain impenetrable cuirasses made there. In 1532, Carlo Capello reported to the Signory that the Duke of Norfolk and four others, including Cromwell, were very anxious to have five of these cuirasses with their coverings. The necessary measurements were sent and payment promised. The Doge and Senate having as usual discussed and voted on the subject, decided by 171 ayes to 1 no and 7 neutrals that the request should be granted: but added that they should be gifts. This last decision was carried by

177 ayes, 7 noes, and 3 neutrals.

There is a letter from Richard Thyrkill to Henry VIII. from Antwerp in 1513, in which he says lie can find “no harness of the fleur de lis in any part of Brabant.” This must refer to some Low Country armourers' mark, but nothing is known of such armour.

The tonnelet suit, No. in the Tower, certainly has a fleur de lys engraved on one of the pieces, but it hardly seems to be an armourers' mark. The gun mentioned under fire-arms in these notes also has a fleur de lys, but that is stamped on the breech, and it has the two letters w and H. Armourers did not make guns, but there may have teen exceptions.

^{page 254 note a} For some valuable remarks on the uncertain nomenclature of helmets at various times, see Ancient Helmets and Examples of Mail, by the Baron de Cosson, F.S.A. and the late W. Burges, A.R.A., 1881.

^{page 255 note a} There is in a letter of Sir H. Poulet and Sir J. Harington to the Lord Protector, Feb. 24, 1546–7, an interesting illustration of the difference between the armour for the field and that for the tilt. In the account of the proceedings at Calais in honour of the coronation of Edward VI. “6 of the men at arms of this town did challenge all comers at the ring, for lack of a tilt. Henry Dudley, to enlarge the same triumph, devised to run at random with every of the challengers and to assay the thing what they could do. Dudley and Jerningham, the Thursday before, met in the field in their hosting harness, and ran the one against the other with coronet staves, and at the second counter met so freely that both went to the ground, their harness flying about the field and their horses astonied, but (thanks to God) without hurt, both leaped on horseback again, and brake sundry staves very honestly.”

^{page 256 note a} The following are some of the notices of armour made for or purchased for the king's own use.

In 1511, Henry sent Jerningham into Germany and Italy to purchase armour, and in May Sir Robert Wingfield writes from Innspruck, that Jerningham had left that place, “and hath set all your harness … also that harness which the emperor doth send to your grace.”

In 1512, Oct. Jerningham writes from Newys (Vienna) that “the armour is all bespoken.”

In 1513, Amadus ? Azamus, i. e. Erasmus Kirkener, the king's armourer, receives 4621. 4s. 2d. for garnishing a headpiece with crown gold, garnishing a salet and mending a shapewe.

In 1514, 661. 13s. 4. was paid to the French king's armourer for making a complete harness for the king.

In 1515, Crochet, the king's armourer, receives 191. 16s. 2d. for harness.

In 1515, Peter Fever for a complete harness receives 401, and in 1518 his widow gets 1171 6s. 8d. for harness made by her late husband.

In 1516, Jacob de Wat, armourer, receives 241, and later in the same year 301. for three complete harnesses.

In March 1520, 18Z. 6s. is paid to John Crochet for harness for the king's own use.

In Feb. 1521, Ric. Harvey is paid 101. for harness for the king.

No horse armour is included in the above.

^{page 258 note a} In later inventories there is mention of an “old fashioned armor called a trundlett parcel guilte and graven,” this was shown on a horse, but how it is difficult to imagine. Trundlett is evidently the corrupted form of tonnelet.

^{page 258 note b} The head-piece, which has been at some date subsequent to its making rendered more safe for the wearer by the addition of small pierced plates behind the sight and breathing slits, is engraved on both sides of the upper part and has the Collar of the Garter with the George engraved round the neck. There are evidences of it having been partly gilt.

It bears an armourer's mark twice repeated. The lames of the skirt and the shoulder-pieces are also engraved. The Garter and the Rose point to its having belonged to Henry VIII.

^{page 262 note a} See p. 223.

^{page 262 note b} Cannon specially for stone shot.

^{page 262 note c} A sacre was a hawk.

^{page 262 note d} Now No. 10 of the Tower collection. See p. 224.

According to Fronsperger in 1561, the basiliscus threw 75 lbs. the schlange or slyng, 8 lbs. the falchana 4 lbs. the falcka or fauconnet 2 lbs. the double hake ⅛ lb. the hake ld, the half hake lb. These weights are German lbs.

The cannon of the sixteenth century varied so much in different countries and at different dates, that it is impossible to lay down any rule as to their size. Thus the cannons made at Malines by Poppenreuter for Henry VIII. in 1512, vary in weight from “The Gartter,” 2991 lbs. to “The Normandy,” 3979 lbs. The curtaldes are more uniform, “the Hartt,” of 3028 lbs. and “The Sonnarisyng” of 3083 lbs. being the extremes. Twenty-four serpentines vary between “The Falcon,” 1038 lbs. and “The Dragonn,” 1170 lbs.

About 1512, a note in the State Papers mentions that the shot of different guns were as follows: Each Apostle 20 lbs. Curtow, 60 lbs. Culverin, 20 lbs. Lizard, 12 lbs. Bombard, 260 lbs. Minion, 8 lbs. Potgun, 8 lbs.

In Elizabeth's reign, according to Sir William Monson, the cannon weighed 6000 lbs. with a shot of 60 lbs. The demy cannon, 4000 lbs. and 33½ lbs. Culverine, 4500 lbs. and 17½ lbs. the sacre, 1400 lbs. and 5½ lbs. The minion, 1000 lbs. and 4 lbs. The fawcon, 660 lbs. and 2 lbs. The demy culverine, 3400 lbs. and 9½ lbs. The fawconnet, 500 lbs. and 1frac12; lb. The robynett, 300 lbs. and ½ lb.

No. 12 of the present Tower collection, bearing the inscription, “Robert and John Owene Brithrine mad this facone, anno 1549,” has a calibre of 2¾ inches.

A sacre made by Franciscus Arcanus in 1529, and now at Woolwich, has a calibre of 3·″65, and would be about a 6-pounder. Another with a calibre of 3″·92, or a 7-pounder. A third cast by John and Robert Owen in 1535 has a calibre of 3″·75.

At Woolwich also, a culverine of 1542, by Arcanus de Arcanis, weighs 43 cwt. with a calibre of 5″·2O, or a 25-pounder.

A cannon royal by John Owen has a calibre of 8·″54, which was about the size of this class of gun in Elizabeth's reign.

^{page 265 note a} See p. 227, note ^a.

^{page 264 note a} See p. 227, note ^a.

^{page 264 note b} See p. 227.

^{page 264 note c} See p. 240.

^{page 264 note d} See p. 238.

^{page 264 note e} ? if store-carts.

^{page 264 note f} Iron cups at the end of poles for holding lights in the open air.

^{page 265 note a} Reaping-hooks.

^{page 265 note b} Crowbars.

^{page 265 note c} Flasks and priming flasks.

^{page 265 note d} Now No. at the Tower.

^{page 265 note e} See p. 239.

^{page 265 note f} See p. 238.

^{page 265 note g} Fustian of Naples.

^{page 265 note h} Nos. at the Tower.

^{page 266 note a} See p. 235.

^{page 266 note b} See p. 237.

^{page 266 note c} See p. 246.

^{page 267 note a} ? If this is No. of the Tower collection.

^{page 267 note b} See p. 237.

^{page 268 note a} In the 1542 Greenwich inventory (Record Office), The numbers vary in some cases, but the weapons are the same.

^{page 268 note b} See p. 236.

^{page 268 note c} See p. 243.

^{page 268 note d} Tucks, thrusting swords.

^{page 268 note e} Large two-handed swords.

^{page 268 note f} See p. 244.

^{page 269 note a} Lances for light horsemen. See p. 241.

^{page 269 note b} See p, 241.

^{page 269 note c} See p. 242.

^{page 269 note d} Small fire-arms between the gun and pistol in size.

^{page 270 note a} Guns for infantry soldiers made in Italy. See p. 229.

^{page 270 note b} Wheel locks.

^{page 271 note a} See p. 229.

^{page 271 note b} The double hake threw a 2 oz. ball.

^{page 271 note c} Chanfron.

^{page 271 note d} See p. 251.

^{page 271 note e} Extra plate over the breast.

^{page 271 note f} Coverings for the feet.

^{page 271 note g} Barb or bard, defence for the horse's body.

^{page 272 note a} Bitten with acid.

^{page 272 note b} Metal mounting to scabbard and attachment for suspension.

^{page 272 note c} See p. 244.

^{page 273 note a} All the items on ff. 433 and 433^d as far as the quiver, are mentioned in the Greenwich Inventory of 1542 (Record Office).

^{page 273 note b} Lambes, query bases.

^{page 273 note c} Sabatons, armour for the feet.

^{page 273 note d} Reinforcing pieces.

^{page 273 note e} Beaver, a piece protecting the lower part of the face.

^{page 273 note f} Breechloading gun.

^{page 273 note g} Wheel-lock as opposed to match-lock.

^{page 273 note h} A small gun. See p. 231.

^{page 273 note i} For the priming powder.

^{page 274 note a} The chambers were evidently carried separately from their guns.

^{page 274 note b} Swords with only one cutting edge.

^{page 274 note c} Small knife or dagger.

^{page 274 note d} Bullet mould, there being in those days no fixed calibres.

^{page 274 note e} Partesan.

^{page 274 note f} The so-called “Henry VIII. walking staff ” No. of the Tower collection.

^{page 274 note g} Guns imported from Brescia, Venice, &c.

^{page 274 note h} Pattern.

^{page 274 note i} A gyn or tripod, still used for raising heavy weights.

^{page 274 note k} No. of the Tower collection. See p. 248.

^{page 275 note a} It would appear that the breast-plate included backs and taces.

^{page 275 note b} See p. 259.

^{page 275 note c} Ardres.

^{page 275 note d} To carry the bullets.

^{page 275 note e} A pistol. See p. 231.

^{page 275 note f} Query, if with two holders for the pyrites.

^{page 276 note a} Partesans.

^{page 276 note b} In the outfit of the earl of Northumberland going to Terrouenne 5th of Henry VIII. is. “viii. yerds of white blanket for trussing of my lord's armour in.”

^{page 276 note c} Anime, from lamine, an armour composed of strips of metal. See p. 251.

^{page 277 note a} Fig. at the Tower has (wrongly) a pair of half greaves, which leave the inside of the calf uncovered. They were for a mounted man.

^{page 277 note b} Morions, head-pieces.

^{page 277 note c} The plates were on the front of the saddle, and protected the lower part of the body of the rider.

^{page 277 note d} These were for the inside of the bend of the arm, armpit, &c. and attached to a garment worn under the armour.

^{page 277 note e} Fluted.

^{page 278 note a} For the tourney.

^{page 278 note b} To alter the fashion.

^{page 278 note c} See p. 255.

^{page 278 note d} For war.

^{page 279 note a} Now of the Tower collection. See p. 257.

^{page 279 note b} Crinet, defence for horse's neck.

^{page 279 note c} See p. 257.

^{page 279 note d} Tonnelet. See p. 258.

^{page 279 note e} Main de fer; gauntlet for bridle-hand.

^{page 279 note f} See p. 259.

^{page 280 note a} On foot.