^{page 103 note 1} Coxe, W., Travels in Switzerland, i (1789), pp. 244 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 103 note 2} In an inquiry of this nature the assistance of those who are more closely acquainted with the material under review is particularly valuable. I would like to express my gratitude for generous help given me by Professor Marcel Beck and P. Rudolph Henggeler, O.S.B. Owing t o lack of space the article has had to be curtailed.

^{page 103 note 3} Plummer, C., Baedae Opera Historica, ii (1896), pp. 157 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 103 note 4} Bede, , Historia Ecclesiastica, iii, 13Google Scholar.

^{page 103 note 5} Wilson, H. A., The Calendar of St. Willibrord (Henry Bradshaw Society, lv, 1918), p. 36Google Scholar.

^{page 103 note 6} As it was later assumed to be at Echternach. Studien und Mittheilungen aus dem Benedictiner-Orden, iii (Munich, 1883), pp. 321Google Scholar f. St. Oswald's head is associated in the same paragraph with St. Willibrord's body by Bertelius, J., Historia Luxembergensis (Cologne, 1605), p. 160Google Scholar. When Echternach had maintained its independence against the archbishop of Trier by the decision of the Emperor Henry VI on 5th August 1192, the monks instituted an annual festival of St. Oswald and of St. Willibrord to be celebrated on that day. Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores (M.G.SS.), xxiii, 72; Wampach, C., Geschichte der Grundherrschaft Echternach, i, 2 (Luxemburg, 1930), p. 381Google Scholar.

^{page 103 note 7} See the valuable note in Plummer, , op. cit. ii, 159 ffGoogle Scholar. Curiously there is no mention of Zug either here or in the Acta Sanctorum, Aug. ii, pp. 89 ff.

^{page 103 note 8} The circles mark churches and the crosses altars, together with one relic and one painting.

^{page 104 note 1} M.G.SS. xx, 666 ff.; Kraus, F. X., Die Kunstdenkmäler des Kreises Konstanz (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1887), pp. 231 ffGoogle Scholar. Admittedly Petershausen is a few yards across the modern Swiss border, which for our present purpose may be conveniently ignored.

^{page 104 note 2} It is not quite clear whether the records are speaking of one or two chapels. Hardegger, A., Die alte Stiftskirche und die ehemaligen Klostergebäude in St. Gallen (Zurich, 1917), pp. 30Google Scholar f., assumes that there were two (cf. plan opp. p. 40), following Watt, Joachim v. (Vadian), Chronik der Aebte des Klosters St. Gallen (ed. Götzinger, E.), i (St. Gall, 1875), pp. 242Google Scholar ff., 129. See also the account of Fabaria, Conrad de in Mittheilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte, xvii (St. Gall, 1879), p. 143Google Scholar, and for the later endowments of the chapel Urkundenbuch der Abtei Sanct Gallen, iii (St. Gall, 1875), pp. 73Google Scholar f., 138, 725. Sequences of St. Thomas and St. Oswald may have been composed for the dedication. Werner, J., Notkers Sequenzen (Aarau, 1901) P. 53Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 1} Wüscher-Becchi, E., Die Abtei Allerheiligen zu Schaffhausen (Basle, 1917), p. 126Google Scholar; Frauenfelder, R. in Heimat-Klänge [weekly supplement of the Zuger Nachrichten] (30th Oct. 1927)Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 2} Lehmann, H., Das ehemalige Cisterzienserkloster Maris Stella bei Wettingen (Aarau, 1926), pp. 19Google Scholar f. Relics of St. Oswald were included in the altar of the chapel of SS. Felix and Regula consecrated in 1256 M.G.SS. xv, ii, 1286.

^{page 105 note 3} Ringholz, O., Geschichte des fürstlichen Benediktiner stiftes U. L. F. Einsiedeln, i (Einsiedeln, 1902), pp. 72Google Scholar, 135 ff. The inference that St. Oswald was included in the original dedication could only be made from a later addition in a fourteenth-century hand to an otherwise twelfth century manuscript. Meier, G., Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum qui in Biblioteca Monasterii Einsidlensis O.S.B. servantur (Leipzig, 1899), p. 94Google Scholar. For the date of the older foundation cf. Schiess, T., Quellenwerk zur Entstehung der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft Abt. 1: Urkunden i (Aarau, 1933), p. 51Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 4} That St. Oswald did not penetrate so far as either Lausanne or Sion we may learn from the careful studies of the dedications in those dioceses, which have already been published. Benzenrath, W., Die Kirchenpatrone der alien Diözese Lausanne itn Mittelalter (FreiburgSwiss], 1914)Google Scholar; Gruber, E., Die Stiftungsheiligen der Diözese Sitten im Mittelalter (Freiburg [Swiss], 1932)Google Scholar. Nor is there any trace of him in Savoy. Burlet, J., Le culte de Dieu, etc., en Savoie avant la Révolution (Chambéry, 1922)Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 5} Quellen zur schweizerischen Geschichte, iii (Basle, 1883), pp. 140 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 105 note 6} Beiträge zur vaterländischen Geschichte, ii (Schaffhausen, 1866), pp. 43 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 1} Preferred to the more usual date of 1053 by König, E., Die süddeutschen Welfen als Klostergründer (Stuttgart, 1934), pp. 12 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 2} Grierson, P. in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, xxiii (1941), p. 99Google Scholar.

^{page 106 note 3} ‘Miscellanea Biographica’ in Surtees Society, viii (1838), pp. 14 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 4} Durham, Symeon of, Historia Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, i (1882), pp. 94 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 5} It is not unlikely that Judith was acquainted with St. Oswald before she came to England, and devotion to the royal martyr kindled in earlier years may have encouraged her to acquire the relics in Northumbria. In 1038 relics of St. Oswald had been brought over from England to the monastery of St. Winnoc at Bergues in Flanders. Their chequered history may be read in Pruvost, A., Chronique et cartulaire de l'abbaye de Bergues Saint-Winnoc (Bruges, 1875),Google Scholarpassim. For the manuscript Vita by Drogo and the miniatures of the saint cf. Mémoires de la Société Royale des sciences et de l'agriculture et des de Lille, Anneé 1839, ii (Lille, 1840), pp. 196Google Scholar ff.; Catalogue général des Manuscrits des bibliothèques de France, xxvi (Paris, 1897), p. 662Google Scholar f. The offices of St. Winnoc and of St. Oswald have been published in Annales du Comité flamand de France, xxxv (Lille, 1926), pp. 1 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 6} Hess, G., Monumentorum Guelficorum Pars Historica (Kempten, 1784), p. 116Google Scholar. An alternative description from the Fulda MS. Aa 21 is given on p. 153. This treasure, of which we shall hear more later, remained intact until the beginning of the nineteenth century. A brief account of it is given in Gercken, P. W., Reisen durch Schwaben, etc., i (Stendal, 1783), p. 119Google Scholar. Grierson, , op. cit. p. 110Google Scholar, thinks that Judith died in 1095 or later. For the relic of the Holy Blood cf. Ellerhorst, W., Die Geschichte des HI. Blutes zu Weingarten (Weingarten, 1937)Google Scholar.

^{page 106 note 7} Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte xl (Stuttgart, 1934), pp. 34Google Scholar ff. It may be recalled that we found St. Oswald linked with St. Martin at Peters-hausen as early as 1129. In later centuries his cult may have been eclipsed by the increasing popularity of the relic of the Holy Blood. So far as I am aware the only representation of St. Oswald in the present baroque church is the large statue over the facade (1719) by Schmidt, Anton Kuen. R. and Burckheit, H., Die Kunst und Altertums-Denkmale in Württemberg. Oberamt Ravensburg (Stuttgart, 1931), p. 194Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 1} Poeschel, E., Die Kunstdenkmäler des Kantons Graubünden, iii (Basle, 1940), p. 46Google Scholar. We know that St. Oswald's Day was observed at Chur as early as the twelfth century, Juvalt, W. v., Necrologium Curiense (Chur, 1867), p. 77Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 2} Poeschel, E., Das Burgenbuch von Graubünden (Zurich, 1929), pp. 51f.Google Scholar; Krüger, E., Der Ursprungdes Welfenhauses und seine Verzweigung in Suddeutschland (Wolfenbüttel, 1899), pp. 431 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 107 note 3} Hoffmann, G., Kirchenheilige in Württemberg (Stuttgart, 1932), p. 31Google ScholarPubMed and passim.

^{page 107 note 4} Two factors may have contributed to the growth of St. Oswald's popularity in the later Middle Ages. The first is the emergence of the warrior saints in the West from the eleventh century onwards. Erdmann, C., Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, 1935), pp. 11 f.Google Scholar, 253 ff., 216 ff. That a change of emphasis of this kind must have affected the cult of St. Oswald is shown by a sentence in Manegold of Lautenbach's apologia for waging war against the Emperor. ‘Hinc est quod sanctissimus uir rex Oswaldus contra barbaros pro patria et pro fide dimicans et a Penda rege Merciorum bello superatus et occisus signis atque miraculis martyris probatur coronatus.’ M. G. Libelli, i, 399. Secondly is the growing veneration for saints of aristocratic lineage. Schreiber, G., Deutschland und Spanien (Düsseldorf, 1936), pp. 19Google Scholar ff. It has been remarked that every saint represented on the church at Zug is of royal blood. In a fifteenth-century manuscript at Trier we find: ‘Rex Oswaldus, natione anglicus, nobilissimam et religiosissimam genealogiam duxit.’ Analecta Bollandiana, lii (1934), p. 188Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 5} Anzeiger für schweizerische Geschichte, xi (1910), pp. 21 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 109 note 1} Birchler, L., Die Kunstdenkmäler des Kantons Zug [K.K.Z.], ii (Basle, 1935), p. 127Google Scholar. A carefully documented description of the church may be found in this elaborate monograph.

^{page 109 note 2} Ibid., pp. 242 ff., pl. 188-9.

^{page 109 note 3} Henggeler, R., Die Patrozinien im Gebiete des Kantons Zug (Zug, 1932), pp. 129Google Scholar ff. There is a record in 1425 a family of the name of Oswald, which continued in Zug until the seventeenth century. Iten, A., Meyer, W. J., and Zumbach, E., Wappenbuch des Kantons Zug (Zug, n. d. p. 75Google Scholar. There is some slight evidence that the church was built on the site of an earlier chapel dedicated to st. Anne or Oswald, St.. K.K.Z., p. 127Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 4} Except for certain extracts, more particularly in Der Geschichtsfreund, ii (Einsiedeln, 1845), pp. 82Google Scholar ff. Father Henggeler, however, hopes soon to publish the whole in a critical edition. He has contributed an introductory article to Heimat-Klänge (6th Sept. 1946)Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 5} The only close parallel known to me is the more voluminous but less personal accounts for the building of Milan cathedral in 1387-91. Annali delta fabbrica del Duomo di Milano, i (Milan, 1883)Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 6} For this reason I have taken the liberty of conflating some of the passages cited below.

^{page 110 note 1} Neujahrsblatt der literarischen Gesellschaft Bern auf das Jahr 1892 (Berne, 1893), pp. 3ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 110 note 2} Gunton, S., The History of the Church of Peterburgh (1686), pp. 12Google Scholar ff., 24, 251; the Chronicle of Hugh Candidus in Sharpe, J., Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii (1723), pp. 34, 49 ff. [E. T. by W. T. Mellows (Peter- borough, 1941), pp. 27, 41], where the highly amusing story is told of how Prior Aethelwold rescued the relic from the DanesGoogle Scholar; Malmesbury, William of, De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum (1870), pp. 317Google Scholar f., casts doubts upon the authenticity of the relic.

^{page 110 note 3} It has been published in a German translation by Lang, C., Historisch-theologischer Grundriss der alt und jeweiligen christlichen Welt (Einsiedeln, 1692), p. 912Google Scholar.

^{page 111 note 1} The seal is that of William of Ramsey (1471-96) and is similar to those recorded in Birch, W. de G., Catalogue of Seals in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum, i (1887), p. 702Google Scholar, 33840. 1528-40? and Victoria County History, Northamptonshire, ii, 95, attributed to John Deeping (1409-39). Painted ovai 9 cm. X 5 cm.: St. Peter with tiara and nimbus, rested in a carved and canopied niche, lifting up the right hand in benediction, between St. Paul with sword on the left and St. Andrew( ?) on the right in two smaller but similar niches. In base the abbot mitred between two shields of arms, that on the right indistinct and that on the left with two keys in saltire and a cross crosslet between them.

+ DNI: DN?…Abbatis: De: Burgo: Sci: Petri According to the books of reference the arms of the abbey of Peterborough were two keys in saltire, to which four cross crosslets fitchy were added when the see was founded in 1541. This is evidently inaccurate. Our Fellow Mr. H. S. London kindly tells me that the four crosslets are found in the College of Arms MS. L. 10, f. 66v (c. 1520), and the seal at Zug may be held to date them as early as 1481. According to Gunton, op. cit., p. 62, the chapel of St. Oswald was in the south aisle of the nave, so it may be possible to identify precisely the scene of the event narrated,

^{page 112 note 1} Dorez, L., Les manuscrits à peintures de la bibliotheque de Lord Leicester à Holkham Hall, Norfolk (Paris, 1908), pp. 5Google Scholar ff.;Harrsen, M., ‘The Countess Flanders and the Library of Weingarten Abbey’ in Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, xxiv (c. 1930), pp. 1 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; The Pierpont Morgan Library (New York, 1930), pp. 20 ff.Google Scholar; Swarzenski, H., The Berthold Missal (New York, 1943), pp. 1 ffGoogle Scholar. The identification of the female figure kneeling at the foot of the Crucifixion miniature in Morgan MS. 709 with the Countess Judith first made by Haseloff, A. in Deutsche Literaturzeitung, xxvi (Leipzig, 1905)Google Scholar, col. 1998 ff., and apparently still assumed by Swarzenski, must be discounted if we are to accept the earlier date (c. 1020) now given to the MS. Cf. The Pierpont Morgan Library. Exhibition of Illuminated Manuscripts, etc. (New York, 1934), pp. 10 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 112 note 2} Fulda MS. Aa 21; Stuttgart MS. H.B. 11. 46.

^{page 112 note 3} Related at length in an article based on the Weingarten records atStuttgart, in Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte, N. F. ix (Stuttgart, 1900), pp. 421 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 112 note 4} Hess, G., Prodromus Monumentorum Guelficorum seu Catalogus Abbatum Imperialis Monasterii Weingartensis (Augsburg, 1781), p. 200Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 1} Gougaud, L., Les saints irlandais hors d'Irlande (Louvain, 1936), pp. 95 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 113 note 2} Henggeler, , op. cit., p. 131Google Scholar. Yet another relic of St. Oswald's bones was received from Masmiinster (Alsace) in 1654.

^{page 113 note 3} So I have been kindly assured by Dr. Schwendimann.

^{page 113 note 4} Amiet, J., Das Ursus-Pfarrstift der Stadt Solothurn (Solothurn, 1878), p. 440Google Scholar; Rahn, J. R., Die mittelalterlichen Kunstdenkmäler des Cantons Solothurn (Zurich, 1893), pp. 209 f.Google Scholar; Schwendimann, F., Die Schatzkammer der SanktUrsen-Kirche in Solothurn (Solothurn, 1935), p. 7Google Scholar; Braun, J., Die Reliquiare des christlichen Kultes und ihre Entwicklung (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1940), p. 393Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 5} Rehfuss, E. O., Hans Felder, ein spätgotischer Baumeister (Innsbruck, 1922)Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 6} K.K.Z., pp. 157 f., pl. 92; Zuger Neujahrsblatt (Zug, 1934), pp. 11 ff. and plGoogle Scholar.

^{page 113 note 7} A cross flory between five (or four) martlets (or doves).

^{page 114 note 1} K.K.Z., pp. 132, 255 f.

^{page 114 note 2} Dedler, J. H., Universal Lexikon (Leipzig, 1750), s.v. ZugGoogle Scholar.

^{page 114 note 3} Dr. Birchler suggests that the shield with the cross and four birds may be identical with one of these latter shields, K.K.Z., pp. 133, 131. The arms of Scotland in medieval Germany were the figure of a pilgrim in a black habit, with or without a red cup. Merz, W., Die Wappenrolle von Zürich (Zurich, 1927), p. 11Google Scholar f. (cf. p. 104, where similar canting arms are ascribed to the ‘Bettler’ family); Kraus, F. X., Die Miniaturen der Manesse'schen Liederhandschrift (Strassburg, 1887), pl. 3Google Scholar. InRichental, Ulrich von, Das Conciliumbuch geschechen zü Costencz (Augsburg, 1483), p. ciGoogle Scholar, the pilgrim has degenerated into a golliwog. On the silver mounting (1578) of St. Fintan's cup at Rheinau (see below) the arms of the saint are given as ‘Quarterly 1 and 4, amoor; 2 and 3, Scotland.’ Anzeiger für schweizerische Altertumskunde, v (Zurich, 1884), pp. 6 ffGoogle Scholar The personal arms given to St. Oswald in England are various, e.g. ‘Gu. a cross fiory Or’ (west window at Minster Lovell), Diary of Richard Symonds (Camden Society, 1859), P. 16Google Scholar; ‘Purpure a cross Or between four lions rampant’, Foster, J., Two Tudor Books of Arms (n. d.), p. 11Google Scholar; ‘Az, a cross patée Or between four lions rampant Ar.’, Husenbeth, F. C., Emblems of Saints (1882), App. II, p. 29Google Scholar; ‘a banneret of gold and purple interwoven paly Or bendy’ (set over his tomb at Bardney), Camden, W., Remains concerning Britain (1870), p. 228.Google Scholar(I owe this last reference to Mr. London.) In common with other English saints he bears ‘Quarterly 1 and 4. Three crowns 2 and 3. The leopards of England, in pretence a lion rampant crowned’ in the engravings of the sainted ances- tors of the Emperor Maximilian I. Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, iv (Vienna, 1886), pl. 74Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 4} K.K.Z., p. 175, pi. 107. Dr. Birchler has made the mistake of confusing this king of the Welsh with the king of the West Saxons of the same name who was baptized at Rome in 688. Bede, , Hist. Eccles. v, 7Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 5} K.K.Z., p. 236, pl. 183 f.

^{page 115 note 1} Swarzenski, H., op. cit., pl. LVIGoogle Scholara and fig. 118. I have not seen a reproduction of the twelfth-century miniature at Bergues (see below), and at the time of my inquiry the manuscript was still inaccessible by reason of the war. In a mid-twelfth-century wall-painting in the Nonnberg at Salzburg a crowned figure with a palm-branch in his right hand is thought, with good reason, to represent St. Oswald. Kunstgeschichtliches Jahrbuch der K. K. Zentral-Commission, iii (Vienna, 1909), pp. 25Google Scholar ff. The writer's conclusions (based on comparison with a manuscript at Vienna) are, I would suggest, reinforced by the fact that in an eleventh century Salzburg missal St. Oswald's name is grouped with those of St. Gregory and St. Benedict, who also figure in the Nonnberg paintings. Lechner, A., Mittelalterliche Kirchenfeste und Kalendarien in Bayern (Freiburgim-Breisgau, 1891), p. 135Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 2} Bede, , Hist. Eccles. iii, 6Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 3} e.g. ‘an arm of St. Oswald covered with silver plates’ at Paul's, St., London (1245)Google Scholar. Archaeologia, 1 (1887), p. 470Google Scholar; and another at Lorch (fifteenth century), M.G.SS. xxiii, 385.

^{page 115 note 4} Swarzenski, H., op. cit., pl. xxvGoogle Scholar.

^{page 115 note 5} Ibid., fig. 125.

^{page 115 note 6} Lutze, E., Die Bilderhandschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen (Erlangen, 1936), p. 178Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 7} The best introduction to the poem is that contained in Ehrismann, G., Geschichte der deutschen Literatur bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, II, i (Munich, 1922), pp. 328Google Scholar ff., where the relevant literature is catalogued.

^{page 116 note 1} The existing manuscripts are divided into three families, distinguished as MS (the Munich text), ZN (the prose text), and wo (the Vienna text). Here I am quoting from the Munich version.

Oswald's marriage with the daughter of Cynegils of Wessex, at whose baptism he stood as sponsor, is the historical basis of the story. The raven and certain other features may be connected with the elaborated version of his life as related by Reginald of Durham in the twelfth century. Durham, Symeon of, Opera Omnia, i (1882), pp. 326 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 116 note 2} Baesecke, G., Der Münchener Oswald (Breslau, 1907), p. 155Google Scholar, 11. 3339 ff. Baesecke dates this interpolation not later than 1250, citing a parallel to 11. 3339 f. in the Wolfdietrich B. poem.

^{page 116 note 3} Oswald is recommended to preserve his chastity by means of a water-tub, derived from a very odd and ancient story, more familiar, perhaps, as that of the Provost of Aquileia. Baesecke, , op. cit., p. 162Google Scholar, 11. 37045.; Gougaud, L., Devotional and Ascetic Practices in the Middle Ages (1927), p. 168Google Scholar, with bibliography. It has not, I think, been noticed hitherto that St. Oswald is made the hero of this story both in our German legend and in a fourteenth-century English homily, which may indicate some unexplored point of contact between English and German literature at this period. Gerould, G. H., The North English Homily Collection (1902), p. 73Google Scholar.

^{page 116 note 4} Another theory in explanation of the cup is occasionally advanced. In the prose version (ZN) the origin of the raven is related. He was sent from heaven with a letter from St. Peter and a vessel containing chrism for the coronation of Oswald. Zingerle, I. V., Die Oswaldlegende und ihre Beziehung zur deutschen Mythologie (Stuttgart, 1856), p. 43Google Scholar. This is obviously derived from the famous legend of the chrism brought by a dove for the baptism of Clovis. Schramm, P. E. in Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, lvii (Kan. Abt. xxv) (Weimar, 1936), pp. 309 ff.Google Scholar; Bloch, M., Les rois thaumaturges (Paris, 1924), pp. 244Google Scholar ff. This episode in the Oswald legend is said to be represented by a sixteenth-century picture in the church of Pawigl in the Tyrol. Berger, A., ‘Die Oswaldlegende in der deutschen Literatur’ in Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur, xi (Halle, 1886), p. 427Google Scholar. Berger is of the opinion that St. Oswald's cup is really a chrismatory, which, together with the raven, was derived from this story, the story itself being interpolated into the legend for religious reasons, He admits surprise that the raven so often carries the ring in his beak and can only regard it as a concession to the more secular legend. This theory is also tentatively advanced in Braun, J., Tracht und Attribute der Heiligen in der deutschen Kunst (Stuttgart, 1943), pp. 571Google Scholar ff., but i n view of the evidence I have just quoted it will have to be abandoned. On the other hand, it is quite possible that the covered cup may at a later stage have been interpreted as a chrismatory, especially when it became the custom to perch the raven upon it. A very similar reinterpretation of an attribute can be observed when the three golden balls of St. Nicholas are at times transformed into apples or loaves to correspond with later developments of the legend. Meisen, K., Nikolauskult und Nikolausbrauch im Abendlande (Düsseldorf, 1931), pp. 209Google Scholar f. That the origin of the raven could be completely forgotten is shown by Stua, G. P. della, Vita di S. Oswaldo re di Nortumberland e martire colla storia del suo culto (Udine, 1769), p. 29Google Scholar, where the raven [dove] is held to be a subtle allusion to St. Columba and the ring a ‘hieroglyphic’!

It is most improbable that the chrismatory can be seen, as alleged, on the thirteenth-century ‘signaculum’ described in the Journal of the British Archaeological Association, xxiii (1867), p. 328Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 1} The legend may well have been propagated in districts where St. Oswald was already popular. The manuscript at Schaffhausen ends with the following inscription: ‘Heinricus Beck pro tempore socius diuinorum et capellanus in Schaffusa familiariter pro simplicibus Christi deuote uulgarizauit se pio correctori anno Domini 1472. Bittet Gott für in.’ Wuescher-Becchi, E., op. cit., p. 127Google Scholar. An element in the story is thought to have been borrowed for a local Schaffhausen legend. Vetter, F. in Festschrift des Kantons Schaffhausen zur Bundesfeier 1901 (Schaffhausen, 1901)Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 2} Scenes from the legend are extremely rare in art. The battle with the pagans and their subsequent baptism is represented in a fifteenth-century altarpiece at St. Katharina im Kathal, Styria. Mittheilungen der K. K. Central-Commission, N. F. iii (Vienna, 1858), p. 331Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 3} Meyer, H., Die schweizerische Sitte der Fenster- und Wappen-schenkung vom 15 bis iy Jahrhundert (Frauenfeld, 1884)Google Scholar; Schmitz, H., Die Glasgemdlde des königlichen Kunstgewerbemuseums in Berlin (Berlin, 1913), pp. 173 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 117 note 4} Lehmann, H., Lukas Zeiner und die spätgotische Glasmalerei in Zürich (Zurich, 1926), pp. 40Google Scholar ff,, pl. VII.

^{page 117 note 5} Lehmann, H., Das Kloster Wettingen, op. cit., pp. 69 f., 95 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 118 note 1} There is an almost exact replica of the cup shown here in the museum at Zurich. Lehmann, H., Schweizerisches Landesmuseutn in Zürich. Der Silberschatz I: Trinkgefässe Zürcherischer Goldschmiede (Basle, 1929), p. 5Google Scholar, pl. 1. Another is admirably illustrated in Falke, O. von, Alte Goldschmiedewerke im Zürcher Kunsthaus (Zurich, 1928), pl. 117Google Scholar. At Basle a more stumpy specimen is attributed to the fourteenth century, and another, thought to be the work of an Augsburg craftsman, once belonged to Luther, Martin. Major, E., Historisches Museum, Basel (Basle, 1930), pls. III, VIGoogle Scholar. It is worth remarking that a cup.of this character was associated with St. Fintan also, and was long preserved at. Rheinau as the cup which the saint brought with him from Scotland. Unfortunately it was sold to a dealer for 30,000 francs in 1883 and has since then disappeared. Fietz, H., Die Kunstdenkmdler des Kantons Zürich, i (Basle, 1938), p. 332Google Scholar. The cup is illustrated in Zapf, , Reisen in einige Klöster Schwabens (Erlangen, 1786), fig. 10Google Scholar. We may remark in passing that St. Oswald is engraved on some eighteenth-century chalices at Rheinau. Fietz, H., op. cit., pp. 292, 296Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 2} Lehmann, H., Die Chorstühle in der ehemaligen Cister cienser-Abtei Wettingen (Zurich, 1901), pl. 7Google Scholar. Possibly he was included by the choice of the abbot Peter Schmid, a native of Baar in canton Zug.

^{page 118 note 3} By Nikolaus Bluntschli (Wyss no. 75); another, one year earlier, is at Aarau. Lehmann, H., Die Glasgemälde im kantonalen Museum in Aarau (Aarau, 1897), p. 31Google Scholar(Wyss no. 74); and Wyss no. 259. In the elaborate catalogue of Zug stained glass by Wyss, F. [Verzeichnis Zugerischer Glasgemälde und Scheibenrisse (1941)]Google Scholar, of which there are typescript copies in the public library at Zug and in the library of the National Museum, Zurich, a number of other panels figuring St. Oswald are listed.

^{page 118 note 4} K.K.Z., pp. 251 f., pl. 193.

^{page 118 note 5} Bede, , Hist. Eccles. iii, 2. This scene has been occasionally represented elsewhere, e.g. a woodcut inGoogle ScholarDistelmair, C., Icones Sanctorum (Augsburg, n. d.)Google Scholar, and in a glass panel dated 1687 in the Sudeley collection formerly at Toddington House. Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, xxiii (1900), p. 185Google Scholar. The collection was dispersed at Munich in 1911 and the present whereabouts of this particular item are not known, (It is perhaps worth remarking that it must be almost contemporary with the picture We are discussing.) Lehmann, H., Sammlung Lord Sudeley (Munich, 1911), p. 90, 32Google Scholar(Wyss no. 586). A very similar cross is supported by a statue attributed to J. L. Brandenberg in the church at Oberwil. K.K.Z. i (1934), p. 294Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 6} K.K.Z., pp. 284 f., pl. 217; Kaiser, J. in Zuger Neujahrsblatt (Zug, 1929), pp. 65 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 119 note 1} K.K.Z. i, pp. 15 ff., pl. 8; Corraggioni, L., Münzgeschichte der Schweiz (Geneva, 1896), pp. 73Google Scholar f., pl. xx. Dicken and half-dicken, 1612-17, and a gold ducat, 1692. Dicken and half-dicken were struck from 1611 onwards with the bust of St. Oswald (still distinguished by raven and cup), and gold ducats at the end of the century. I am greatly indebted to Father Henggeler for giving me casts of the coins and medals.

^{page 119 note 2} Serrure, C. A., Histoire de la souveraineté de's Heerenberg (The Hague and Paris, 1860), pp. 32Google Scholar ff. Lack of space precludes our discussing in detail the connexion between St. Oswald and the Counts of ‘s Heerenberg in Gelderland. Oswald I was born on the 28th Feb. 1442, the feast of St. Oswald of Worcester, and was given this name at his baptism on 24th April with evident allusion to St. Oswald of Northumbria, the patron of the neighbouring parish of Zeddam. The parish is first mentioned in 1211 and until 1399 included the castle of 's Heerenberg within its boundaries. The name Oswald continued in the family until as late as the middle of the eighteenth century. Schilfgaarde, A. P., Het Archief van het Huis Bergh. Inleiding (The Hague, 1932), pp. 29, 35Google Scholar; Fabritius, W., Erläuterungen zum geschichtlichen Atlas der Rheinprovinz, i (Bonn, 1909), p. 429Google Scholar; Voorloopige lijst der nederlandsche Monumenten dan Geschiedenis en Kunst, iv. —De Provincie Gelderland (Utrecht, 1917), pp. 33Google Scholar ff. The Bishop of Deventer tells me that, despite the connexion with St. Willibrord and a relic of St. Oswald's head in the Old Catholic museum at Utrecht, there is very little trace of the cult of St. Oswald in Holland. Anglo-Saxon dedications are said to be surprisingly few on the Lower Rhine. Stüwer, W., Die Patrocinien im Kölner Grossarchidiakonat Xanten (Bonn, 1938), p. 138Google Scholar. [28th Feb. is called ‘S. Oswalditag’ in a document of 1405 relating to the town of Chur. Archiv fur Kunde österreichischer Geschichtsquellen, xv (Vienna, 1856), p. 354.]Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 3} Fluri, A., Die Berner Schulpfennige und Tischlivierer 1622-1798 (Berne, 1910), pp. 22Google Scholar ff. Medals were also given at Berne for proficiency in the catechism and the psalms.

^{page 119 note 4} Coxe, W., op. cit. ii (1791), pp. 343Google Scholar f.

^{page 119 note 5} Jahresbericht der kantonalen Industrie-Schule und des städtischen Obergymnasiums in Zug (Zug, 1883/1884), pp. 24 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 119 note 6} Göldlin, B. L., Sittliche Lobrede auf den heiligen König und Blutzeugen Oswalds Stadt-Patron der hochlobigen und altkatholischen Stadt Zug (Zug, 1769)Google Scholar. The author is well read and quotes Hume as the latest authority on Oswald. There is no reference to the raven and the ring. The raven, however, is mentioned in an equally - eulogistic poem published early in the seventeenth century by a Zug writer. Schell, P., Historia von S. Oswaldi leben und wunderwercken (Constance 1617)Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 1} Duhr, B., Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, i (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1907), pp. 324Google Scholar and 211 ff.

^{page 120 note 2} Programmes came in early, in the seventeenth cen- tury, and, since the plays were usually in Latin, they often provided a fairly full synopsis of the plot.

^{page 120 note 3} Ehret, J., Das Jesuitentheater zu Frëiburg in der Schweiz, i (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1921), p. 195Google Scholar; illustrated in Duhr, , op. cit. ii (1913), p. 284Google Scholar. Among English heroes of Jesuit plays in Germany, St. Thomas of Canterbury and Mary Stuart are only to be expected. But why Richard III and the Prince Henry who went down on the White Ship? Presumably their lives provided the element of tragedy required by the budding dramatists. Müller, J., Das Jesuitendrama in den Ländern deutscher Zunge vom Anfang bis zum Hochbarock, ii (Augsburg, 1930), p. 92Google Scholar. For a critique of this play see Eberle, O., Theatergeschichte der Innern Schweiz (Konigsberg, 1929), p. 73Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 4} Burgherr, W., Johannes Mahler, ein schweizerischer Dramatiker der Gegenreformation (Berne, 1925), pp. 12 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 120 note 5} Morel, P. Gall in Der Geschichtsfreund, xvii (1861), p. 82Google Scholar. The writer believed the play to have been written by Eberhard for the dedication of St. Oswald's, but later admitted his mistake. A summary of the last two acts (derived from the Einsiedeln MS.) has been published in Baechtold, J., Geschichte der deutschen Literatur in der Schweiz (Frauenfeld, 1892)Google Scholar, Notes p. in, and at greater length in Burgherr, , op. cit., pp. 54Google Scholar ff. Both these writers and Eberle agree that the text of the whole play has disappeared.

^{page 120 note 6} Eberle, , op. cit., p. 131Google Scholar; Burgherr, , op. cit., pp. 113 ffGoogle Scholar. The authorship has been attributed to P. Michael Wickart, a Capucin, whose festal sermon on St. Oswald was published the following year.