^{page 43 note 1} Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia, iii, 794, 1872Google Scholar; New edn. iii, 817, 1939. Amari, if willing to allow the existence of a school of ceramics in Sicily from Muhammadan times, refrains from attributions of date or origin: the Mazzara vases are Spanish—of the Isles (i.e. the Balearics) or of the mainland. He refers, for the term ‘Siculo-moresques’ to which he demurs, to , Marryat, A History of Pottery, 2nd edn., 44, 1857.Google Scholar This error having passed into the new edn. of the Storia, it is time to point out, so far as concerns Marryat, that ‘Siculo-moresque’ made its appearance as the attribution of a Syrian jar, ‘brought from Caltagirone’, among the additions, initialled ‘A.S.’ to the French transltion, Paris, 1866, i, 27-9, fig. 11, of Marryat's 2nd edn., ‘ouvrage traduit de l'anglais … et accompagné de notes et d'additions par le Comte d'Armaillé et Salvetat’, whence it was, not unnaturally, incorporated in the 3rd edn., London, 1868-9—‘Siculo-Moresco’. Darcel had already used ‘italo-moresques’ in 1864, in the catalogue, Louvre, Musée de la Renaissance, Série G, Notice des fayences peintes, 47.Google Scholar But Demmin in 1868, Rassegna archeologica siciliana, 1871, certain sale catalogues: J. Paul, Hamburg, 1882, Villa Salviatino, Florence, 1891; Les Arts, 1902, the Madrid Boletin de la Soc. Española de Excursiones, 1903, Curtis, Roger of Sicily, 1912, have carried on an attribution to Sicily which was almost inevitably applied to the ‘Giarra di S. Ugo’, by E. Mauceri in 1930. The question, as to the vases of Mazzara, can hardly be said to have entered a new phase since the excavation in medieval Syracuse of lustred fragments and glass weights bearing the names of members of the Fatimid governing house, 975-1094 (published by Orsi, P., Boll. d'Arte, ix, 249, 1915),Google Scholar the crucial point being the claim asserted for the vases to have been made in Sicily so long after the decay of Muslim culture (A.D. 827-1061; Norman rulers, 1043-1194)asto display staple motives of the Hispano-Moresque ornament developed between the rise of the Almohades (1148-) and the early fourteenth century.

^{page 43 note 2} Souvenirs de Grenade et de l'Alhambra, 1837, explication des planches.

^{page 43 note 3} Journal du voyage d'Espagne, 1659–1960, 83Google Scholar; he says ‘de grands vases de terre peinte, aussi belle que de la porcelaine, où il n'y avait pour lors, sinon quelques fleurs en quelques uns'.

^{page 45 note 1} The prefatory statement to the continuation: ‘An tigüedades árabes de Espafña. Parte segunda que contiene los letreros arabigos que quedan en el palacio de la Alhambra de Granada, y algunos de la ciudad de Córdova, Publicadas por la Real Academia de San Fernando e inter pretados y explicados de acuerdo suyo por Don Pablo Lozano.bibliotecariode S.M. (etc.), Madrid en la Imprenta Real, año de 1804’—establishes that the undated original part of the Antigüedades árabes appeared anonymously under the auspices of the Conde de Floridablanca (Don José Mofñino) when Minister of State, i.e. 1777-92; what evidence there may be for the date 1785 the writer has not been able to discover. Also that the inception of the work dated from 1764, but the original drawings being found inadequate, the execution of fresh ones was confided to two Directors of the Academy de S. Fernando, Don J. de Villanueva and Don P. Arnal, under the directorship of Don J. de Hermosilla. Different engravers were employed upon the plates of this part, but only pl. xxiv is lettered, by M. S. Canmona. The Heredia, later Foulché Delbosc copy of the Antigüedades árabes, includes a supplementary issue of 23 of the plates of the second part, with Casiri's readings of additional inscriptions, inserted upon them.

^{page 44 note 2} Or at latest until some date between 1804 (when, beside the existing vase, there was to be found at the Alhambra another that was copied for the Academy, R. of Fernando—Contreras, S., Estudio descriptivo, 2nd edn. 1878, p. 293)Google Scholar and 1814, when the vase extant to-day was in a room looking on to the Court of the Echeverria, Myrtles—, Paseos, 2nd edn., p. 192.Google Scholar The second or missing vase was (according to Ford, 1845, p. 375) broken during the governorship of Montilla, c. 1808, who used the fragments as receptacles for flowers. Owen Jones refers to the accident as having happened only a few years before, the pieces being sold to travellers—Plans, etc., 1837, i, pl. 45. In 1869 Henri Regnault writes that a vase neck is, he believes, in the house of Señor Contreras, at , Granada; Correspondence, p. 314Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 1} The measurements given in the table of the Antigüe dades árabes, pt. i, for the existing vase, figured in pl. 18, are ‘su altura quatro pies, y trece dedos; el mayor diámetro dos piesy seis dedos’. If the Castillian foot (pié) is equivalent to 28 cm., and the ‘finger’, 18 mm., a height of 1354 mm. results, against a recently published height of 1365 mm. or about 4 ft. 5 3/5 fin. According to Davillier, the vase measures 1·36 m. height by 2·25 m. (about 7 ft. 3 7/5 in.) circumference.

^{page 45 note 2} Herzfeld, ‘Arabesque’, in Enc. of Islam; O.E.D.

^{page 45 note 3} Cf. Balbás, Torres, ‘Los modillones de lóbulos’,Archivo esp. de artey arqueol. xii, 57, 54 fig. and those from the remains of the mosque at Almeria, ibid., pl. xviii. The ornament, derived from Al-Hakem and Almanzor's additions to the Mosque of Cordova, described as ‘una gran hoja digitada e incurvada, sin duda de palma’, should be compared with the photograph, Terrasse, L'art hisp. mor., pl. XXXVIII, where the central motive of the modillion is given an ultra-naturalistic touch-up. The opinion, op. cit., p. 345, as to the part played by the palm-branch is based upon insufficient evidence.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 1} , Marcais, Les poteries et faïences de Bougie, pl. v, n. 6, 7; XII, 9; cf. p. 16.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 2} , Yakut, Dictionary, iv, 497,Google Scholar quoted by Rios, Amador de los, Murcia y Albacete, p. 777Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 3} Cited from the Encyclopaedia of Allah, Ibn Fadl, Homenage á D. Francisco Codera, pp. 470–1.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 4} Van de Put, 'Le ceramiche ispano-moresche, Faenza, Boll, del Museo internaz. delle Ceramiche, xx, xi-xiv.

^{page 46 note 5} At Malaga, 1016-57; at Algeciras, 1039-58 (?); Khalifs (after Sulaiman, Umayyad), 1016-26. See also Appendix, 2: Mazzara II Vase. The Hammudids were succeeded by the Zirids, of Granada, 1090.

^{page 47 note 1} , Gómez-Moreno,‘La loza dorada primitiva de Málaga’, Al-Andalus, v, 386, etc., 1940Google Scholar (in progress). Robles, Guillén, Malaga musulmana, 1880, parte segunda, cap. ii, 546–53,Google Scholar gives a record of finds, vocabulary survivals, etc. A document published by J. Temboury, from the Malaga archives, shows the failure of its ceramic industry subsequently to the conquest of the city in 1487 to have been more radical than has been supposed. A petition of 3rd January 1491 requests the repartidor to assign quarters in pursuance of the awards made by King Ferdinand, and in particular two houses and their appurtenances for as many ‘mestros de hacer vedriado’, i.e. potters, in technical acceptance, makers of enamelled ware, which the city had decided to send for to Valencia for the restoration of thesaid ‘…oficio de hacer vedriado’. The preamble refers to the old time industry. The date is that (1491, O.S.) of the fall of the Alhambra, , Granada, Al-Andalus, iv, 433Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 2} The entry, the only one of its period, occurs in the London Record Office MS. K.R. Customs 124/11. An account of the New Custom on cloth, wax, and goods subject to poundage, imported or exported by aliens at the port of Sandwich, 10th February 1302—3-4th May 1303. Originally published by Mr. Salzmann, L. F., F.S.A., English Trade in the Middle Ages, pp. 415–16;Google Scholar then by , Gras, The Early English Custom System, p. 269Google Scholar; for facsimile, cf. Put, Van de, F.S.A., The Valencian Styles of Hispano-Moresque Pottery, pl. 1; pp. 18, 83Google Scholar.

^{page 48 note 1} Jones, Owen and Goury, Jules, Plans, Elevations, Sections and Details of the Alhambra, from Drawings taken on the Spot in 1834 by the late M. Jules Goury, and in 1834and 1837 by Owen Jones, Archt., 2 vols., Fol., London, 1842.Google Scholar (Hereinafter referred to as ‘J. & G.’)

^{page 49 note 1} In spite of a theory of origin which would derive Almohade arabesque from the fusion of the Hellenistic, acanthine plant-form of the Khalifate (cf. Medina az-Zahra) and the nondescript Abbasid style of Samarra, under Fatimid influence in Ifriqiya (Tunisia), there is an underlying evolution of contour, of which the leaf shapes of Cordovan ivory carvings, as of the spandrels of the great mihrab at Cordova, of one style at the Aljaferia and finally, of Almoravide digitated arabesque, are capable, which appears to have provided Abd al-Mumin's designers with material for this plain outline plant-form.

^{page 49 note 1} The African dovetail between Cordova and Granada was apprehended in regard at least to the Almohades by Prangey, Girault de, Essai sur l' architecture des Arabes et des Mores en Espagne, en Sidle et en Barbarie, 1841, pp. x, xi.Google Scholar The essential synthesis is demonstrated by the French art-historians of North Africa and notably by Messieurs Henri Terrasse, the late Henri Basset, Prosper Ricard, J. de la Neziére, also in Spain by the Marqués de Loyoza, Senior L. Torres Balbás, and others—more especially in the works referred to below. (See Appendix, 4.)

^{page 50 note 1} , Terrasse, L'Art hisp.-mor., p. 379.Google Scholar Abd al-Mumin's mosque interiors are decoratively of a peculiar sobriety, the plant-form display being confined to the carved capitals, whereas the spare, large-scale interlacing round mihrab frames and friezes justifies the epithet décor large (cf. , Basset and , Terrasse, ‘Kotobîy, Les deux’, Hespéris, vi, 161, 168, xxvi-xxxvii,Google Scholar especially the contrast between the mosque interior and the Cordovan pulpit with ‘digitated’ arabesque, made in Spain for Abd al-Mumin, 206-7). Whether this applied to civil interiors is unknown.Certainly the exterior decoration, as of minarets, might be profuse, in fact the early arabesque forms are preserved in the mural paintings of the Kutubia minaret, which has a brilliant cresting of white and turquoise tilework. Where known the few artists recorded are Andalusian; but the dynasty was short-lived and the inevitable reaction had set in under Abd al-Mumin's two building successors, even if the extravagances of the taifa school were not repeated.

^{page 52 note 1} , Marçais, L'Arl en Algérie, p. 110Google Scholar; cf. Enc. of Islam, iii, 488, figs. 1-10Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 1} Put, A. Van de, F.S.A., The Valencian Styles of Hispano-Moresque Pottery, 1404-54,Google Scholar etc. A companion to the Apuntes sobre Cerámica morisca of the late Don G. J. de Osma. New York (Hispanic Society of America), 1938.

^{page 53 note 1} ‘item una peça de drap malaqui encetada, la qual havem donada a la infanta Johana, ab floratges de seda blancha, blava, groga e morada’…‘item una aljuba de drap de seda malaqui, ab lo camp groch, ab algunes obres d or.’ Documents per l' Historia de la Cultura catalana migeval, publicats per A. Rubio y Lluch, i, 210, 211. To Dr. Henry Thomas, F.S.A., I am indebted for the meaning of the Catalan encetada, which for want of a succinct English equivalent, it has seemed preferable to give in a note: encetada describes a piece of cloth which has already been cut into. For the lengthy, sleeved jubba, longer behind than before, cf. , Dozy, Diet, des noms de vétements arabes, p. 107Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 1} Put, Van de, ‘Some Fifteenth-century Spanish Carpets’, Burlington Magazine, xix, 346–7.Google Scholar

^{page 53 note 1} Gallotti, on the lantern of the Kutubia minaret (1194-7), in Hespéris, iii, 39-42, pls. I, 11. In the derj ou ktef pattern of the architectural 7reseau de mailles’ or ‘red de lozanges’, (hisp.) the segmentary curves supply the ‘shoulders’, the intervening right angles, the ‘steps’. Cf. Maslow, on the mosques of Fcz, 50, 59, 70, 181-2, figs. 17, 18; 181-2, and contents table, sub minaret. The interlacing is described as the last development, a purely decorative one, of the intersecting arches of the Khalifate, Torres Balbás in Al-Andalus, ii, 390Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 1} J. & G., 1, ix-xi, xxiv; II, xxvii.

^{page 54 note 2} For the Alhambra, Saladin, p. 26, cf. pp. 23-5. For Salé, De la Nezière, xlix.

^{page 54 note 3} Basset and Lévi-Provençal, ‘Chella. L'écriture kou fique’, in Hespéris, ii, 305-6, fig. 52, xiv. Here, in therichest example, the carver's preoccupation is stated to have been less a legible text than the best possible decorative effect. For the gate inscription, ibid., 300, fig. 51, cf. De la Neziére, xlv.

^{page 55 note 1} J. & G., 1, xix-xxi.

^{page 55 note 2} J. & G., 1, mejuar, xxv; Hall of the Bark, vi, xi, xii; of the Ambassadors, xxxvi; for adaptation of the fleuron as an Andalusian pottery motive, , Kühnel, in Jahrbuch der asiatischen Kunst, ii, 175 pl. 100, figs. 9-11;and myGoogle ScholarHispano-Moresque Supplementary Studies, p. 46Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 3} Saladin, p. 37; Mayer, p. 9.

^{page 55 note 4} ‘It is a phenomenon almost miraculous in its character —in the painting of this period, that in the art of the thirteenth century there re-emerge in the designs of this pottery of Rayy characteristics which primitively belonged to the art of the Sasanians, whose empire had been swept by the Arab conquerors in the middle of the seventh century’ (Sir Arnold, T., The Islamic Book, p. 65Google Scholar; and Survivals of Sasanian and Manichaean Art in Persian Painting, passim).

^{page 55 note 5} Put, Van de, Hisp.-Mor. Supp. Studies, pp. 28–9.Google Scholar The dish in the British Museum found at Bristol, decorated with the tree between two antelopes, is reproduced in Society's Proceedings, xviii, 331.

^{page 56 note 1} I owe photographs and descriptive details of this vase to the courtesy of Mr. J. Lodge, Director of the Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution.

^{page 56 note 2} , Reprod. by , Sarre, Jahrb. der Kgl. Preuss. Kunstsammlungen, xxiv, 122Google Scholar; also Torres, Ferrandis, Los vasos de la Alhambra, pl. viii (a), also in Boletin de la Soc. Esp. de Excursiones, xxxviiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 56 note 3} Cf. enlarged reprod. of the Alhambra vase neck, Folch y Torres, ‘El tesoro artistico de España’, La cerámica, vi.

^{page 56 note 4} Balbàs, Torres, in Archivo de arte y arqueologia, vii, 194, 209, vi.Google Scholar

^{page 57 note 1} Cf. J. & G., i, pi. XLII, centre; Saladin, pl. 38; also Hall of the Abencerrages, pl. 31; J. & G., i, pls. 32, 33. Part of the repeat or unit composing the band is found as window tracery in the Hall of the Bark, temp. Yusuf I, J. & G., ii, pl. XLIV. These instances are, of course, fourteenth century; undated sepulchral slabs, excavated by Señor Torres Balbás, in the Raúda or cemetery of Muhammad V, may also be cited for such interlacing, Archivo espanol de arte y arqueologia, ii, 273. Jones, Owen, Grammar of Ornament, xxxix, no. 10,Google Scholar illustrates a lessspacious version of this particular geometrical composition.

^{page 57 note 2} Rios, J. Amador de los, Mon. arquit. de Espana: Toledo, pp. 242, 395,Google Scholar the Casa de Mesa, 1357.

^{page 57 note 3} At the Alhambra, J. & G., I, xxviii-xxx.

^{page 57 note 4} Cf. Ilium. Manuscripts in the British Museum, Series I-IV, Bedford Horae, c. 1423; Horae of Savoy, after 1450; of Charles the Bold, 1473. For Spain, culminating in the missal of Card. Ximenes de Cisneros, Dominguez de Bordona, Manuscritos con pinturas, i.

^{page 58 note 1} Ed. Gayangos, P. de in History of Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, iii, 236.Google Scholar For the palace of the Tree under Muktadir, Strange, Le, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 256Google Scholar; both tenth-century instances. The Cordovan ivory workshops were presumably housed in the palace of Medina az-Zahra. Marq. de Loyoza says of the Umayyad silks (of Almeria?) that animal forms are often, the human figure rarely, represented, Hist, del arte hispánico, i, 265, 268-91; for a series of stuffs with animate form delineations, cf. Kendrick, A. F.. Textiles in Spanish Art (Burl. Mag. monograph), p. 59, pls. 1-5, 8Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 2} For the proscription contained in the various collections of which, cf. , Wensinck, A Handbook ofEarly Muham-madan Tradition, p. 108,Google Scholarsub Images—‘Muhammad curses those who make—’ (etc.). As to the primitive Arabian idols, cf. Palmer's Introduction to The Qur'an, Sacred Books of the East, vi, pp. xii, xiii.

^{page 58 note 3} Enc. of Islam, iv, 555, 556.

^{page 58 note 4} Documents inedits d'histoire Almohade, pub. et trad, par E. Lévi-Provençal, p. 18.

^{page 59 note 1} ‘The Origins of Persian Painting’, 'Apollo, x, 315. For the earlier literature of the subject, cf. K. A. C. Creswell F.S.A., A Provisional Bibliography of Painting in Muham madan Art (to 1919; privately printed).

^{page 59 note 2} The numismatic styles carrying the clues to these allegiances are summarized as regards Western Islam by Berchem, M. van, ‘Titres califiens d'Occident à propos de quelques monnaies merinides et ziyannides’, in Journal asiatique, 10 Ser. ix, 245Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 3} B. and E. M. Wishaw's ascriptions of Shi'ism to Muhammad al-Ahmar of Granada, to the Abbasid Khalif Al-Mustansir and the Almoravide Sultan, Yusuf bin-Tashfin, are entirely erroneous, Arabic Spain, pp. 292, 280, 251; cf. p. 286 note.

^{page 59 note 4} Marq. de Lozoya, i, 255, fig. 319. Sarthou Carreras, Datos para la hist, de Jativa, i; Museum, vi, 230.

^{page 60 note 1} Edrisi, Géographic (ii⁵⁴), trad. Aubert, i, 18. Ghana, under the fetishist king Tenkhamenin, is described as comprising two towns, one royal, containing the idols, the other Muhammadan. The buildings were of stone and acacia wood. Bakri, Al, Descr. de l' Afrique septentrionale, trad. De Slane, p. 381Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 2} For architectural ornament under the Almoravides, , Marçais, Les Monuments arabes de Tlemcen, cap. iiiGoogle Scholar; , Terrasse, L'Art hisp.moresque, p. 230, pls. XLIV (b), XLV, and fig. 38Google Scholar; , Maslow, Les Mosquées de Fez, pp. x, xi, 165, pls.L-LVI, fig. 140; Marq. de Lozoya, i, cap. ix. For the Hud-dite Aljaferia at Saragossa,Google ScholarGotor, Gascon de, in Museum, vi, 79Google Scholar; , Terrasse, op. cit., pp. 200, xxxviii-ixGoogle Scholar; De Lozoya, i, 232, figs. 290-5.

^{page 60 note 3} Rawd al-Qartas, of Ibn abi-Zar, ed. Beaunier, pp. 78-9; Spanish ed. Huici, p. 59.

^{page 60 note 4} Quoted by Simonet, Cuadroi histor. y descr.de Granada, pp. 178-9, from Ibn Khaldun's Prolegomena, the Arabic text, ed. De Slane, p. 267.

^{page 60 note 5} , Migeon, Manuel d'art musulman, ii, fig. 87Google Scholar; Marq. deLozoya, ii, 255, fig. 317; , Terrasse, L'Art hisp.-mor. p. 166, note 2.Google Scholar For similarly figured tanks at Marrakesh with inscriptions referring to Amirids of the reign of Hisham II of Cordova, cf. , Gallotti, in Hespéris, iii, 363, pl. 111,Google Scholar and , Terrasse, op. cit., pp. 167, xxxviiGoogle Scholar; at Madrid, Mus. arqueol., of which that at Granada is a copy, Hespéris, iii, 380, 381, fig., Terrasse, p. 167.

^{page 61 note 1} Almagro Cardenas, p. 74, photogr.

^{page 61 note 2} , Post, A History of Spanish Painting, ii, 160, figs.Google Scholar 136-7; Lozoya, ii, 370, figs. 392-4. For the coloured copies (made between 1834 and 1837) of these since sadly deteriorated works, the painting of the ‘Kings’ especially, J. & G., i, pis. XLVI-XLVIII.

^{page 61 note 3} ‘atribuyé á San Fernando emblemas no usados hasta el siglo XV.’ Rios, J.Amador de los, Trofeos militares de la Reconquista, 1893, p. 202 note.Google Scholar

^{page 62 note 1} The shields of this type displayed in the Alcázar of Seville have the Banda sable, the dragons' heads gules, the field argent. This, at a time (reign of Peter I, the Cruel) when the insignia of the Order consisted of a Banda or upon a surcoat gules(‘sobresenales bermejas con Vanda de oro’); an exact reversal of the tincturing of the Banda arms, or shield depicted on the original Statute book of the Order, as reported by Argote de Molina: or a Banda gules engouled of dragons' head vert. Motto: Fe y Fidal gufa. Cf. Informe propuesto a la Comision Provincial de Monumentos historicos acerca del significado de los blasones de la Banda … en el Alcázar de Sevilla. Por Don F. Caballero Infante y Don J. Gestoso y Pérez, Sevilla, 1896.

^{page 62 note 2} Cf. G. J. de Osma, Apuntes sobre cerámica morisca, III. Las Divisas del Rey … 1909, pp. 40-8 (esp. 45), the most critical account of the Banda whether as to the sash itself, or the shield and banner of the Order. Here I would note the somewhat confusing but real distinction that was in practice involved by (a) the official Banda shield as above, and (b) the Banda insignia as figured with the arms of individual knights of the Order, i.e. a narrow filet in bend, or bendlet, gules (resembling the sash as worn over the r. shoulder and beneath the 1. arm) upon a shield or. An instance of the usage (b) occurs as to the Henriquez arms, accompanied by a gold shield and the red bendlet, upon the armorial carpet from the convent of Sta. Clara, , Palencia; Burl. Mag. xix, 348 and 311, col. pl.Google Scholar Shields of type (b) make an unexpected appearance upon the frieze below the painted ceiling of the Hall of the Kings in the Alhambra, J. & G., i, pi. xlvi.

^{page 62 note 3} , Heiss, Descr. de las monedas hisp.-crist., i, pl. 11, nos. 1–3, 7; pl. 16, no. 51; text, pp. 91-106.Google Scholar

^{page 62 note 4} For a clearer reproduction see Malcolm Letts, F.S.A., The Diary of Jörg von Ehingen, 1929.

^{page 63 note 1} , Gómez-Moreno, Pinturas de moms en la Alhambra, 1916; De Lozoya, ii, 426, figs. 451, 452.Google Scholar

^{page 63 note 2} A fragment of a similar plaque is reproduced by , Riviére, La Ceramique dans l'art musulman, ii, pl. 92.Google Scholar The Albaicin plaque measures, height 90 cm.

^{page 63 note 3} Signs that an incongruous completion of one of the six crosses, by means of its lower fleuron, was avoided are perhaps visible in the central shield on the spectator's left.

^{page 63 note 4} Into whose collection the plaque passed from that of the duke of Dino in 1894. It is mentioned in a letter of 1871 from its then owner, the painter Mariano Fortuny, to Charles Davillier (Fortuny, Sa Vie, son ceuvre, p. 70).Google Scholar Cf. Regnault, Henri for events in the Albaicín in 1869, Correspondence, p. 308.Google Scholar

^{page 63 note 5} The sale catalogue, Atelier de Fortuny … Noticespar … Baron Davillier, 1875, p. 99, no. 44; p. 101,Google Scholar gives Schefer's attribution of the reference in the inscription to Yusuf I, the Abu'l-Hajjaj of 1332-54. The sultan's name is not given. For the equation Abu 'l-Hajjaj — Yusuf, cf. A. de Longpérier's memoir, ‘Vase arabo-sicilien de l'oeuvre Salemon’, Æuvres, i, 495. The revised ascription to Yusuf III, 1408-17, appeared in Wallis, Henry, The Oriental Influence on the Ceramic Art of the Renaissance, xxvi, fig. 42, 1900,Google Scholar and later in Osma, G. J. de, Apuntes, i, 35, 1906,Google Scholar from which I translate. ‘There is no room for doubt that Yusuf III (who reigned from 1409 till 1418) is mentioned in the great tile which, from a courtyard in the Albaicin, became part of the Fortuny Collection.’

^{page 63 note 6} Asulejos sevillanos del siglo XIII, 1902, 46; 45, no. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 64 note 1} Published by Gómez-Moreno, , Homenaje á D. Per- nando Codera, pp. 268–9; and byGoogle ScholarBalbás, Torres, Archivo esp. de artey arqueol. vii, 205, 199, 207Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 2} For the ‘Pendón de las Navas’, Ríos, J. Amador de los, Trofeos militares, pp. 27-48, 83, 84, 196, pl. (i), and reproduced in colour,Google ScholarKendrick, A. F., in Spanish Art {Burl. Mag. monograph), Textiles, p. 68, pl. 11Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 3} Brockwell, Weale and, The Van Eycks and Their Art, p. 199.Google Scholar

^{page 65 note 1} Osma, G. J. de, Apuntes, op. cit. iii, 45–8.Google Scholar If the Banda records are not free from contradictions, the scarf or sash worn by knights of the Order being apparently of different colours at various times, neither can the names of Spanishflagsbe characterized as anything but confusing, The Chronicle of John II refers to a pendón real (of the arms of Castiile and Leon) and an estandarte de la Banda which, temp. Ferdinand the Catholic, had become the guión de la Vanda Real de Castilla, the ensign of the sovereign as bearing his personal device. It is noteworthy that a trick of the Banda shield in the ‘Libro de Camara’ of the Infante D. Juan, 1503, shows the banda adragantada in black on red ink (note 3, p. 48, cf. the tincturing of the armorial roundels in the Alcázar of Seville, temp. Pedro the Cruel),

^{page 66 note 1} Itinerarium hispanicum Hieronymi Monetarii, 1494- 95, Munich, cod. lat. 431, ed. L. Pfandl, f. 140, in Revue hispanique, xlviii, 47. The latin text runs: 'Quesivi autem a castellano de insigni Regis, an etiam pomum granatum pro insigni haberet, et an alicubi insigne suum depictum esset. Qui respondit, quod nullum insigne haberet, nisi clipeum ad formam illam, in cuius medio scriptum esset litteris eorum: Hile gallila, id est: Nullus victor preter Deum; Solus Deus omnia potest. Et illud insigne in variis locis pictum erat coloris celestini. Miinzer and his party, who were given letters of introduction by the governor of Almeria, a Neapolitan, were received with marked distinction by Tendilla. At an audience granted by Ferdinand and Isabel at Madrid in January 1495, Münzer i n his oration refers to his journey to Spain from Germany as ‘favore serenissimi regis nostri Maximiliani’ (127).

^{page 66 note 2} For musico read, of course, musivo—denoting a fictile inlay, here with undoubted reference to ceramic incrustations and tilework. Itinerarium hisp., op. cit., f. 156, in Rev. hisp. xlviii, 70. His account of the Valencian industry is moreover confirmed, at several points, by the local documentary evidence, e.g. the manner of packing the wares for export, the cities whither exported, the opulence of the potters, etc., op. cit., f. 25; Rev. hisp. pp. 26-7.

^{page 66 note 3} The Book of the Knowledge of all the Kingdoms … of the World (etc.). Written by a Spanish Franciscan in the middle of the fourteenth century. Translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham, p. 14, pi. 15.no. 19. (Hakluyt Soc, xxix.)

^{page 67 note 1} Las Siete Partidas, Madrid, , 1807, ii, 549.Google Scholar ‘Que quiere decir privillejo et en que manera debe ser fecho.’ Here the rueda is designated ‘la rueda del signo’, and it has ‘en medio el nombre del rey quel da’ and its ‘cerco mayor’ must be inscribed with the ‘nombre del alferez et del mayordomo, como la confirman’. The code issued, early in Alfonso's reign, in 1258, makes no allusion to arms within the rueda. A charter granted by Alfonso X in 1255 contains within the inner band, inscribed Signo Del Reydon Alfonso, a cross flory voided. The confirming vassals include Muhammad I of Granada, and Moorish kings of Murcia and Niebla; cf. Hispanic Soc. of America, Handbook Mus. and Liby. Collns., 354, fig. and sep. pubn. ed. A. D. Savage, 1928.

^{page 67 note 6} Reproduced from Escudero de la Pena's article already referred to. The arms, as borne before the addition of the pomegranate in point for Granada, 1492, are charged upon an eagle displayed, and accompanied by the respectivebadges of Ferdinand, a yoke, i and 4, and of Isabel, a sheaf of arrows, 2 and 3, upon fields purpure and gules in the corners of the miniature. Upon the inner band of the rueda are the words: Signo. Del. Rei. Don Fernando: 1 De La. Reina: Dona. Isabel. The outer gives the confirming official El Marques, Don. Diego. Lopes Pachec(O) Maiordomo. Maior. Del. Rey i De La Reina: Confirm(A). This is the second marquess of Villena, to whom his father D. Juan Pacheco had ceded the title of Villena (1445) in 1468, dying 1st October 1474. Fernandez de Bethencourt is less clear as to D. Diego's succession to the office of Mayordomo mayor (Master of the Palace), granted to his father in 1445 and applying to the then heir-apparent, Don Enrique (IV).Hist. gen. y heráld., ii, 164, cf. 196-8, 203.

^{page 68 note 1} Osma, De, Azulejos sevillanos, 45, no. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 2} It may be mentioned that neither the Aragonese nor Navarrese sovereigns employed a rueda in their charters. The question whether at any period the sultans of Granada are known to have employed such a sign upon theirdiplomatic instruments is no doubt disposed of by a communication obligingly made to the writer by Senor G. Masa, Director of the Simancas Archivo General, that nothing of the kind exists in that depot.

^{page 68 note 3} Museo Español de Antigüedades, v, 260-1; and for the rueda temp. Ferdinand and Isabella, p. 261.

^{page 68 note 4} Epitome de la Crónica del Rey Don Juan el Segundo, Madrid, 1678, p. 250. He served at the invasion and battle of the Vega of Granada in 1431, also at that of Olmedo, 1445. His son Alvaro de Mendoza was created count of Castrogeriz in 1480, Haro, López de,Nobiliarioe genealógico, 1622, pp. £84Google Scholar-5; but this title is given to Ruy Diaz in the Epitome, as well as by Imhoff, Genealogiœ viginti illustrium in Hispania familiarum, p. 190.

^{page 68 note 5} Epitome, p. 167. At the invasion of Granada, aforesaid, he is styled by his father's office, ‘Notario Mayor de Toledo, que fué despues Alferez mayor de Castilla,y Conde de Cifuentes.’ Juan Alvarez Delgadillo served as ‘Alferez mayor’ at the opening of the Granada campaign, 1429; he was in office in 1426, and appears to havesucceeded Juan de Avellaneda, lord of Yzcar, Epitome, pp. 113-14. He fought at Aljubarrota, 1385; was Castillian envoy at the Council of Basel, where he had a dispute over precedence with the English representative, Haro, López de, op. cit. i, 534–6.Google Scholar He was created count of Cifuentes in 1454.

^{page 69 note 1} This example, figured Rodríguez, Biblioteca universalde polygraphia espanola, 1738, shows plain fields to the quarterings; the occurrence of diapering in these spaces may probably be inferred to be exceptional, though whether any late seal of John II throws light upon his documentary armorials the writer has not been able to establish, Certain it is that the royal sigillographic arms took rueda form.

^{page 70 note 1} Cf. Lévi-Provencal's account of the Nasrids, Enc. of Islam, iii, 880; also González-Palencia. If Lane-Poole and Zambaur take the opposite view, according to which Yusuf was a male Nasrid, yet both he and his grandfather, the Red King, sprang from a line collateral to that of the Sultans Ismael I, Muhammad IV, Yusuf I and Muham- mad V. The direct or non-collateral Ansar extraction, referred to in a verse inscribed upon the fountain in the Court of the Lions, no doubt carries a reflection upon the descent of Muhammad VI, the Red King, a usurper (1359-61) under Muhammad V. The Nasrids claimed descent through the tribe of Khazraj from the Ansar or Helpers of the Prophet after his flight from Mecca.

^{page 70 note 2} One of the Frontier Epics (Romances Fronterizos) ‘El moro Abenámar’ has for its subject the wooing of Granada by King John II in 1431. After the Moor has pointed out the architectural wonders of the Alhambra, the Generalife, etc., the King makes his declaration:

‘Si tú quisieses, Granada,

contigo me casaria;

daréte en arras y dote

a Córdoba y a Sevilla.’

Granada's reply is:

‘Casada soy, rey don Juan,

casada soy, que no viuda;

el moro que a mi me tiene,

muy grande bien me quería.’

Duran,Romancero general, no. 1038; cf. Fitzmaurice Kelly, Chapters on Spanish Literature, p. 109.

^{page 70 note 3} Martine de la Puente, Epitome, op. cit., lib. iii, caps, xviii-xx; , Conde, op. cit. (Engl. edn. Bohn's Lib.), iii, cap. xxxGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note 1} J. Amador de los Rfos, ‘Memoria … sobre las tréguas celebradas en 1439 entre los reyes de Castillay de Granada’, in Memorias de la R. Academia de la Historia, ix, esp. pp. 49-50. The map here given of the limits of the sultan ate of Granada under the treaty shows a frontier running from a point on the coast about half-way between Algeciras and Gibraltar, N. by Ximena to Zahara, then NE. by Canete and Antequera to Cuevas Altas, thence taking a series of curves, E., by Alcala la Real,. Huelma, Solera, Cabrera, to Huescar; then SW. to Albox; thence NW. to Los Velez (Rubio and Blanco) and at Tiricia running SE. along the Murcian border to the coast between Vera and Almazarron. The places italicized were constituted to be of free concourse for Moors, Christians, and Jews,

^{page 71 note 2} Martinez de la Puente, op. cit., lib. iv, cap. x; Conde, op. cit. (Bohn), iii, caps, xxxi-xxxii.

^{page 72 note 1} One definition of the Sharia gives it as the canon law of Islam, Enc. of Islam; another, the Divine or Positive Law, The Legacy of Islam, p. 288. For the Sunna, above, Section iv, 3.

^{page 72 note 2} Hern, de Baeza,‘Lascosas que pasaron entre los Reyes de Granada desde el tiempo de el rrey don Juan de Castilla segundo de este nombre, hasta que los catholicos reyes ganaron el rreyno de Granada’, in M. J. Müller, Die letzten Zeiten von Granada, 1863. Baeza, who is described as a friend and contemporary of Boabdil (Sultan Muham-mad XI), had anything but an accurate knowledge of the events of Saad's lifetime, and makes him the successor of Muhammad VIII, ignoring the first reign of Muhammad X. When in turn Saad is expelled by the Moors they raise ‘another king’ to the throne: this unnamed personage is Muhammad X in his second regnal period. His account of the negotiations that led to Saad's return to power is valuable but the reign itself is ‘telescoped’ (op. cit., pp. 60-2).

^{page 72 note 3} Cf. Marq. de Lozoya, ii, 427, fig. 453.

^{page 73 note 1} (Translated.) Apuntes, i, 35. The preceding passage, referring to the Albaicin plaque, has already been cited, p. 63, note 3. The reign of Yusuf III (d. 1424) is usually dated 1407-17.

^{page 73 note 2} Catalogue of Hispano-Moresque Pottery in the Collection of the Hispanic Society of America, by Alice Wilson Frothingham, p. 109, 1936.

^{page 73 note 3} Catalogue, op. cit., p. 112.